Society for the Promotion of Hellenic Studies Cambridge University Press
Total Page:16
File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb
Load more
Recommended publications
-
HOMERIC-ILIAD.Pdf
Homeric Iliad Translated by Samuel Butler Revised by Soo-Young Kim, Kelly McCray, Gregory Nagy, and Timothy Power Contents Rhapsody 1 Rhapsody 2 Rhapsody 3 Rhapsody 4 Rhapsody 5 Rhapsody 6 Rhapsody 7 Rhapsody 8 Rhapsody 9 Rhapsody 10 Rhapsody 11 Rhapsody 12 Rhapsody 13 Rhapsody 14 Rhapsody 15 Rhapsody 16 Rhapsody 17 Rhapsody 18 Rhapsody 19 Rhapsody 20 Rhapsody 21 Rhapsody 22 Rhapsody 23 Rhapsody 24 Homeric Iliad Rhapsody 1 Translated by Samuel Butler Revised by Soo-Young Kim, Kelly McCray, Gregory Nagy, and Timothy Power [1] Anger [mēnis], goddess, sing it, of Achilles, son of Peleus— 2 disastrous [oulomenē] anger that made countless pains [algea] for the Achaeans, 3 and many steadfast lives [psūkhai] it drove down to Hādēs, 4 heroes’ lives, but their bodies it made prizes for dogs [5] and for all birds, and the Will of Zeus was reaching its fulfillment [telos]— 6 sing starting from the point where the two—I now see it—first had a falling out, engaging in strife [eris], 7 I mean, [Agamemnon] the son of Atreus, lord of men, and radiant Achilles. 8 So, which one of the gods was it who impelled the two to fight with each other in strife [eris]? 9 It was [Apollo] the son of Leto and of Zeus. For he [= Apollo], infuriated at the king [= Agamemnon], [10] caused an evil disease to arise throughout the mass of warriors, and the people were getting destroyed, because the son of Atreus had dishonored Khrysēs his priest. Now Khrysēs had come to the ships of the Achaeans to free his daughter, and had brought with him a great ransom [apoina]: moreover he bore in his hand the scepter of Apollo wreathed with a suppliant’s wreath [15] and he besought the Achaeans, but most of all the two sons of Atreus, who were their chiefs. -
Athenians and Eleusinians in the West Pediment of the Parthenon
ATHENIANS AND ELEUSINIANS IN THE WEST PEDIMENT OF THE PARTHENON (PLATE 95) T HE IDENTIFICATION of the figuresin the west pedimentof the Parthenonhas long been problematic.I The evidencereadily enables us to reconstructthe composition of the pedimentand to identify its central figures.The subsidiaryfigures, however, are rath- er more difficult to interpret. I propose that those on the left side of the pediment may be identifiedas membersof the Athenian royal family, associatedwith the goddessAthena, and those on the right as membersof the Eleusinian royal family, associatedwith the god Posei- don. This alignment reflects the strife of the two gods on a heroic level, by referringto the legendary war between Athens and Eleusis. The recognition of the disjunctionbetween Athenians and Eleusinians and of parallelism and contrastbetween individualsand groups of figures on the pedimentpermits the identificationof each figure. The referenceto Eleusis in the pediment,moreover, indicates the importanceof that city and its majorcult, the Eleu- sinian Mysteries, to the Athenians. The referencereflects the developmentand exploitation of Athenian control of the Mysteries during the Archaic and Classical periods. This new proposalfor the identificationof the subsidiaryfigures of the west pedimentthus has critical I This article has its origins in a paper I wrote in a graduateseminar directedby ProfessorJohn Pollini at The Johns Hopkins University in 1979. I returned to this paper to revise and expand its ideas during 1986/1987, when I held the Jacob Hirsch Fellowship at the American School of Classical Studies at Athens. In the summer of 1988, I was given a grant by the Committeeon Research of Tulane University to conduct furtherresearch for the article. -
The Phocian Betrayal at Thermopylae
historia 68, 2019/4, 413–435 DOI 10.25162/historia-2019-0022 Jeffrey Rop The Phocian Betrayal at Thermopylae Abstract: This article makes three arguments regarding the Battle of Thermopylae. First, that the discovery of the Anopaea path was not dependent upon Ephialtes, but that the Persians were aware of it at their arrival and planned their attacks at Thermopylae, Artemisium, and against the Phocians accordingly. Second, that Herodotus’ claims that the failure of the Pho- cians was due to surprise, confusion, and incompetence are not convincing. And third, that the best explanation for the Phocian behavior is that they were from Delphi and betrayed their allies as part of a bid to restore local control over the sanctuary. Keywords: Thermopylae – Artemisium – Delphi – Phocis – Medism – Anopaea The courageous sacrifice of Leonidas and the Spartans is perhaps the central theme of Herodotus’ narrative and of many popular retellings of the Battle of Thermopylae in 480 BCE. Even as modern historians are appropriately more critical of this heroizing impulse, they have tended to focus their attention on issues that might explain why Leo- nidas and his men fought to the death. These include discussion of the broader strategic and tactical importance of Thermopylae, the inter-relationship and chronology of the Greek defense of the pass and the naval campaign at Artemisium, the actual number of Greeks who served under Leonidas and whether it was sufficient to hold the position, and so on. While this article inevitably touches upon some of these same topics, its main purpose is to reconsider the decisive yet often overlooked moment of the battle: the failure of the 1,000 Phocians on the Anopaea path. -
1 Reading Athenaios' Epigraphical Hymn to Apollo: Critical Edition And
Reading Athenaios’ Epigraphical Hymn to Apollo: Critical Edition and Commentaries DISSERTATION Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of The Ohio State University By Corey M. Hackworth Graduate Program in Greek and Latin The Ohio State University 2015 Dissertation Committee: Fritz Graf, Advisor Benjamin Acosta-Hughes Carolina López-Ruiz 1 Copyright by Corey M. Hackworth 2015 2 Abstract This dissertation is a study of the Epigraphical Hymn to Apollo that was found at Delphi in 1893, and since attributed to Athenaios. It is believed to have been performed as part of the Athenian Pythaïdes festival in the year 128/7 BCE. After a brief introduction to the hymn, I provide a survey and history of the most important editions of the text. I offer a new critical edition equipped with a detailed apparatus. This is followed by an extended epigraphical commentary which aims to describe the history of, and arguments for and and against, readings of the text as well as proposed supplements and restorations. The guiding principle of this edition is a conservative one—to indicate where there is uncertainty, and to avoid relying on other, similar, texts as a resource for textual restoration. A commentary follows, which traces word usage and history, in an attempt to explore how an audience might have responded to the various choices of vocabulary employed throughout the text. Emphasis is placed on Athenaios’ predilection to utilize new words, as well as words that are non-traditional for Apolline narrative. The commentary considers what role prior word usage (texts) may have played as intertexts, or sources of poetic resonance in the ears of an audience. -
The Linguistic Case for the Aiolian Migration 433
HESPERIA JJ (2OO8) THE LINGUISTIC Pages43I~4^4 CASE FOR THE AIOLIAN MIGRATION RECONSIDERED ABSTRACT Ascribingthe presence of speakers of Lesbian in thenortheast Aegean dur- inghistorical times to themigration of Aiolian tribes from mainland Greece receivesno supportfrom linguistics. Migration is notthe only or even primary wayin whichlanguages and dialectsmay spread. Moreover, on reexamina- tion,the idea of an Aiolicdialect group falls apart. Boiotian, separated by the FirstCompensatory Lengthening from Lesbian and Thessalian, appears as a conservativedialect, most closely related to WestGreek. In turn,Lesbian andThessalian are both archaic branches of Greek that share no demonstrable commoninnovations. They are bestviewed as twoseparate relic areas of a relativelyunaltered early Greek. - To pass fromthis legendary world an aggregateof streamsdis- tinctand heterogeneous,which do notwillingly come intoconflu- ence,and cannotbe forcedto intermix- intothe vision afforded by Herodotus,we learnfrom him that in the500s B.C.the whole coast-regionfrom Dardanus southward to thepromontory of Lektum(including the town of Ilium),and fromLektum eastward to Adramyttium,had been Aeolised,or was occupiedby Aeolic - Greeks likewisethe inland towns of Skepsisand Kebren.1 This papergrew out of the researchof BrianRose, as set out in the pre- cedingarticle in thisissue of Hesperia?As head of the post-BronzeAge excavationsat Troy,Rose had long acceptedthe scholarlyconsensus in 1. Grote 1888, vol. 1, p. 305, refer- mightexpect fromthe rulesbut does markany (or an unknown) representa- = ringto Hdt. 1.149-151. not occur.The sign > means "develops tive of that class. So C any consonant; = - 2. Rose 2008. My thanksare due to to" (and the sign < means "develops H any laryngeal;Kw any labiovelar; = = Brian Rose, Don Ringe, Ronald Kim, from")an earlierform by regularsound P any labial; R any resonant(I, r, and the anonymousreviewers for Hes- changes.The sign -> means "is replaced myn); T= any dental; V= anyvowel. -
Ritual Performance As Training for Daughters in Archaic Greece Author(S): Wayne B
Classical Association of Canada Ritual Performance as Training for Daughters in Archaic Greece Author(s): Wayne B. Ingalls Reviewed work(s): Source: Phoenix, Vol. 54, No. 1/2 (Spring - Summer, 2000), pp. 1-20 Published by: Classical Association of Canada Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/1089087 . Accessed: 31/03/2012 18:35 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at . http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected]. Classical Association of Canada is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to Phoenix. http://www.jstor.org RITUAL PERFORMANCE AS TRAINING FOR DAUGHTERS IN ARCHAIC GREECE WAYNEB. INGALLS INTRODUCTION THE PUBLICATION OF THE REVISION AND ENGLISH TRANSLATION of Claude Calame's Les choeursdejeunes filles en Grecearchaique (1997) has again focused attention on the participationof girls in traditionallyric choruses. One aspect of choral activitywhich Calame discusses is education (1977: 1.385-420; 1997: 221-244). In this treatment Calame deals with the chorus as the place of education, the instruction given to the chorus, the metaphoricalrepresentation of education and marriage, and the homoerotic elements -
The Reception History of Palaephatus 1 (On the Centaurs) in Ancient and Byzantine Texts*
The reception history of Palaephatus 1 (On the Centaurs) in Ancient and Byzantine texts* MINERVA ALGANZA ROLDÁN Universidad de Granada [email protected] JULIAN BARR [email protected] GRETA HAWES Australian National University [email protected] * This article is part of the Research Project ‘Estudios sobre transmisión y recepción de Paléfato y la exégesis racionalista de los mitos / Studies on the transmission and reception of Palaephatus, and the rationalist exegesis of myths’ (FFI2014-52203-P), supported by the Ministerio de Economía y Competitividad (MINECO) of Spain. The sections on ancient texts (2, 3, and 4) are primarily the work of Julian Barr and Greta Hawes. The sections on Byzantine texts (5, 6, and 7) are primarily the work of Minerva Alganza Roldán, and were translated into English by Greta Hawes. Polymnia - n°3 - 2017 THE RECEPTION HISTORY OF PALAEPHATUS 1 (ON THE CENTAURS) 187 1. Introduction The transmission history of Palaephatus’ Peri Apiston remains a topic of dispute. The text that we have comprises a methodological introduction along with 46 examples of the rationalisation of individual myths.1 The best evidence that we have points to Palaephatus as working in Athens in the late fourth century BC, within the ambit of the Peripatetics. But almost nothing can be said with certainty about the early history of his Peri Apiston.2 Palaephatus’ name – in the context of a far-fetched explanation utilising a protos heuretes motif – appears in a fragment of new comedy (Athenion fr.1 PCG).3 His Troica is mentioned – approvingly – by Strabo (12.3.22) as a source used by Demetrius of Scepsis (early second century BC).4 But only in the late first century AD, in a passage in the Progymnasmata of Aelius Theon (discussed below), is Palaephatus named as author of the Peri Apiston. -
Mythology Study Questions
Greek Mythology version 1.0 Notes: These are study questions on Apollodorus’ Library of Greek Mythology. They are best used during or after reading the Library, though many of them can be used independently. In some cases Apollodorus departs from other NJCL sources, and those other sources are more authoritative/likely to come up on tests and in Certamen. In particular, it is wise to read the epics (Iliad, Odyssey, Aeneid, Metamorphoses) for the canonical versions of several stories. Most of these are in question form, and suitable for use as certamen questions, but many of the later questions are in the format of NJCL test questions instead. Students should not be worried by the number of questions here, or the esoteric nature of some of them. Mastering every one of these questions is unnecessary except, perhaps, for those aiming to get a top score on the NJCL Mythology Exam, compete at the highest levels of Certamen, and the like. Further, many of the questions here are part of longer stories; learning a story will often help a student answer several of the questions at once. Apollodorus does an excellent job of presenting stories succinctly and clearly. The best translation of the Library currently available is probably the Oxford Word Classics edition by Robin Hard. That edition is also excellent for its notes, which include crucial information that Apollodorus omits as well as comparisons with other versions of the stories. I am grateful for any corrections, comments, or suggestions. You can contact me at [email protected]. New versions of this list will be posted occasionally. -
Court Intrigue and the Death of Callisthenes Lara O’Sullivan
Court Intrigue and the Death of Callisthenes Lara O’Sullivan MPLICATED IN A PLOT by the Royal Pages (the basilikoi paides) against Alexander’s life in Bactria in 327 B.C.E., the historian I Callisthenes was condemned as a traitor and died—either tortured and hanged, or imprisoned and carted about with the army until disease brought about his death.1 His demise marks something of a nadir in Alexander’s reign; indeed, centuries after the fact, Curtius could claim that no one’s execution incited greater resentment of Alexander among the Greeks (nullius caedes maiorem apud Graecos Alexandro excitavit invidiam).2 The reason for that resentment is not difficult to discover. Despite the avowals of the Alexander-apologists that the Pages had implicated Cal- listhenes, his supposed involvement in the plot was unsupported by evidence. Arrian concedes as much, observing that most traditions had no indication of Callisthenes’ guilt, while Plutarch cites a letter purportedly written by the king himself in the im- mediate aftermath of the conspiracy, in which the Pages were said to have confessed under torture that the conspiracy was en- tirely their own, and that nobody else was cognizant of the plot.3 The underlying cause of Callisthenes’ downfall is, instead, 1 For Callisthenes’ fate Arr. 4.14.3 cites divergent accounts by Ptolemy FGrHist 138 F17 (put to death; so too Curt. 8.8.21) and Aristobulus FGrHist 139 F 33 (died while imprisoned). Aristobulus clearly based his account on Chares (FGrHist 125 F 15 = Plut. Alex. 55.9). 2 Curt. 8.8.22. -
Zeus Temple at Olympia ROSS HOLLOWAY, R
Panhellenism in the Sculptures of the Zeus Temple at Olympia ROSS HOLLOWAY, R. Greek, Roman and Byzantine Studies; Summer 1967; 8, 2; ProQuest pg. 93 Panhellenism in the Sculptures of the Zeus Temple at Olympia R. Ross Holloway REEK ARCHITECTURAL SCULPTURE in stone is as old as the Greek G stone temple. By the early fifth century B.C. the Greeks had also developed the idea of programmatic design in archi tectural sculpture. The thematic connections were simple and concrete. The metopes ofthe Athenian Treasury at Delphi, for example, present the comparison of the labors of Herakles and of Theseus. At Aigina the program occupying the pediments of the Aphaia Temple consisted of scenes from the two Greek expeditions against Troy. A century later, however, thematic planning of architectural sculp ture had moved far beyond such simple and obvious programs and could be conceived with connections that were more suggestive and abstract than declarative and concrete. A case in point is the Nereid Monument at Xanthos in Lycia, a princely tomb designed by a Greek architect and decorated by Greek artists at the beginning of the fourth century B.C. As interpreted by Panofsky,l the frieze of the podium combines scenes from the career of the owner of the tomb with mythical scenes meant to reflect that career on an heroic plane. In the colonnade celestial abstractions suggest a benevolent atmosphere. A final motive of apotheosis is expressed by figures of the Dioskouroi in the pediments. The century between the Aphaia Temple and the Nereid Monu ment saw the design and execution of the monumental architectural sculpture of the high classical age. -
The Relationship Between the Western Satraps and the Greeks
University of Calgary PRISM: University of Calgary's Digital Repository Graduate Studies The Vault: Electronic Theses and Dissertations 2018-11-08 East Looking West: the Relationship between the Western Satraps and the Greeks Ward, Megan Leigh Falconer Ward, M. L. F. (2018). East Looking West: the Relationship between the Western Satraps and the Greeks (Unpublished doctoral thesis). University of Calgary, Calgary, AB. doi:10.11575/PRISM/33255 http://hdl.handle.net/1880/109170 doctoral thesis University of Calgary graduate students retain copyright ownership and moral rights for their thesis. You may use this material in any way that is permitted by the Copyright Act or through licensing that has been assigned to the document. For uses that are not allowable under copyright legislation or licensing, you are required to seek permission. Downloaded from PRISM: https://prism.ucalgary.ca UNIVERSITY OF CALGARY “East Looking West: the Relationship between the Western Satraps and the Greeks.” by Megan Leigh Falconer Ward A THESIS SUBMITTED TO THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES IN PARTIAL FULFILMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY GRADUATE PROGRAM IN GREEK AND ROMAN STUDIES CALGARY, ALBERTA NOVEMBER, 2018 © Megan Leigh Falconer Ward 2018 Abstract The satraps of Persia played a significant role in many affairs of the European Greek poleis. This dissertation contains a discussion of the ways in which the Persians treated the Hellenic states like subjects of the Persian empire, particularly following the expulsion of the Persian Invasion in 479 BCE. Chapter One looks at Persian authority both within the empire and among the Greeks. -
The Meno by Plato
MENO By Plato Translated by Lee Perlman The bold numbers and letters are universal ‘stephanus’ page numbers, which provide a common reference between different translations PERSONS OF THE DIALOGUE: Meno, Socrates, A Slave of Meno (Boy), Anytus. 70 MENO: Can you tell me1, Socrates, whether aretê is something that can be taught; or if not through teaching, through practice, or if neither by practice nor through learning, does it accrue to humans by nature, or in some other way? SOCRATES: Meno, the Thessalians used to be held in high repute and marveled B at among the Greeks for their horsemanship and their riches, but now, it seems to me, also for wisdom, not least the citizens of Larissa, the city of your companion Aristippus. The cause of this is Gorgias. For he came to the city and made the foremost of the Aleuadae lovers of his wisdom, among them your lover2 Aristippus, as well as the other Thessalians. And he accustomed you to the habit C of answering any question asked of you fearlessly and magnificently, exactly like those who know; just as he himself stands ready for any question a Greek wishes to ask, and never fails to answer. But in this region, dear Meno, the opposite has come to pass. There 1 Exeis moi epein means literally ‘Do you have it to tell me?” There is some reason to think that Plato played with the conventions of the epic tradition, in which the first word set the theme for the entire poem. Here, this would suggest that the question of whether knowledge is a kind of ‘having’ or possession is central to the Meno.