Anantasūra’s Inscriptions: Why Among Others?

Toe Hla Professor of History, Mandalay University and Head, Myanmar Historical Commission (Retd)

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ABSTRACT This paper assesses the thirteenth century inscriptions of Anantasūra and his wife at Maṅ:nansū (Minnanthu) Village in East Bagan. The identity of the donor and significance of the couple’s donation of a monastery, , lands, slaves and other goods is detailed. The explanation of the primary information from the inscriptions underlines the historical value of the epigraphy of Bagan and its role in understanding the social and religious life of this period.

Figure 1. Lehmyethha temple in scaffolding after 2016 earthquake

Introduction I once prepared a paper entitled “Anantasūra Kyokcā Le,-lā-khyak, AD 1224- 1235-- A Study of Anantasūra’s Inscriptions, AD 1224-1235” that attempted to portray the life of Pugaṁ (Bagan) people and their belief system with special reference to . This paper translates, summarizes and updates my previous publication. It is a study of three inscription stones, erected by a Pugaṁ aristocrat and wife in which they recorded their meritorious deeds of building a temple, two , many monasteries, a library, a preaching hall, rest houses, and a big brick water tank, two wells together with over two hundred kywans (slaves) and several thousand pè of land. The donors said that they primarily desired to attain enlightenment () so that they 3 could liberate all beings from Saṁsᾱra (rounds of births and rebirths). Moreover, they also intended to enhance welfare of the local populace in worshiping the Buddha images in shrines, holding religious ceremonies, observe Sabbaths and listen to sermons given by monks in these buildings. Furthermore, having dug a large water tank and wells, people were free from concern over water. It brought forth much fruit for all living beings.

Background: King Aniruddha and Pugaṁ Let me begin my study with King Aniruddha (AD 1044- 1077), the first founder of Myanmar Empire. People in Pugaṁ had professed Buddhism of Northern School prior to King Aniruddha. The great king introduced Buddhism to Arimuddanapura1(Pugaṁ) of the Tanpradit2 Land. It was done under guidance of Rhaṅ Arahaṁ, an Arahant(saint) who came from Sathuṁ(Thaton). Native historians unanimously agreed that King Aniruddha was the first in his Kingdom to convert to Theravādin Buddhism. Moreover, the king carried out many constructive works for propagation and perpetuation of his new creed. He built large and splendid Buddhist stupas (pagodas) for popular worship and introduced Myanmar alphabets for transliteration of the Tipitaka (three baskets) texts originally written in Mon-Pāli script.

The earliest use of Myanmar alphabets to write Pali3 can be seen on king Aniruddha’s votive tablets that read “Eso bhagavᾱ mahᾱrᾱja sirī Aniruddhadevena kato vimuttatthaṁ sahatthe nevᾱti”— meaning “his great majesty made it (this Buddha Image) by his own hand in order to be freed from

1 Arimaddana is the name of the old Pugaṁ (Bagan) Capital in Pāli and Taṁpradit was the name of the Region wherein the former was located. See “Rājakumar Inscription” in four languages, Bamā, Mon, Pāli and Pyu in Epigraphia Birmanica, vol. I, part i. Yangon, GPP. 1952, Reprint. 2 Taṁpradit is a corrupted word, derived from Tampadīpa in Pāli—meaning coppery land. This word is found in the inscription of Shaṅ Disā Prāmok in about AD 1287. 3 As far as we know there is no alphabet. Buddha’s Pitaka Scriptures were transcribed in the script of each place. It was transcribed for example in Sri Lankan alphabet for Sri Lanka; in Thai alphabet for Thai and in Myanmar alphabet for Myanmar; etc. 4 saṁsᾱra”. We, therefore, owe a great debt of gratitude to his majesty for introducing Theravada Buddhism and for inventing Myanmar alphabets. Since then, Buddhism as well as Myanmar language and literature has gradually prospered. Numerous lithic inscriptions and ink glosses on interior walls of Pugaṁ temples are the silent witnesses of literary developments in this period.

Needless to say, the great task of inventing Myanmar alphabets and transliterating Mon-Pali Buddhist Scriptures into Myanmar-Pali fell on the shoulders of learned monks under patronage of King Aniruddha. How and when it was implemented is not known exactly. No evidence except logical assumption is so far available. The king built a Pitakat Tuik—library wherein these Tipitakat scriptures were deposited.4 Along with the invention of Myanmar alphabets monastic education came into existence. Throughout the Pugaṁ Period kings and people alike built libraries, copied on corrypher palm leaves and made cᾱtuiks--manuscript chests to keep copied Buddhist texts in, and donate them to monasteries for enhancing Pitaka scriptural studies and monastic education.

King Aniruddha was successful in his nation-building. His achievements can be seen in organizing all scattered petty states, in agricultural development by constructing weirs and canals for irrigation, in prosperity of Buddhism in line with the Theravadin School, and in establishment of monastic education that gradually led to the blossoming of Pali and Myanmar literature both in prose and in poetry. All books of Buddhist scriptures in Mon-Pali and Myanmar-Pali were deposited in his royal Library. Since that time, monasteries became important learning and teaching centers in the kingdom.

The major Buddhist texts were a set of Tipitaka—Three Baskets of Buddha’s Teachings, to wit: Sutta—the Discourses; —the Monastic

4 U Kala, Mahᾱ Rᾱjawaṅkri:(Great Chronicle) in 3 vols., Yangon, Yarbyei SaokTuik, 2006, 5th edition, vol. I, p. 166 5

Disciplines; and Abhidhamma—the Theory of Doctrine5 and their commentaries and sub-commentaries taken from Sathuṁ(Thaton) of Mon Kingdom in AD 10576. No inscription except a short Pali verse in Myanmar alphabet on his votive tablet was left by this great king as a record of his achievement. Anyhow, Myanmar writing system was then on the track of development.

Since that time, it has been a royal custom that every king soon after he had ascended the throne was to build a and a monastery of extraordinary size or grandiose type to receive the recognition of the monastic community and of the people as Sāsana Dāyakā--Patron of Buddhism. Pugaṁ aristocrats and wealthy people in the kingdom were devoted to building these kinds of religious structures for the prosperity of Buddhism. Thus the Pugaṁ Area had become crowded with religious monuments built in successive periods, by successive rulers and people. Within a 10-mile radius there were once over four thousand religious structures. Pugaṁ thus became a holy land for Buddhist pilgrimage.

Anantasῡra and wife and their inscriptions Now let us turn our attention to a couple of Anantasῡra and wife and their inscriptions. There are ten lithic inscriptions kept in a brick shed in the Le:myaknhā Temple precincts at Maṅ:nansū Village. Among them, three belong to this couple. As these inscriptions indicate, the couple was so generous that almost all of their wealth movable and unmovable were spent on construction of religious structures, including a temple of medium size, two twin pagodas, many monasteries, a preaching hall, rest houses, a large water tank, two wells, together with over two hundred kywans and several thousand pè of

5 T. W. Rhys Davids and William Stede, Pali-English Dictionary, London, The ,1921-1925,p.79. 6 Phayaphyu , Kalyᾱnī Kyokcᾱ(Kalyani Inscription in Pali-Myanmar), Yangon, Hanthawady Press, 1938, p.76. 6 land. 7 They also planted many toddy palm trees around their religious establishments and a large water tank for landscaping. Anantasūra was a high ranking official in the Pugaṁ Court. One inscription says that he was an Amattyā Mahā Senāpati—Minister and Commander-in-Chief.8

Myanmar kings, officials and courtiers alike, used to build religious establishments and endowed their edifices with kywans (slaves) to take care of their meritorious works. These were then under the custody of the kywans for land cultivation that funded maintenance. Their meritorious deeds were inscribed in detail on stones which were erected nearby their establishments to publicly proclaim the donation for future reference. These inscriptions are indeed genuine documents and reliable sources of the period. They actually shed light on, at least, three spheres: on administration, on social life and on Pugaṁ’s Buddha Sᾱsanᾱ (Buddha’s Teachings). Epigraphic evidences are ample enough if we can glean historical data painstakingly from these inscriptions. Thanks are due to Pugaṁ well-wishers or donors for bequeathing us their picturesque and grandiose religious structures and many informative inscriptions as our deeply esteemed national and cultural heritage.

The donor Anantasῡra Now let us study Anantasῡra.9 This name or title ‘Anantasūra’ cannot be found in Pugaṁ chronicles. However, as some inscriptions reveal, we know a person who held the title of Anantasῡ or Anantasῡra in no less than five

7 One pè is equal to 1.75 acres. 8 “Inscription of Anantasῡra and Wife,” A Four-faced Inscription, Pillar no. 2,dated AD 1223, U Nyein Maung (comp. and ed.), She-haung Myanmar Kyauk-sa-mya,(Ancient Myanmar Inscriptions ) Yangon, Archeology Department, 1972, vol. I, ll.1- 2, p. 151. (Henceforth, Nyein, 1972). 9 All Myanmar chroniclers used to mention an officer by the title of Anantasῡrira who served under King Narapati Cañsῡ (1174-1211). But his rank was not mentioned. Having the same title and serving under the same king this person is thought to be the one who wrote a poem composed of four stanzas on the eve of being executed. But this Anantasῡ was not put to death by the king 7 inscriptions10. As titles were different, so also were the occupations and ranks. One Anantasῡ was Amattyᾱ Mahᾱ Senᾱpati (Minister & Commander-in- Chief)11 Another Anantasῡ was a Phun sañ (Cushion-maker).12 Another was Skhaṅ (Lord) Anantasῡ.13 The other and the last one was a Saṁbyaṅ (lesser official) Anantasῡ.14 What I would like to assume is that it was this Anantasῡ(ra) with different spellings. In another words, this person who held the title of Anantasῡ or Anantasῡra was engaged in different occupations and held different ranks at various points in his life.

As his inscriptions show, the different spellings for writing his title has been very perplexing for scholars. In east face of the Pillar no. 2, his title was inscribed as Anantasῡrra (with double r).15 One can pronounce it either as Anantasῡrara or as Anantasῡrira improperly. In another pillar dated AD 1227, it is spelled as Anantasῡr (ending with r)16 or Maṅ Anantasῡ(without r)17. He died on an unknown date before December 1227. Why we know this is because his wife said in another inscription that “her husband has parted company with her under unavoidable Law of ”.18 This inscription was dated AD 1235. It mentions his title as Anantasῡ19 or Maṅ Anantasῡ.20 According to dates he served under King Cañsῡ II (1174-1211) and Nᾱtoṅmyᾱ (1211-?1231).21 The inscription also mentions Prince Klacwā with whom Anantasῡra had some

10 Pillar 2 (Nyein, 1972) p.151; Pillar 3 (Nyein,1972),p. 235; Pillar 6 (Nyein, 1972),p.193; Pillar 7 p.145; Stone 8/Kha (Nyein, 1972),p. 273. 11 Pillar 2, ll. 2-3(Nyein, 1972),p. 273 12 Pillar 3 ll. 1,10, 26, south face,ll. 3, (Nyein, 1972),p. 235, 236, 237, 238 13 Pillar 7 l. 18, west face,l.1, (Nyein, 1972)p. 245, 246 14 Pillar 7, l.19 (Nyein, 1972),p.247. 15 Pillar 2 ( Nyein 1972) l. 2, p. 151. 16 Pillar 6, l.1(Nyein, 1972),p. 193. 17 Single face inscription, No. 8/kha, l. 15, (Nyein, 1972), p. 273. 18 Pillar 6 ll.3-4,( Nyein, 1972),p. 193. 19 Single face Inscription, No. 8/kha,l.3 (Nyein, 1972),p. 273. 20 Single face Inscription, No. 8/kha,l. 15(Nyein, 1972),p. 273. 21 Than Tun, Khet hoṅ: mranmᾱ Rᾱjawaṅ(Ancient Myanmar Chronicle), Yangon, Mahᾱ Dagon Publishing House, 1989,p.120. 8 sort of relations. In this inscription Anantasῡra is spelt as Anantasū22. And Prince Klacwā was then in Iṁnim (literal meaning—in lower house) position.23 Anantasῡra was still alive while Klacwā was in lower house as heir apparent.

Anantasūra seemed to receive many thousand pès of land presumably for his victory over the enemy. It was then a custom of giving ample parcels of land to military commanders as rewards for their victory in war. Anantasūra and wife donated many of their land to Buddha Sāsanā. Their meritorious deeds were inscribed on three stones in order to let later generations know and carry on renovation works on their behalf.

Maṅ:nansū Village and Temple Now let us go to Maṅ:nansū Village. It can be assigned to the middle Pugaṁ Period, in existence since the establishment of the Le:-myak-nhā Temple, built by Anantasū(ra)24 and wife in AD 1223. Even the name of the village seemed to derive from the title of the donor, Anantasū(ra). As he was the lord over the village dwellers, Maṅ: for ‘’lord” in Myanmar was customarily prefixed to his title, Anantasū(ra). Thus the village came to be known as

22 Pillar 2, l. 25(Nyein, 1972), p.158. 23 Pillar 2, l.8 (Nyein, 1972),p.155. 24 Pillar 2,(Nyein Maung, 1972) pp. 151-63, and 176-78. 9

Maṅ:Anantasū Village. So it was he who settled his kywans and/or followers on a new site to look after his meritorious works.

Figure 2. West facade of Le:myaknhᾱ temple

The Le:myaknhᾱ Temple stands on a raised square brick platform with four entry porches at each side. They inscribed their endowments of numerous kywans (slaves) and many pè of land, gardens, toddy palm groves and domesticated animals. The donors were a far-sighted couple not only for propagation of the Buddha Sāsanā but also for welfare of the local people.

The construction of edifices is very noteworthy. They primarily considered the prosperity of Buddhism and then welfare of the local populace. As Pugaṁ is located in dry zone area, the region is very hot in summer. So they planted many toddy palm trees along the perimeter of the temple-yard and around a large water tank to get shade in day time. Pugaṁ and its neighbouring regions are rightly called ‘parched’ land as annual rainfall is scanty, less than 30 inches a year. Therefore, people used to call their region Tanpradit (Tampadipa in Pāli)—coppery or brownish land. It seems to me that the endowment of planted toddy palm groves to religious establishments was for a 10 maintenance fund and for the beautiful landscaping to be enjoyed by the local community.

The temple and monastery complex originally had a double enclosure made of brick.25 It was to protect from wild fires. As Pugaṁ falls in the tropical zone, fire often broke out, destroying everything it engulfed to ash. Therefore, fire protection was made for great and splendid establishments in Pugaṁ. And that is why massive brick walls were constructed around religious monuments.

Enshrinement of Buddha’s relics Enshrinement of Buddha’s relics is also very important for worshippers in building temples, pagodas and the like. Without Buddha’s relics enshrined in them, such buildings are not regarded as a holy Buddhist monument. Actually Buddhists worship not the brick structures, but the Buddha’s relics enshrined in them. Buddha images are also worshipped only after being consecrated by revered monks, reciting a Pali verse of “Aneka Jᾱti saṁsᾱyaṁ” very respectfully and solemnly. A Buddhist is instilled in his heart with the three Gems—the Buddha, the Law and the Order of monks.

The inscriptions under study mention two occasions of enshrinement of Buddha’s relics in detail in the Lemyaknhā Temple and in the twin pagodas. One inscription reveals that relics were firstly put in a jeweled gold casket which was encased again and again in caskets made of silver, copper, sandalwood, ivory and a -shaped sandstone container for final enshrinement. Buddha images made of various metals, wood and stone together with many other valuable things were arranged systematically and enshrined in chronological order from the Nativity to Great Demise.

25 Pillar 4, l. 7(Nyein, 1972), I: 152. Nowadays, only one enclosure is extant; the outer enclosure is lost, probably due to Chinese invasion of AD 1287. Chroniclers firmly state that many pagodas and temples were dismantled down to get bricks for urgent construction of a fort to defend Pugaṁ against the Chinese invaders. 11

Let me repeat here how Buddha’s relics were enshrined. They were firstly put in a casket made of sandalwood; then, it was put in a glass casket, then, in a red sandalwood casket, then, in a gold casket, then, in a silver casket, then in a jeweled casket, then in an ivory casket, then in a copper casket, and lastly in a stone miniature stupa for final enshrinement.26 Together with the relics are enshrined three Buddha images: one made of gold weighing 30 kyats; another made of silver weighing 50 kyats, and the last one made of marble which was gilt. Moreover, there were many other sacred things including gold and silver parasols arranged over them in the relic chamber.27

A temple or a pagoda has three sacred places in it: the shrine where Buddha image is installed to pay homage; the relic chamber wherein Buddha’s relics with many other valuable things, including silver, jewelries and gold are deposited for reconstruction of it in case it is badly ruined or collapses; and the topmost part where finial or umbrella is put up. In Pugaṁ, majority of early pagodas and temples had no umbrella. But it was in this Le:myaknhā Temple a stone miniature stupa with a gold umbrella on top of its finial was put up and kept in the relic chamber.28 The main temple itself had a bronze finial without an umbrella.

Le:myaknhā Temple and Twin Stupas In the shrine there are four Buddha images in Bhūmişpaś Mudrā –a posture known as the Victory Symbol, with the right hand touching the earth calling to witness. They are thought not to be originals but the later donations. On the inner walls of the shrine, from about ten feet above the floor up to ceiling were a myriad of Buddha images and selected scenes from 550 Jataka Stories were painted.29 The paintings seem to be designed to educate illiterate

26 Pillar no. 2, ll. 8-10 ( Nyein, 1972)p. 152. 27 Pillar no. 2, ll. 13-14(Nyein, 1972)p. 152. 28 Pillar no. 2, ll. 11-13(Nyein, 1972) p.152. 29 Pillar no. 2, ll.1-16 (Nyein, 1972) pp. 152-53 12 onlookers to know about the life of Buddha, His fulfillment of ten perfections and His good leadership. By looking at these scenes worshippers might learn or emulate some good deeds of Bodhisattas (would-be-Buddha).

Figure 3. Brick monastery of the chief Abbott

The donor mentions in his inscription how a finial, made of bronze weighing 40 viss30, made from 39.75 kyat weight of gold and 195 kyat weight of quicksilver, was put up. The finial was made of an alloy consisting of bronze, gold and quicksilver so that it seems to have been shining in the sun.31 Now no finial is found on top of the temple. It had been removed; when and why it was taken away is not known. Instead, there stands an umbrella of later make.

The temple and its inscriptions bear unique features for historians and scholars to study. As the inscriptions are the records of a particular temple, they are very significant for reference in writing history. The Le:myaknhᾱ Temple itself an impressive structure with its outer decorations of foliage with intertwined mythical beasts and birds and inner wall paintings. Pugaṁ building

30 One hundred kyat weight makes a viss that roughly equals to 3.63 lb. 31 Pillar no. 2, sll.16-18(Nyein, 1972) p. 153 13 decorations in every period naturally could attract the people to their magnificence and picturesqueness juxtaposed with mythical beasts and birds in foliage. We may imagine that onlookers were awe-struck in seeing them the decorations with celestial beings and ogres in human form as well as royal attire and pomp. All these are for us, also very interesting art objects. The inner decorations are paintings on walls and corridor ceilings of the temple—mostly are figures of Buddha sitting in cross-legged posture. One can say that these are Buddhist propagating art because on the lower parts of the walls were painted selected episodes of the life of Boddhisatta—Embryo-Buddha from 550 Jataka stories. They are thought to portray Great Conquerors who appeared and entered Nivanna in previous aeons in conformity with a popular prayer, beginning with “Sambuddhe—the Perfect Buddha”. It reads as follows:

The perfect Buddha twenty-eight, The twelve thousand, the five hundred thousand, I worship bowing down my head. Few are the sands of the Ganges, Innumerable are the Conquerors, Who had entered .32

It means that there were been innumerable Buddhas (actually, 512,028) who appeared and entered Nivᾱna. We all have missed these Buddhas. But, if we are lucky enough, we can meet the last Buddha of this aeon. In inscriptions, such prayers expressing a burning desire to see the last Buddha33 and cursing any vandals whose theft may prevent seeing Him are often found. 34 Indeed, the Le:myaknhᾱ Temple is thought to be built as a Saṁbuddhe Temple for having a myriad of painted Buddha images in circles on the interior walls. It also looks like a variegated cave with its numerous drawings of images

32 Pe Maung Tin(trans.), & Meditation, An Objective Description & Study, London, SPCK, 1964,p. 36. 33 “Amatkri Siṅghasῡ’s Inscription dated AD 1190”, reverse, ll.30-32,(Nyein, 1972)p. 52. 34 Stone Inscription dated AD 1188, no. 12 in Pugaṁ Museum,ll.23-24(Nyein, 1972),p.49. 14 of the Buddha. In this study, what we see is that evidence abounds in inscriptions, wall paintings, fresco art, sculpture and architecture, from which to enhance our knowledge in the study of Myanmar medieval history.

Figure 4. Monastery where monks resided

Le:myaknhā Compound: monastery, library, ordination and meeting halls The Le:myaknhᾱ Temple is outstanding in richness of artistic and aesthetic values and educative information. A nearby twin-stupa built by the same donor also bears reliefs in shallow niches around the stupas. Monastic establishments were important for propagation of Buddhism and education as well. It is in this period that Buddhism-based education started to develop. One can check it with inscriptions and with other contemporary sources. Buddhist monasteries became learning centres for children and youths (or for novices and young monks). Monks were greatly revered by kings, nobilities and commoners alike. Indeed, monks played a very important role in the community by educating the children of the people, by giving sermons to devotees for the 15 good of their life. It is seen that Anantasῡra had lived in a peaceful and prosperous period between the reigns of King Cañsü II and King Klacwā.

Figure 5. Pitakat Tuik (Library in ruins)

Le:myaknha Temple is of medium size, not as big and grand as the temples of King Thiluiṅ (Kyansittha) and King Cañsü I, but it had unique features with interior and exterior decorations, plus monastic establishments and with inscriptions. Such features are lacking in the temples of above-said Pugaṁ kings. In the Le:myakhnā Temple precincts, there are six structural remains, viz., the main temple35, a library that adjoins to it,36 a brick monastery for Abbot37, a spacious two-storied brick structure for other Theras—Elder Monks, a Sima—, and a Dhamma Sālā38. Except the main

35 Pillar 2, ll. 7-8(Nyein, 1972)p. 152. 36 Pillar 2, l.18(Nyein, 1972),p.153. 37 Pillar 2, l. 20, (Nyein, 1972), p. 153. 38 Pillar 2, l. 21,(Nyein, 1972), p. 153. 16 temple all others are now in ruinous condition. There is a Dhamma Sālā— preaching hall39 between the Abbot’s Flat and a two-storied building. In this Dhamma Sālā the abbot, used to give sermons to the audience on every Sabbath day40. It has now been totally ruined, but its foundation is left. In front of the main temple, there is a brick rectangular foundation in north-south alignment. It is a ruined Simā—Ordination Hall, but no inscriptional evidence is found to be referred to, except its stone demarcations of a Sima set up. They can still be seen intact. It might be a later development.

Figure 6. Ordination Hall (Sima Site)

The donor built many wooden monasteries for student monks to learn Buddhist scriptures. Moreover, a great beautiful Tanchoṅ--roofed shelter in front of the temple was built to hold religious ceremonies and other celebrations. A spacious carap—rest house was also built for pilgrims or passers-by to stay overnight free of charge. It was also intended for local

39 Pillar 2, l. 19( Nyein, 1972), p. 153. 40 Pillar 2, l. 19, (Nyein, 1972), p.153. 17 people to hold such ceremonies as alms-giving, meetings for village or religious affairs. Unfortunately, none of them survive.

Figure 7. The Amanā Lake( Water Tank) Renovated

The temple complex would have been a pleasant, quiet, peaceful and holy place for monks and pilgrims. The donors provided monks with four prerequisites, viz., shelter, food, medicine and robe. For maintenance of these edifices the donors also endowed them with paddy fields, dry cultivation lands and many plots of reserved land, together with several hundred kywans including monks, cultivators, artisans, masons, carpenters and so forth for their service in renovation works, in cultivation works and in the works cultural and ritual performances. The monastery complex had a kappiya Kuti –store room to keep all gifts or offertories received. Unlike other inscriptions, the couple was totally silent about the consecration or libation ceremony customarily held after the completion of construction works. This being so, we cannot know from their inscriptions of any of celebrated monks who attended this ceremony. 18

Figure 8. Twin Stupas on a Single Platform built by wife

Pugaṁ Inscriptions and Society In the Pugaṁ area there are over six hundred inscriptions in different languages including Chinese, Mon, Myanmar, Pali, Pyu, , Tamil and Yun. Some belong to the post- Pugaṁ period. The earliest inscription of Anantasūra is dated 15 December 1223. It mentions their noble desire for building a temple and pagodas; management on constructions; relics and other sacred objects enshrined and money payable for costs of construction and decorations of their buildings. It also records the Pitaka scriptures copied and acquisitioned in the library adjacent to the main temple and the generous endowment of slaves for temple maintenance. 19

Figure 9. Exterior Stucco Relief

Myanmar society in Pugaṁ Period had no caste system even though Myanmar has been under Indian cultural influence since the dawn of our history. But we can see social stratifications in Pugaṁ inscriptions. At least five social strata are distinct in this period.

1. At the apex of the society was the lord or king. He was an arbiter of life and death of the people or the riy mliy khap sim so sakhiń--Lord of all earth and water. 2. After him came royal siblings Mańñi—royal brothe r(prince), mańsā— royal son (prince), mańsamī--royal daughter (princess) and Mań- nhama—royal sister (princess). 3. They were followed by a thin stratum of amipurhyā--queens and mońmatow—lesser queens or concubines. 4. Then came amatyā-builpā—ministers / high ranking military officials and crown servicemen. 20

5. Kywans are mentioned greatly in detail. But the inscriptions do not make any mention of the common people.41

Basically, we can categorize Pugaṁ social structure into four levels: king and royalty at the top; Amattyā, Builpā (High Ranking Officials) hereditary chiefs and servicemen in the second rank, people in the third, and kywans in the fourth place. Kywans can be divided into household kywans and religious institutional kywans or redeemable and unredeemable kywans. They formed the lowest class. We should give priority for discussing the kywans as evidence of them abounds in inscriptions. From my point of , they were not inferior in social status to commoners. Even though they lost their freedom, they were more secure than some commoners in their daily life. Moreover, they had easier access to education. They had the right to enter monkhood. Most importantly, they were free from military service and exempted from taxation. There were literates and monks among kywans as has been said above.

An education system had already begun in Pugaṁ Period since the introduction of Theravada Buddhism. We see that Myanmar writing was gradually progressing whereas Pali language study seemed to be at its zenith. Inscriptions tell us about the Pugaṁ education system. There were monasteries and celebrated monks who were well versed in Buddhist scriptures. Moreover, Pitakat Tuiks (libraries) were built by kings and court officials wherein Buddhist Scriptures were deposited for study. These texts or extracts were taught to young monks, novices and boys by elder monks. Secular arts were not studied in these Theravadin schools as in those days education meant the study or learning of the Buddha’s Teachings in monasteries. The inscriptions indicate that even children received a

41 Pillar 2, ll. 2-4(Nyein, 1972), pp. 151-52. 21 rudimentary education in the ‘three Rs’ (reading, writing and arithmetic) for children.

Pugaṁ inscriptions often show that there were literate people in different social groups.42 Some inscriptions are found recording Buddhist scriptures copied and donated to monastic libraries for use by monks and students.43 Ambitious monks studied Tipitaka Scriptures. It was they who later became learned or celebrated monks, well versed in Pali scriptures and literatures. Anantasūra and wife donated a set of copied Pitaka scriptures and deposited them in a library that they had built in brick adjoining the main temple; it was also close to the Thera’s residence and within easy reach of the monk-students.

Maintenance System of Pugam Pagodas For maintenance of brick and wooden structures kywans were donated to take care of them. The kywans were donated to the religious establishments in family units. A large kywan family had five siblings. Some were widows or widowers with or without sibling. Religious kywans came from various social status groups. There was a Saṁbyaṅ (an official) and his family, who stood as the head of the kywan community donations to this temple. The first group consisted of 78 kywan, the second 34, the third 20 and the last 10, totaling 142 kywans donated to take care of the temple.44

They were assigned different duties for maintenance of the temple and other religious edifices to ensure their longevity. Their duties were to clean the temple and monastery compounds daily, and daily of cooked rice, drinking water, flowers and fruits, and oil light to the Buddha image of the

42 “Ṅā Maṅ Klaň Saṅ Inscription” dated AD 1151, l.16, (Nyein, 1972), p.28; “Ah Tho Lat Inscription” dated 1265, ll. 4,5,7,(Nyein, 1972)p. 29. 43 Pitakat Lhuso Kyokca”--An Inscription of Pitakat Donation, dated AD 1197, l. 3, (Nyein, 1972), p. 58. Also see ‘’King Nā Toṅ Myā’s Inscription” dated AD 1207, l. 4, (Nyein, 1972), p.83. 44 Pillar 2, ll.31-53(Nyein, 1972),pp.154-56. 22 temple. They also renovated the buildings annually or upon other occasions. They treated the Buddha images anthropomorphically. Some were to attend to elder monks. For example, a group of kywans was bought for the temple. It consisted of 11 men. A bought-kywan was worth of 33 kyats per head. In the group were 7 men and 4 youths.45 The inscription also mentions under teenage kywans their usefulness in their families or with their serviceable age from infancy to boyhood. For example,

 nuiw,cuiw--suckling baby or breast-fed infant 46  cā-tat—an infant who can take meal by himself (about 3-5 years old) 47,  Mhura—an underage boy employed in errand jobs (about 5-10 years) 48  mrak-ra—a teenager employed in collecting fodder (about 10-15 years) 49

Of kywans many were found underage. Some attained their schooling age. Unfortunately, as no inscription ever mentions the schooling of boys we have no concrete evidence for the education of the Kywan children. Those who were dedicated to pagodas and monasteries might have a chance of learning basic education for reading and writing because they were kywans of a monastery or a nearby pagoda. There were kywan monks whom we often come across in inscriptions. Most of them might undoubtedly be literate. And they could presumably teach the children of the kywans basic reading and writing plus some suttas—protection from evils and imminent dangers.

45 Pillar 2, ll. 4-6 (Nyein, 1972), pt. 1, p. 176. 46 Pillar 2, l. 9(Nyein, 1972), pt. 1, p. 176 47 Pillar 2, l. 11(Nyein, 1972), pt. 1, p. 176 48 Pillar 2, l.35, 36(Nyein, 1972), p.159 49 Pillar 2, l.36(Nyein, 1972),p.159. 23

There are 20 kywans bought and sold in AD 1225. Of them one was literate; it is mentioned that “Ṅa Mwan himself a kywan had inscribed a list of kywans on stone for future reference”. He was a recorder of a list of kywans. He was literate. Inscriptions also mention the value of kywans or their current price in selling or buying. Generally, a kywan was worth 30 kyats per head. Four kywans were bought at ks 120 in silver, an average cost of a slave amounted to 30 tical or kyat in weight of silver. 50

Some Kywans are found attached with their works, or traditional hereditary handicrafts, like, for example, kywans of royal fan producer (Yap tāwsaň (Yat-toau-thi) who bought 25 kywans.51 Of them, some were employed at a garden as watchmen, some as paddy-rice trans-planters, some musicians, dancers, and the like.52

Not all kywans were settled in or around Pugaṁ. Many were settled in places far away away. Some are found at siphanchik (Tha-phan-seik)53 some at Toṅplwun (Taungbyone)54 and some at Sacchin, (Thitseint)55 and at Matarā (Madaya).56 Kywans bought and donated to the numbered 115 men. Silver lumps paid in kyat weight for them amounted to 11.95 viss.57 There were other offerings consisting of rice fields, gardens, ox, buffalo, elephant, and goat. Domesticated animals were not mentioned in number. Buffalo, ox and elephant could be used for plowing, for tilling and for carrying grains, goods, bundles of straws and stalks to be used as fodder. But we have no idea for a donation of goat found in the list. It seemed to be intended only for meat in a religious occasion. Indeed, such a donation for sacrificial purpose was against

50 Pillae 2, ll. 21-22(Nyein, 1972), p. 177. One viss is equal to 100 kyats. 51 Pillar 2, ll.31-32(Nyein, 1972), p. 177. 52 Pillar 2, ll.33-34, 40(Nyein, 1972), p. 178. 53 Pillar 2, ll.32-33(Nyein, 1972), p. 178. 54 Pillar 2, l. 40,(Nyein, 1972), p. 177 55 Pillar 2, l.45 (Nyein, 1972), p. 178. 56 Pillar 2, l.49 (Nyein, 1972), p.178. 57 Pillar 2, ll. 1-28 (Nyein, 1972), pp. 198-99. 24 the Buddha’s preaching. But Pugaṁ well-wishers used to hold a grand feast after completion of a temple or monastery construction. It might be a tradition of that age.

Life of the Pugaṁ People Now let us turn our attention to Pugaṁ kywans and their social conditions. We know their life more than common people. Their life and that of commoners would not be greatly different except that the former lost their freedom. It would be wrong to believe that the life of kywan was very hard and miserable. Their life cannot be considered lower in living conditions than that of commoners because they had enough land to work on. Some kywans would receive crops as land rents from glebe lands for their maintenance. All crops received as land rent were redistributed among them by their head or by the temple trustees. Generally, their life seems to have been more secure than a commoner who could fall into servitude at any time.

We also notice the children of kywan families. In the main inscription pillar (No. 2) kywans dedicated to the temple numbered 110 of which no less than 24 were children.58 On the west face of pillar 2, kywans with their families, who moved out to a new village were recorded as 57 in number, of which five were dead, two, children.59 Moreover, there were kywans of Toṅkha and Myaṅkhuntuiṅ Villages, numbering 65. Some were received as gifts from the king and queen and some received through court decision after winning an inheritance case.60 The total kywans numbered 73 of which no less than 25 were children.61

Kywans who passed away are often found listed in inscriptions. One can assume that by recording such dead kywans no dispute over them or over their

58 Pillar 2, Eastern Face, ll. 31-58, (Nyein, 1972) pp. 154-56. 59 Pillar 2, western face, ll.1-8,(Nyein, 1972, pp. 156-57. 60 Pillar 2, ll. 19-31(Nyein, 1972),pp.158-59. 61 Pillar 2,wetern face, ll. 32-55, (Nyein, 1972), pp.159-61. 25 families could take place any more. Such information makes us think about their life span. Moreover, we can know which sex (male or female) was more liable to untimely death and why it was so. But we do not know the diseases that the Pugaṁ people suffered. No mention of diseases is found in inscriptions. Because of the mention of the dead we come to know the increase and decrease of kywan population during a particular period so we can partially understand the conditions of the Pugaṁ people.

Kywans dedicated to three gems undertook different occupations including klway thin—buffalo (cow) tender62, rahan—monk63, laksmā— carpenter64, pasāsaň—drummer65, ?Ňhaṅ tat—(?player of) a kind of musical (string) instrument 66, kuhāsaň—launderer 67, panthyan—? an artisan of bronze work68, Uiwthin--potter69 , kwaṁ mwan tāw saň—royal betel quid server70, Uyān Coṅ--garden watchman71, Uiw mliy coṅ--pottery soil watchman at Putak72, and capā cuik kywan—paddy-transplanters.73

Another inscription stone was erected by his wife in commemoration of her late husband, Anantasū(ra) who passed away in AD 1227. It is a four-faced pillar. Ruminating that she also would face the law of impermanence one day, she built a twin-stupa on a single platform presumably representing them as a couple. Ojbects enshrined in them by her on 25 December 1227 (14 waxing of

62 Pillar 2, east face, l.47,(Nyein, 1972), p.155. 63 Pilla 2, west face, l. 21,(Nyein, 1972), p.158; south face, ll.8, 12, (Nyein, 1972), pp.161- 62; Pillar 6, west face, l. 7, (Nyein, 1972), I:196. 64 Pillar 6, west face, l. 12, (Nyein, 1972), I:196. 65 Pillar 6, west face, l. 1, (Nyein, 1972),!:196. 66 Pillar 6, west face, l.21, (Nyein, 1972), I:197. 67 Pillar 6, west face, l. 17. (Nyein, 1972), I:197. 68 Pillar north face: 40((Nyein, 1972),p, 177, Pillar 6, east face: 18((Nyein, 1972),p. 194. 69 Pillar 2, east face, l. 44, (Nyein, 1972), p.155. 70 Pillar 2, west face, ll. 28-29, (Nyein, 1972), p. 159. 71 Pillar 2, north face, l. 33, (Nyein, 1972),p.177. 72 Pillar 2, south face,l l. 39, 52 (Nyein, 1972),p. 163. 73 Pillar 2, north face,l.33-34(Nyein, 1972),p. 177. 26

Plasuiw74 589 ME) were the same things arranged in the same way as her husband had done previously in the Le:-myaknhā Temple. To attend to the Three Gems—the Buddha, the Law and the Order, she donated over 150 kywans. They were assigned specific duties as had been done in the case of the Le:myaknhā Temple.

Marital status of kywans is always mentioned when they were donated to Buddhist institutions. Head of a family was recorded as Iṁthoṅ. Under an Iṁthoṅ-- there were wife and offspring or siblings. As for their social status, some are married (Iṁ thoṅ)75, some are widowers(Phut)76; some widows(Kamay).77 The donor prepared lists of his kywans in detail and inscribed them on stones as records for future reference. Unfortunately the supplement stone (no. 6 in the shed) is damaged in some lines. But we can figure out the number of kywans.

74 Tenth month of Myanmar calendar. 75 Pillar 2, east face: ll. 32,33(2), 34(2),35, 36(2), 37(2),38, (U Nyein Maung, 1972),, pp. 154); ll. 39(2)40 (3), 41(2), 42, 44 (U Nyein Maung, 1972),p. 155; Pillar 2, west face: ll. 22, 34, 37(U Nyein Maung, 1972),p.159; Pillar 2, south face : nil. north face: nil. Pillar 6, east face: nil; west face: 22, 29, 30, 34(Nyein, 1972),p, 198; south face: 1, 3, 6, 9, 11(Nyein, 1972),p.198-99. 76 Pillar 2, east face, ll. 32, 35, 36, 37(p.154)ll., 41, 48, 49, 50(3), l.51(p.155),ll. 52, 53(p.156) ; west face , ll.1(2),3,4, 5,7(2), 8, (p. 157),ll. 22,23,25(3),l. 26(2)(p.158) l. 27(p.159),ll. 33, 35, 38(2), 39(2) (Nyein, 1972),p.159-160; ll. 40, 41(2), 42(3), 43, 45, 48, 49(3), 52(2) (Nyein, 1972),p. 160-161; l. 53(2),( (Nyein, 1972),p. 161; south face, ll. 3, 4(3),5, 6(2),7)(2), 9,10(3)( (Nyein, 1972),p.161; ll. 11, 12,13(2), 14(2),17,18, 19, 20(2) 22,23(2),29, 32(2)( (Nyein, 1972),p.162; ll. 41, 42, 43,44(2),45, 46, 47, 48, 50, 53, 55, 57(Nyein, 1972),p.163; north face: ll. 8, 10, 12(2),( (Nyein, 1972),p.176 ; ll. 13,14, 15(2), 35 (Nyein, 1972),p,177: 42, 44(2), Pillar 6, west face,l. 5(2),8(2),9, 11(2),( (Nyein, 1972),p,196; ll. 14, 15(3),25,26(2) (Nyein, 1972),p,197;l.32,33(Nyein, 1972),p,198; south face, l. 8, 9,(2) (Nyein, 1972),p,198-99.

77 Pillar 2, east face: ll. 41, 42, 43, (Nyein, 1972),p, 155; west face, ll. 20-21, 21(2)22(Nyein, 1972),p,158; ll. 34, 35(3), 38, (Nyein, 1972),p,159; ll. 40(3),41, 50, 51(3) (Nyein, 1972),p,160; south face, ll.34,(2), 35,( (Nyein, 1972,p,162); Pillar 6, east face, 29, 31(Nyein, 1972,p, 194),ll. 32, 33,35,36, 9(Nyein, 1972),p,195; Pillar 6, west face: ll. 1(2), 2(2), 3, 13 (Nyein, 1972),p, 196; ll. 16(2),20(2), 22, 28(Nyein, 1972),p, 197; l. 35(Nyein, 1972)p,198; south face; ll. 3,5, 11, 12(Nyein, 192),pp. 198-99. 27

Pugaṁ aristocrats might have practiced a polygamous system as it was then a popular practice among royalty and officialdom. But Anantasu had a single wife legally married. He was a man of character, serving as a Minister (Amatyā) and a Commander-in-Chief (Mahā Senāpati) as well. He served under two kings: Sañsῡ II (1174-1211) and Nᾱtoṅmyᾱ (AD 1211-31), He donated many cultivable lands located in such areas as Mlacsᾱ, Calaṅ, and lower Khyaṅ:Twaṅ:Region. He denoted almost all his wealth in building many Buddhist temples and monasteries for the good of the local community. He created a new landscape by planting many toddy palm trees around the tank and monasteries for cool shade,

As has been said above, Anantasu practiced a monogamous system and did not have a lesser wife (Myā ṅāy). But some of his slaves did.78 Polygamy was then legal but not commonplace among the populace. Some kywans had their native place attached to their name, such as Pugaṁ Kywan - a slave came or were bought from Pugaṁ 79 Mraṅ-khun-tuiṅ Kywan – one who lived in Mraṅ-khun-tuiṅ80 , Toṅ-kha Kywan81 - a kywan from Toṅ-kha Village, a Ṅa-toṅ-plun82--one who was a native of Toṅ-plun village.

We also come across a case of kywan absconding in inscriptions83. The reason why they ran away is not known. Inscriptions also reveal widows and widowers. Widowers were more numerous. There were 44 people in the death list.84 Women are found short-lived and often met with untimely death. The

78 Pillar 2, east face, ll.37-38,( Nyein, 1972), p. 154; west face, l. 6,( (Nyein, 1972),p.157; Pillar 6, west face, l.6, (Nyein, 1972),p,196 79 Pillar 2, l. 31, (Nyein, 1972),p. 154. 80 Pillar 2, l l.30, 32(Nyein, 1972),p. 159. 81 Pillar 2, l. 31(Nyein, 1972),p. 159. 82 Pillar 2, l. 36 (Nyein, 1972),p. 159. 83 Pillar 2, l.36(Nyein, 1972),p. 162. 84 Pillar 2, ll. 36, 39, 45, 49, 51, 52, (Nyein, 1972) pp. 154-56;: ll, 1(2), 4(2), 5, 7, 36, 37(2), 38(2), 39, 40, 41(2), 42, 44, 46, 48, 52(Nyein, 1972) pp.156-60); ll.3, 6(2), 9, 28, 29, 30, 31-32, 33,41, 42(2), 46, 50((Nyein, 1972)pp.161-63; 2-3, 52,55, (Nyein, 1972)pp. 176-78; 28 mortality rate between men and women was nearly 1:3. It seems to me that pregnant women were very much liable to death in their confinement due to unscientific midwifery practiced then in the country. Kywans donated to the religion numbered 248; of them married were 31; widowers 126; widows 47; and the dead were 44 respectively.

Land Dedicated to Religion and Their Locations

Date Location Land (?in Pe) Dedicated to Dedicated

584 Nattaw Khaṅmwan(Khyoṅ:ῡ: 1000(paddy land) Monastery 7+ -do- Nwā-thin(Mwan Ywᾱ) 2000(dry Land) For Lightening temple 595 Hti paň yaṅ(Dīpèyaṅ) 3000 Temple & Pagoda 595 Rwā-sac-krī 500 ? For (purchase of a) girdle 596 Dabon Caku(Maṅ:bῡ:) 1000(paddy land) For Tree Gems 6+ 597 Kachun Kyanto Chay Rwa Illegible Same as above 1222-1235 7500 + Source: Stone Inscription, no. 8/kha(B)ll.13-22, (Nyein, 1972),pp. 273-74.

The Le:myaknhᾱ Temple complex owned several thousand agricultural lands located in Salin, Kyaukse, and Bagyi Taik and had many kywans to work on them. Indeed, all donated kywans were not agricultural workers. Many others were artisans and craftsmen whose care ensured the Pugaṁ monuments were long lasting. Thanks are rightly due to them for the Pugaṁ cultural heritage that they handed over to us.

Conclusion

A Pugamṁ aristocrat and wife built many religious and related establishments at the Ᾱmanᾱ site in AD 1223. These were built for two purposes: to attain enlightenment (for themselves) and to enhance educational, cultural and environmental conditions for the welfare of local community. The couple erected three inscription stones in which were recorded their meritorious works in detail. It seems to me that the couple wanted to promote the 29 knowledge of village community in the sectors of health and livelihood. There were many other donors in Pugaṁ like this couple. With these religious establishments Pugaṁ became holy, magnificent and well known not only to Southeast Asia but also to the outside world.

Pugaṁ is a land of pagodas and inscriptions. It is like an ever-open art gallery and library serving scholars with its immense wealth of inexhaustible culture. Among all the Pugaṁ inscriptions, Anantasūra’s are outstanding in richness of information and as a compact religious establishment constructed by spending all of his fortunes legally amassed in his life.

30

Bibliography Inscriptions “A Four Faced Inscription,”dated 1232, Pillar 3, U Nyein Maung (comp. and ed.), She- haung Myanmar Kyauk-sa-mya,(Ancient Myanmar Inscriptions ) Yangon, Archeology Department, 1972

“Amatkri Siṅghasῡ’s Inscription dated AD 1190”, U Nyein Maung(comp. and ed.), She- haung Myanmar Kyauk-sa-mya,(Ancient Myanmar Inscriptions ) Yangon, Archeology Department, 1972

“Inscription of a couple, Anantasῡra and Wife,” A two faced inscription, dated 1222, Stone 8/Kha, U Nyein Maung(comp. and ed.), She-haung Myanmar Kyauk-sa- mya,(Ancient Myanmar Inscriptions ) Yangon, Archeology Department, 1972

“Inscription of Anantasῡra and Wife,” A Four-faced Inscription, Pillar no. 2, dated AD 1223, U Nyein Maung(comp. and ed.), She-haung Myanmar Kyauk-sa-mya,(Ancient Myanmar Inscriptions ) Yangon, Archeology Department, 1972

“Maha Senapati Anantasura Inscription, dated 1227, U Nyein Maung(comp. and ed.), She- haung Myanmar Kyauk-sa-mya,(Ancient Myanmar Inscriptions ) Yangon, Archeology Department, 1972

“Ṅā Maṅ Klaň Saṅ Inscription” dated AD 1151,” U Nyein Maung(comp. and ed.), She- haung Myanmar Kyauk-sa-mya,(Ancient Myanmar Inscriptions) Yangon, Archeology Department, 1972

“Nātoṅmyā Mankri Kyokcā --‘’King Nā Toṅ Myā’s Inscription, dated AD 1207, U Nyein Maung(comp. and ed.), She-haung Myanmar Kyauk-sa-mya,(Ancient Myanmar Inscriptions) Yangon, Archeology Department, 1972

“Pitakat Lhuso Kyokca—Inscription of Pitakat Donation” dated 1197, U Nyein Maung(comp. and ed.), She-haung Myanmar Kyauk-sa-mya,(Ancient Myanmar Inscriptions) Yangon, Archeology Department, 1972

“Rājakumar Inscription” in four languages, Bamā, Mon, Pāli and Pyu in Epigraphia Birmanica, vol. I, part i.Yangon, GPP. 1952, also see U Nyein Maung(comp. and ed.), She-haung Myanmar Kyauk-sa-mya,(Ancient Myanmar Inscriptions) Yangon, sArcheology Department, 1972

“Stone Inscription” dated AD 1188, no. 12 in Pugaṁ Museum, U Nyein Maung(comp. and ed.), She-haung Myanmar Kyauk-sa-mya,(Ancient Myanmar Inscriptions) Yangon, Archeology Department, 1972 31

Myanmar Texts Kala, U, Mahᾱ Rᾱjawaṅkri:(Great Chronicle)in 3 vols.,Yangon, Yarbyei SaokTuik, 2006, 5th edition.

Phayaphyu Sayadaw, Kalyᾱnī Kyokcᾱ(Kalyani Inscription in Pali-Myanmar), Yangon, Hanthawady Press, 1938

Than Tun, Khet hoṅ: mranmᾱ Rᾱjawaṅ(Ancient Myanmar Chronicle), Yangon, Mahᾱ Dagon Publishing House, 1989

English Texts Davids, T. W. Rhys and William Stede, Pali-English Dictionary, London, The Pali Text Society,1921-192.

Epigraphia Birmanica, vol. I, part i. Yangon, GPP. 1952, Reprint.

Pe Maung Tin (trans.), Buddhist Devotion & Meditation, An Objective Description & Study, London, SPCK, 1964.