Received: 15 January 2018 Revised: 1 March 2018 Accepted: 1 April 2018 DOI: 10.1002/oa.2662

RESEARCH ARTICLE

Violence targeting children or violent society? Craniofacial injuries among the pre‐Hispanic subadult population of ()

J. Velasco‐Vázquez1 | T. Delgado‐Darias2 | V. Alberto‐Barroso3

1 Historical Sciences Department, University of de Gran Canaria, Las Palmas de Abstract Gran Canaria, The approach to Gran Canaria's pre‐Hispanic period has traditionally been dominated 2 El , Las Palmas de Gran by a romantic and propitious view of its indigenous populations advocating a histori- Canaria, Spain cal evolution on the margin of the conflicts and contradictions common to any soci- 3 Tarha Research Group, University of Las Palmas de Gran Canaria, Las Palmas de Gran ety. Yet new data indicate that the ancient Canarians were subject to high rates of Canaria, Spain internal violence linked to the island's isolation and harsh biogeographical conditions, Correspondence Javier Velasco‐Vázquez, Historical Sciences as well as marked personal differences and a strong hierarchization of the social order. Department, University of Las Palmas de Gran However, the effects of such a degree of violence among the subadult population Canaria, Pérez del Toro St. s/n. E‐35003, Las Palmas de Gran Canaria, Spain. remain unknown. The study of the assemblage of the victims, particularly the younger Email: [email protected] members of society, requires a global analysis of the historical conditions to determine whether this violence was exceptional or habitual. The findings of this study point to a prevalence of trauma among subadults (surpassing 20%), thus bolstering the notion of a society with widespread physical violence affecting the whole population or at least that above the age of 5 or 6 years. The data also suggest widespread violence within the framework of interpersonal relationships rather than violence directed specifically against the population's younger sector.

KEYWORDS

blunt force trauma, insular context, interpersonal violence, subadult, trauma

1 | INTRODUCTION activities, war, and labour) that can generate in each case different degrees of exposure to the different agents of injury. Thus, faced with The prevalence of trauma among subadults in archaeological popula- such a complex reality, it is not surprising to note significant differ- tions is usually lower than that of adults. There are several causes that ences of the percentage of traumatic injuries among adults and non‐ explain this situation. The two most common are subadults' osteolog- adults of different archaeological populations, as well as the variety ical characteristics and, above all, the type of activities carried out by of circumstances and events that prompt them (Lewis, 2014). these individuals before attaining maturity. It is well known that the Studies of violent injuries among subadults and their different ori- bone tissues of children respond external forces differently to those gins (abuse, confrontations, massacres, etc.) are compelling from the of adults giving way to different processes and recovery periods osteoarchaeological perspective. Recognizing and assessing victims (Bilo, Robben, & van Rijn, 2010; Frick & Jones, 2014; Green & leads to insight into the social and historical relationships giving rise Swiontkowski, 2003; Jiménez‐Brobeil, Al Oumaoui, & Du Souich, to these violent situations and, in this framework, their exceptional 2007; Lewis, 2007, 2014; Symes, Ericka, L'Abbé, Chapman, & or recurring nature. The number of publications devoted to these Dirkmaat, 2012). Furthermore, there is also a vast chronological and questions has increased significantly in recent years highlighting a seg- spatial variability as to the types of ventures that can result in recog- ment of the ancient populations not receiving due attention that, nizable injuries among the skeletons of subadults (play and learning nonetheless, offers an enormous potential of information. In this

Int J Osteoarchaeol. 2018;1–9. wileyonlinelibrary.com/journal/oa Copyright © 2018 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. 1 2 VELASCO‐VÁZQUEZ ET AL. context, cranial injuries are especially informative and although it is concentrated in the southeast of Gran Canaria and that since the true that according to age and cultural context they may be associated end of the 19th century, this area of the island was subject to more with different social scenarios (Lewis, 2014), most clinical, forensic, intensive explorations aimed at increasing the collection of the El and bioarchaeological literature unanimously point to the head as Museo Canario. Most of the individuals (55/65) were discovered in the recurrent and preferred target in violent situations, both in adults the context of cave burials, whereas 10 originate from two cemeteries (Jurmain et al., 2009; Walker, 2001) and subadult individuals with pits and cist burials located in the south of the island (Bilo et al., 2010). ( and Mogán). In the current case, the studied population is from an insular con- It is essential to point out that the materials under study consti- text that reveals a relatively high frequency of craniofacial trauma tute a large percentage of subadults surpassing the age of 1 year among adults, for the most part linked to interpersonal clashes. The recovered at archaeological sites throughout the island. The limited study's geochronological framework is ideal to undertake deeper number of subadults, compared with the collection of adult individuals research into this subject as it focuses on the North African popula- preserved in El Museo Canario, is due, among other reasons, to the tions that arrived in the Canarian Archipelago around the turn of the under‐representation of this age group in many of the cemeteries Common Era and that, at least in the case of Gran Canaria, remained explored to date. Yet it is very complex to pinpoint the reason for this isolated from the continent and the other islands for hundreds of lack of representation. Among the causes are differences of burial years. This scenario led to the development of a strongly hierarchical practices of certain age groups, taphonomic issues, and the limited socio‐economic model in Gran Canaria based on agriculture and interest in infant skeletal remains in Canarian archaeological research livestock, at least at the time close to the island's conquest by the until the last third of the 20th century. The early archaeologists were Castilians in the 15th century. In this context, conflicts between in fact more concerned with collecting adult skulls and long bones that groups must have been frequent as recorded by archaeological and served their raciological objectives (Delgado‐Darias, 2009; Estévez‐ ethnohistorical sources. Under these conditions, how was the subadult González, 1987). For this same reason only the remains from the cem- population affected? Did they live in an environment marked by wide- etery of Maspalomas (n = 8) and one of the individuals from Acusa spread violence? Were they victims? What ranges of age were mainly retain the postcranial skeleton thus obliging the current study to focus affected? The present study therefore attempts to collect data and exclusively in the craniofacial region. In any case, the bias introduced respond, as fully as possible, to these and other questions in the by the collecting pattern does not seem to affect the representation framework of a general project focusing on the forms of violence of the subadults population in the cemeteries analysed, as it is among the ancient Canarian islanders. deduced from the percentages of the two archaeological sites with the greatest number of individuals. In Guayadeque, where the remains were collected between the late 19th and the early 20th centuries, 2 | MATERIALS AND METHOD subadults represent 10.8% if they are quantified with an unselected sample of adults from this same place (Delgado‐Darias, Alberto‐ The study population comprised a total of 65 subadults ranging from 1 Barroso, & Velasco‐Vázquez, 2017). In the cemetery of Maspalomas, to 17 years from the osteological collection of El Museo Canario. excavated between 2009 and 2012, this same group of population Apart from age, the criteria serving to select the samples were preser- represents 11.72% of its total. In both cases, individuals older than vation of at least 75% of the cranium (including both the vault and the 3 years represent more than 85% of the overall subadults total. facial skeleton) and absence of alterations or surface erosion impeding According to current chronological sequences, the materials under direct observation of the skull's bone tissues. Although the assemblage study cover a large portion of the pre‐Hispanic occupation of Gran comprises individuals from nine archaeological sites of Gran Canaria Canaria (Table 1). Specifically, the datings cover long chronological (Table 1; Figure 1), the site of Guayadeque with 42 individuals is the sequences: Guayadeque from the sixth to seventh to the 12th–13th most represented (64.6%). This greater proportion can be explained century cal CE; Acusa from the sixth to the 10th century cal CE; and by two circumstances: the abundance of collective burials Maspalomas from the 12th to the 15th cal CE (Alberto‐Barroso,

TABLE 1 Injury frequency per site

No. of Presence of Absence of With injuries Site Context Date range individuals trauma trauma (%) Acusa Cave burials 6th to the 10th century cal CE 7 1 6 16.7 Andén de Tabacalete Cave burials — 20 2 0 Angostura Cave burial — 10 1 0 Guayadeque Cave burials 6th–7th to the 12th–13th century cal CE 42 9 33 21.43 Maspalomas Cists and pits 12th to the 15th century cal CE 8 1 7 12.5 Mogán Cists and pits — 21 1 50 San Andrés Cave burials — 1 1 0 100 Tirajana Cave burials — 11 0 0 Valerón Cave burials — 10 1 0 Total 65 14 51 21.54 VELASCO‐VÁZQUEZ ET AL. 3

FIGURE 1 Location of the Canary Islands, Gran Canaria, and the position of the archaeological sites with the studied materials

2014; Delgado‐Darias, 2014). It is an extensive timeframe in which, as wound patterns (Galloway & Wedel, 2014; Lovell, 2008; Martin & revealed by different studies, there appears to be a marked continuity Harrod, 2014). in many of the cultural practices characterising the ancient Canarian Antemortem trauma was diagnosed on the basis of macroscopic islanders, in particular, funerary practices. evidence of healing, including the presence of porosity near the breaks Subadult designation (0–17 years in this case) is based on the that indicate bone activity and resorption, rounding of the edges of union of the spheno‐occipital synchondrosis and third molar eruption. the break, and/or existence of bony bridges (Sauer, 1998). Perimortem Age estimation, in turn, is based on the analysis of the process of for- traumatic injuries include sharp edges without remodeling, radiating mation and eruption of the dental pieces of both arches (Buikstra & and/or concentric fractures, hinge fractures, delamination, knapping Ubelaker, 1994). In order to establish comparisons, the subjects were or flaking (Sauer, 1998). Additionally, the color of the fracture had to grouped into different subsets: infant Ia (0–2 years), Ib (3–7 years), II be consistent with that of the adjacent bone (Buikstra & Ubelaker, (8–14 years), and III (≥15 years; Scheuer & Black, 2000). Following 1994; Sauer, 1998). The statistical comparison of trauma prevalence the findings of previous research (Fibiger, 2014; Gaither & Murphy, by subsets was carried out by means of Fisher's exact, two‐tailed test, 2012), the current study, to facilitate comparison, settled on two main with a consistent statistical significance of 5%. age groups: birth to 11 and 12–17 years. Unfortunately, for the time being, it is not possible to establish a direct relationship between bio- logical age and social age for the ancient Canarians. 3 | RESULTS Cranial remains were examined for evidence of fractures. A magnifying glass and a perpendicular light source assisted identifica- The study identified a total of 14 individuals (21.54%) with craniofacial tion and examination of the characteristics of the fractures. Fracture injuries, all suffering from BFT. Two reveal fractures classified as description is in fact fundamental in order to understand and explain perimortem (2/14, 14.28%), probably the direct cause of death trauma (Lovell, 2008; Martin & Harrod, 2014; Symes et al., 2012). (Figure 2). The general values of the trauma according to site are listed Hence, fractures were classified according to the mechanisms causing in Table 1. them: sharp force trauma, puncture injuries, and blunt force No significant statistical differences were observed when compar- trauma (BFT). These categories are well defined and widely ing the sites yielding the greatest number of individuals (Guayadeque, studied in bioarchaeology and forensic (Galloway & Acusa and Maspalomas; Table 1; Table 3). The results of the assess- Wedel, 2014; Kranioti, 2015; Lovell, 1997; Torres Rouff & Costa ment by age group (Table 2; Table 3), by contrast, indicate a maximum Junqueira, 2006). frequency of lesions affecting group Ib (eight individuals, 25%), In the case of BFT, the injuries from the impacts on the cranial especially among the greater ages, followed by group III with 22%, vault were classified according to their morphology: linear, depressed, and finally group II with four (19%). Moreover, there are no significant comminuted, diastatic, radiating and concentric fracture, or combina- statistical differences when comparing the different age groups among tions of different impacts. The depressed type is based on its form themselves, not even group Ia, despite the fact that 100% of the cra- (circular, oval, triangular, or irregular). Recording of each injury also nial trauma are detected among individuals older than five. There are consisted of identifying the location, characteristics of the lesion, state also no significant differences between the individuals when grouped of healing, and dimensions (Timmins, Seréville‐Niel, & Brickley, 2017). into two categories (1–11 and 12–18 years) as the proportions are, Furthermore, BFT to the face (mandible, maxillary, nasal, zigomatic respectively, 12 out of 41 (29.27%) and two out of eight (20%; bone, and orbit) were differentiated in order to better characterize Table 3). 4 VELASCO‐VÁZQUEZ ET AL.

FIGURE 2 Individual (7 years old) from Guayadeque with two blunt force trauma perimortem lesions on the frontal bone [Colour figure can be viewed at wileyonlinelibrary.com]

TABLE 2 Injury frequency by age groups examples exceed, on an average, 15 mm in length along their major axis (Figure 4 and Figure 5), and no significant differences are Age group Trauma absent Trauma present % observed when combining dimensions and positions (frontal: Ia (0–2) 1 0 0 19.94 ± 14.98 mm, left parietal: 10.908 ± 5.57 mm, right parietal: Ib (3–7) 24 8 25 19.783 ± 8.27 mm). Although there are few comparative elements, II (8–14) 17 4 19.05 the differences in the size of the antemortem and perimortem lesions III (≥15) 7 2 22.2 are striking as they respectively measure 13.03 ± 6.99 and Undetermined 2 0 0 38.54 ± 0.4 mm. Total 51 14 21.54

4 | DISCUSSION A total of 78.57% of the population with trauma shows single injuries (11/14), while the remaining 14.3% reveal two (3/14). Of The results indicate a high rate of traumatic craniofacial injuries in the the total number of lesions (N = 17), 82.35% are antemortem and subadult population over 5 years (21.54%), values that are much 17.65% perimortem. It is noteworthy that of the three subjects greater than those determined for other archaeological groups in dif- with two injuries, one showed two perimortem wounds, another ferent contexts and chronologies (Fibiger, 2014; Gaither & Murphy, two antemortem wounds, and the last one of each type. With regard 2012; Krakowka, 2017; Lewis, 2007, 2014; Timmins et al., 2017). A to their position (Figure 3), five are on the left parietal (29.41%), recent study of more than 300 adult individuals at Guayadeque in three on the right parietal (17.65%), seven on the frontal (41.17%), Gran Canaria (Delgado‐Darias et al., 2017) reports a high prevalence one in the facial region (5.88%), and one in the occipital region of craniofacial injuries (27.4%; 95/347). As clearly it is reflected by (5.88%). the few differences in the percentage of injuries in adults and sub- Most of the trauma types are depressed (14/16, 87.5%), two are adults of Gran Canaria, with no significant statistical differences linear (12.5%), and an isolated case in the nasal and right maxilla area between each group. (Fisher's exact test = 0.44111, non‐significative does not fall into any of the previous categories. The depressed [n.s.]). There were also no differences between adults and subadults

TABLE 3 Test statics values (Fisher's exact test, two tailed)

Age groups Ia (0–2) Ib (3–7) II (8–14) III (≥15) (11–17) Ia (0–2) 1 (n.s.) 1 (n.s.) 1 (n.s.) Ib (3–7) 0.7433 (n.s.) 1 (n.s.) II (8–14) 1 (n.s.) (1–11) 1 (n.s.) Cemeteries Guayadeque Maspalomas Acusa Guayadeque 1 (n.s.) 1 (n.s.) Maspalomas 1 (n.s.)

Note. n.s. = non‐significative. VELASCO‐VÁZQUEZ ET AL. 5

FIGURE 3 Schema indicating the location of lesions identified in the study [Colour figure can be viewed at wileyonlinelibrary.com]

FIGURE 5 Individual (8 years old) from Guayadeque with a depressed trauma on the right parietal bone [Colour figure can be viewed at wileyonlinelibrary.com]

can be classified as characteristic of a significant percentage of the pre‐Hispanic population of the Canary Islands ranging from childhood (5–6 years) to adulthood. Hence, it can be argued that the ancient Canarians population, at different stages, suffered a regular exposure to the agents resulting in these types of injuries. This data can also be considered a relevant criterion for the knowledge of the relation- FIGURE 4 Individual (10 years old) from Guayadeque with a ships between biological age and social age established among the depressed trauma on the right side of the frontal bone [Colour figure ancient Canarian. Apparently, from the age of 5–6, the subadults par- can be viewed at wileyonlinelibrary.com] ticipate in a general social model, even as victims of violence in similar proportions to the rest of the population. The similarities in the per- when comparing the percentages of the perimortem fractures centage of trauma among the different age groups of subadults, as (p = .6381, n.s.) or the antemortem ones (p = .3616, n.s.). Based on well as between the group III of the subadults (22%) and that of the the findings of this study, and the comparisons with adults, it is possi- youngest adults (20.5%; Delgado‐Darias et al., 2017) helps to maintain ble to determine the existence of a pattern of cranial fractures that this proposal. 6 VELASCO‐VÁZQUEZ ET AL.

The research carried out to date for the island of Gran Canaria size of the lesions of the skull (Bilo et al., 2010; Cramer & Green, points to violence as the main cause of this type of trauma especially 2003) bolsters the idea that many were the result of extreme violence. when considering position, dimensions, and typology (Bosch‐Millares, However, the age that they begin to become widespread (basically 1975; Delgado‐Darias et al., 2017; Owens, 2007). Recent studies on from 5 to 6 years), and the fact that no other trauma were identified violence among the adult population of the ancient Canarians reveal among the known cases with the postcranial skeletons (Acusa and that the greatest concentration of fractures are found on the frontal Maspalomas; Figure 6), complicates categorising these aggressions as and facial bones (68.8% of the total) and that there is a higher inci- child abuse, at least, and always following the caution required in dence of lesions to the left parietal than to the right (Delgado‐Darias these cases, according to current forensic medicine child abuse criteria et al., 2017). This is a pattern of recurrent injuries corresponding to (Gaither, 2012). The fact that they are found among several age wounds resulting from interpersonal aggression, particularly from groups, with an equivalent proportion among adults, suggests a face‐to‐face confrontations (Guyomarc'h, Campagna‐Vaillancourt, scenario of far‐reaching physical violence in a society that is not spe- Kremer, & Sauvageau, 2010; Kranioti, 2015; Kremer & Sauvageau, cifically directed toward non‐adults at specific moments of their 2009). In the case of the subadult population, the frontal, the facial existence. skeleton, and the left parietal comprise 76.46% of the trauma which, The chronology of the sites, as well as the absence of sharp injuries, according to the same logic, bolsters the hypothesis that violent rules out that the aggressions were the result of the process of Castilian actions were behind a significant proportion of the injuries identified conquest of the island in the 15th century (Santana‐Cabrera, Velasco‐ among this sector of the population. Vázquez, Rodríguez‐Rodríguez, González‐Marrero, & Delgado‐Darias, In any case, among the assemblage under study, it is not possible 2016). Judging from the current evidence, the indications of violence to completely discard the possibility of accidental injuries because, cannot be credited to the arrival of populations from another island as apart from the methodological complications to distinguish them, the there is no evidence of contacts between Gran Canaria and the rest abrupt relief of the island and the habitual mobility of part of the pop- of the archipelago preceding the Castilian conquest, and in the event ulation also could have resulted in cranial injuries (Velasco‐Vázquez, that they had occurred, they were not consistent enough to explain a Alberto‐Barroso, Delgado‐Darias, & Santana‐Cabrera, 2017). In this pattern of injury taking place over a long time. sense, the perimortem linear trauma located in the occipital of one The different findings indicate that the subadults were victims of of the subadults of Guayadeque (11 years old), although unique interpersonal violence generated within the framework of this human among the whole assemblage due to its position and nature, could well group as a result of social tensions originating from different circum- be the result of a backward fall (Guyomarc'h et al., 2010). To these, stances that are not always possible to identify. In this sense, one arguments can be added that a great part of the wounds identified must bear in mind that these communities remained isolated, or at are above the hat brim line which, despite not being a definitive crite- least without significant contacts from abroad, for a little more than rion (Lefèvre, Alvarez, & Grandmaison, 2015), serve as evidence that, a millennium, populating a territory of scarcely 1,500 km2. Their envi- together with other factors, helps determine a violent nature of the ronment was thus characterised by fragile and fragmented ecosys- lesions. The age at which the presence of fractures in the studied tems modified fundamentally by the development of an economy series begins to be observed, following current forensic criteria based on agriculture and livestock, resulting in, among other prob- (Bilo et al., 2010), may support the notion that accidental falls are no lems, the progressive reduction of the natural forests (Nascimento longer the most likely cause of the injuries. et al., 2016). The notion of a violent origin is also bolstered by the characteris- To these, conditions can be added recurrent episodes of drought tics of the wounds, almost exclusively of the depressed type (usually or plagues of locusts from the neighbouring African continent that oval or circular) that are most commonly linked to intentional aggres- diminished crops, pastures, and water sources essential to the survival sions and not accidents (Bilo et al., 2010; Fibiger, 2014). In addition, these types of lesions are compatible with the weapons commonly used by ancient Canarians made of stones and sticks, at times in the form of clubs (Abreu‐Galindo, 1977 [1590–1602]), due to the absence of metal weapons. On the other hand, it must be taken into account that the limited number of linear fractures, rather than indicative of a low incidence, could result, at least in part, from the difficulty of their identification due to the rapid bone regeneration among the subadult population. This may have reached the point of not being visible (Gaither & Murphy, 2012; Jones, 2003; Lewis, 2014). Although it is impossible to estimate the number of these cases, it can be inferred that cranial lesions represent only a part of those suffered by the sub- adult population, perhaps only those of greater severity (Timmins et al., 2017; Walker, 2001). The impossibility of examining the postcranial skeleton in most of FIGURE 6 Individual (5–6 years old) from Maspalomas with a the individuals renders it difficult to assess the possibility of mistreat- depressed trauma on the right parietal bone [Colour figure can be ment of children among this series. Yet the position, type, and even viewed at wileyonlinelibrary.com] VELASCO‐VÁZQUEZ ET AL. 7 of populations lacking the possibility to migrate to other territories or due to unequal access to food, and in particular to livestock (Delgado‐ receive external assistance. Although documents for the indigenous Darias, Velasco‐Vázquez, Arnay‐de‐la‐Rosa, Martín‐Rodríguez, & period are not available, 18 locust plagues and 28 winter rain González‐Reimers, 2005; Velasco‐Vázquez et al., 1999). Therefore, if droughts, among other catastrophes, are recorded subsequent to the we add the interpersonal competition of political and social order to Castilian conquest between the 17th and 18th centuries (Arroyo, the conditions described above, it becomes simpler to explain a model 2009; García et al., 2003; Herrera, 1979). These catastrophes also at of widespread physical violence extending to large sectors of the popu- times took place simultaneously provoking famine and high mortality lation, including subadults. Judging from the data, they become partici- rates among the Canarians of the Old Regime. pants, after a certain age at least, as victims of a system where there is Moreover, the existence of large collective granaries serving to unequivocal evidence of structural and symbolic violence that most store the products of agricultural and livestock surplus could, among often reaches its climax at critical times (Tung et al., 2016). Subadults other factors, reflect cultural mechanisms deployed by this population in these situations would have also be exposed to physical violence, to minimize the effects of harsh episodic conditions, as also could the either as combatants, or when considered as potential future combat- drastic practice of feminine infanticide recorded by European ants, or simply as another target of aggression. Some of these situations, narratives (Abreu‐Galindo, 1977 [1590–1602]) serving as a measure uncommon judging by the data, would have led to the worst of conse- of demographic control. Finally, the broad demographic density quences: death. As has also been argued for adults (Delgado‐Darias (12–20 hr/km2, according to the authors) also helps explain the exis- et al., 2017), the predominance of fully recovered injuries and the mod- tence of social tensions on the island especially in the final stages of erate severity of such wounds seem to indicate that the final objective Gran Canaria's pre‐Hispanic society (Jiménez‐González, 1999; of most of the aggressions would not intended to cause the death. It is Onrubia‐Pintado, 2003). Furthermore, the archaeological evidence more likely that this violence has its origin in specific confrontations supports an intensification of agricultural production and pressure on due to socioeconomic factors and that they affect, albeit in an unequal the territory, at least in the 300–400 years before the arrival of the proportion, the whole population. Europeans (Morales‐Mateos, 2011). The data available for Gran Canaria show a global scenario 5 | CONCLUSIONS marked by frequent situations that would endanger the fragile balance between the size of the population and the amount of available The prevalence of traumatic injuries among the ancient population of resources, resulting in a widespread state of stress. Different studies Gran Canaria appears to be the result of a model of society with wide- suggest that populations subject to social, political, environmental, or spread engrained violence (physical and structural) whose origin can economic pressures experience an increase in violence, including that be found both in social differences and in the biogeographical condi- perpetrated against subadults (Gaither, 2012; Lewis, 2007; Timmins tions imposed by an insular environment where contacts with the out- et al., 2017; Tung, Miller, De Santis, Sharp, & Kelly, 2016). This may side world are not known until the Late Middle Ages. In this case, and be the case of Gran Canaria where violence appears to have equally especially in certain episodes of social instability, it is perhaps possible exerted an impact over the whole of the population. to view Gran Canaria as suffering from what Tung (2008) defines as A comparison of the current findings with those obtained in indiscriminate violence because it affects different segments of the neighbouring Tenerife, the largest of the Canary Islands (3,034 km2) population in specific historical situations. The potential of making that shares biogeographical and cultural features, offers new ele- comparisons with other insular populations would allow determining ments to assess the question of Gran Canaria. The data regarding if the isolation in island contexts contributes to inciting violence, a head injuries, for example, oscillate between the 25.3% for an state that is already heightened in conditions of social instability. In assemblage of 182 skulls (Owens, 2007) and 7.4% for 408 individ- any case, the study of the profile of the victims of physical violence uals (Rodríguez‐Martín, 1997; Rodríguez‐Martin & Martín‐Oval, helps determine the historical circumstances and the social model in 2009). In both cases, the injuries are directly linked to interpersonal which these aggressions took place. An interesting line of work for clashes. But perhaps the most significant data along these lines are future research in Gran Canaria is opened, which addresses, in that no cranial trauma were detected in individuals under 17– addition to the injury patterns, the consequences for the subadults 18 years among the large number of samples examined of the population within an insular social model as described. Tererife's pre‐Hispanic population (Rodríguez‐Martin & Martín‐Oval, 2009). It can therefore be deduced that despite sharing common ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS features (isolation, fragile ecosystems, etc.), the two societies reveal differences that may help explain the scenario of widespread The study was made possible thanks to the project initiated and violence among the population of Gran Canaria ranging from directed by the Museo Canario (Las Palmas de Gran Canaria, Spain) childhood to adulthood. for the analysis and historical interpretation of the evidence of ‐ In this case, the greatest and most important difference resides in physical violence in the pre Hispanic population of Gran Canaria. the marked hierarchy of the ancient Canarian society where inequalities The authors would equally like to thank the anonymous reviewers were institutionalized imposing asymmetric access to the ownership of who provided many valuable contributions. land, livestock, as well as to any other fundamental resource vital to sur- vival. Such a scenario has been linked, among other issues, to a nutri- ORCID tional deficit affecting part of Gran Canaria's pre‐Hispanic population J. Velasco‐Vázquez http://orcid.org/0000-0003-0339-3500 8 VELASCO‐VÁZQUEZ ET AL.

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