University of Tennessee, Knoxville TRACE: Tennessee Research and Creative Exchange

Masters Theses Graduate School

5-2004

Competing Visions of Spain: Joaquin Costa and Miguel de Unamuno's Searches for National Identity

Alyson F. Baker University of Tennessee, Knoxville

Follow this and additional works at: https://trace.tennessee.edu/utk_gradthes

Part of the History Commons

Recommended Citation Baker, Alyson F., "Competing Visions of Spain: Joaquin Costa and Miguel de Unamuno's Searches for National Identity. " Master's Thesis, University of Tennessee, 2004. https://trace.tennessee.edu/utk_gradthes/4658

This Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the Graduate School at TRACE: Tennessee Research and Creative Exchange. It has been accepted for inclusion in Masters Theses by an authorized administrator of TRACE: Tennessee Research and Creative Exchange. For more information, please contact [email protected]. To the Graduate Council:

I am submitting herewith a thesis written by Alyson F. Baker entitled "Competing Visions of Spain: Joaquin Costa and Miguel de Unamuno's Searches for National Identity." I have examined the final electronic copy of this thesis for form and content and recommend that it be accepted in partial fulfillment of the equirr ements for the degree of Master of Arts, with a major in History.

Owen Bradley, Major Professor

We have read this thesis and recommend its acceptance:

Thomas Burman, Alvaro Ayo

Accepted for the Council: Carolyn R. Hodges

Vice Provost and Dean of the Graduate School

(Original signatures are on file with official studentecor r ds.) To the GraduateCouncil:

I am submitting herewith a thesis writtenby Alyson F. Baker entitled "Competing Visions of Spain: Joaquin Costa and Miguel de Unamuno's Searches forNational Identity." I have examined the final paper copy of this thesis for form and content and recommend that it be accepted in partialfulfillment of the requirements for the degreeof Master of Arts, with a major in History.

recommendits acceptance:

Accepted forthe �I:

Vice Chancellor Dean of Graduate dies

COMPETINGVISIONS OF SPAIN:JOAQUIN COSTA AND MIGUEL DE UNAMUNO'SSEARCHES FOR NATIONAL IDENTITY

A Thesis Presented forthe Masterof ArtsDegree The Universityof Tennessee, Knoxville

Alyson F. Baker May2004 11

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I am indebted to many people who helped this projectcome to fruition. I would firstlike to thankmy advisor, Dr. Owen Bradley, forhis encouragement and advice. His insightfulcomments gave my paper a finalclarity that it would have otherwiselacked. I amalso gratefulfor the suggestions andassistance of my two other committeemembers,

Dr. Thomas Burmanand Dr. AlvaroAyo. My conversations with ProfessorBurman, especially thoseconcerning Spanish historiography, the Moorish legacy, andthe "Black

Legend," were especially useful. ProfessorAyo's discussions of africanismo,

Regenerationism,and the complexities ofUnamuno'swritings were also extremely helpful. I am gratefulfor all my committeemembers' willingnessto meet with me numerous times over the course of the lastyear to discuss the various facetsof this project.

I would also like to thankthree of my closest friends,Nashwa Van Houts, Angela

Frye-Keaton, andElizabeth Dunham, whose helpfulcomments and suggestions are greatlyappreciated. Theirwords of wisdom and encouragement, which rangedfrom internationalphone calls to many"working" lunches and paper reading sessions, were integralparts of thisendeavor, and I am extremelygrateful for their friendship. Also particularlyencouraging were my parents,without whose support I could not have completed this project. 111 ABSTRACT

This paper examines the competing visions of Spain offeredby Joaquin Costa and

Miguel de Unamunoin the last decades of the nineteenth c_enturyand in the first years of the twentieth century, as they soughtto define the essence of Spanishness. In attemptsto describethe national character, they invoked common historicalmemories and symbols, which were open to numerous interpretations. These multi-faceted and often contradictorydepictions of Spainand its inhabitants presenteddiverse views of the country, attestingto the complexities of nationalidentities. Focusing primarily on the writings of Costa and Unamuno,this paperexamines their various portrayals of Spain, which changed somewhat in the wakeof 1898, and which influencedlater intellectuals such as Jose Ortegay Gasset. iv TABLE OF CONTENTS

Chapter Page

1. INTRODUCTION...... 1

2. JOAQuiNCOSTA , VIGILANT GUARD OF EL CID'S "DOUBLE LOCKED" TOMB...... 14 HistoriographicalTreatment of Costa andHis Works...... •...... 15 El Cid Locked in His Tomb...... 19 Africa as the Key to RegenerationBefore and After 1898 ...... 21 An Iron Surgeon Wielding a Scalpel...... 26

3. MIGUEL DE UNAMUNO, "SUFFER(ING) AMONG THESE PEOPLE" .. 29 HistoriographicalTreatment of Unamuno's Works ...... 30 Invoking the Images of Don Quixoteand Don JuanTenorio ...... 33 Don Juan and the Problems of Political Apathy andlgnorance ...... 39 Spainar1.d its Moorish Brotb.er...... 41

4. JOSE ORTEGA Y GASSET'S APPRAISALSOF COSTA AND UNAMUNO'S COMPETING VISIONS OF SPAIN ...... 46

5. CONCULSION...... 52

BIBLIOGRAPHY...... 55

VITA...... 60 1 CHAPTER 1: INTRODUCTION

In the latter half of thenineteenth century, continental Europeans witnessed profoundtransformations as new intellectualand political movements accompanied industrialization. With economic expansio�demographic changes,and the development of innovative technologies, science,reaso� andprogress became significant terms in

Europeans'vocabularies, as many·linked material prosperityto human progress in the increasinglymechanized world. In responseto the spreadingindustrialization, Europeans on thecontinent mirroredBritain's earliermechanization and expansion of markets; they built canals,railways, and bridges in effortsto eliminatebarriers to internationaltrade andgarner national spheres of influencethrough imperial means.

Material transformations, however,were not theonly changes that occurred during the second half of the 1800s. Witha renewed interest in science and in response to the problems thataccompanied industrializatio� currents of intellectual discourse began to center on theconsequences of urbanization andemphasize scientific approaches to studying all aspectsof mass society.European intellectuals responded to the increasing industrializationand its widespreadeffects in distinct ways. Mirroring the modem scientificadvances, some intellectualsemphasized objectivity andreason as they sought to offerrealistic portrayalsof the daily activities of ordinary people. Other men of letters, however,employed romanticrhetoric, stressingthe importance of individualism, feeling, emotio� imagination, andintuition over reason and science.

Withits emphasison feeling,beauty, andemotio� Romanticism formedan integral partof nationalism's stress on the exaltation of feeling andidentity, which was also related to the Liberal assertion that a legitimatestate should be based on a collective 2 notion of the people insteadof beingbased on a monarch. With theemergence of

nationalismin thelate eighteenthcentury, intellectuals respondedto Johannvon Herder's

assertionthat each nationhad its ownnational identity or soul which included its own

literature, language,and way of thinking;Herder, the fatherof Germannationalism,

emphasized the importanceof belongingto a communitylinked by common traditions,

language,customs, andinstitutions. He set out to rediscover the ethnicroots of Germany,

romanticizingthe past, invoking common myths,and lionizing the geniusesof German

descent.

Manyintellectuals followed Herder'sromantic path of introspection, especially

withthe tensions due to the intersectionsof modernityand tradition brought about by the

nationalmovements forGerman andItalian unification, debatesbetween conservatives

and liberals over therole of thestate, andincreasing industrialization. Scholarshave

delineated the characteristicsof thevarious nationalisms that emerged, offeringdistinct

definitionsof nation and its related characteristics. Inhis National Identity,Anthony

Smithbroadly definesa nation as "a namedhuman population sharing an historic

territory, common myths andhistorical memories, a mass, public culture, a common 1 economy andcommon legal rights andduties forall members." As a unifyingforce, the

nation provides "repertoiresof sharedvalues, symbols, and tradition."2 According to him,

intellectualelites play anintegral role in helping to formnational identities because they

use these sharedsymbols and tradition, makingthem visible anddistinct forevery

member, communicatingthe tenets of anabstract ideology in palpable, concrete terms

1 AnthonyD. Smith,National Identity(Reno, NV: UniversityofNevada Press, 1991), 14. 2 Ibid.,9. 3 that evoke instantemotional responsesfrom all strataof the community. "3 These , common images and memories comprise the"cultural matrix of nationalidentities.' 4 In attemptingto definethe centralelements of their national identities, intellectuals like

Herder, thus, usedfam iliarhistorical images andmemories in attemptsto signifya shared past andpromote a sense of unitybased on sameness, whetherthrough religio°'language, territory, or common myths. 5

This paper doesnot attemptto determinethe success of such intellectuals in propagating a sense of national belonging based on shared symbols. Instead, it concentrateson the complexities of the culturalmedium of national identities offeredby

Joaquin Costa y Martinezand Miguel de Unamunoy Jugo, two Spanishintellectuals who sought to definethe elements of Spanishnessin the midst of thechanges wrought by industrialization. It also offersspecific examplesof how these two men appealed to common symbols, such astraditional heroes, andhistorical memories in attempts to portraythe essence of espanolidad,which was comparable to Herder's invocation of the spirit of the volk, in comparing andcontrasting Spain with other Europeancountries in the latter half of the nineteenth centuryand in the firstyears of the twentieth century, these twomen also emphasized Castile as the historic territoryand linguistic heritage linking all Spaniards. In attempting to articulate the characteristicsof their country's

3 Ibid, 77. 4 Ibid., 99. Smith declaresthat the fiveintegral components of a national identity include: a historic territory,common mythsand historical memories, common, mass public culture, common legal rights andduties for all members, and a common economy with territorial mobility. See page 14. 5 Ibid., 93. AlthoughSmith does note that some critics have classified intellectuals as challenges to nationalism, he focuseson intellectuals primarily as unifying forces. .{leasserts that many critics declare thatintellectuals have impeded nationalistic endeavorsby pointingout theerrors of nationalisticideologies and myths. 4 uniqueness, Costa andUnamuno utilized common traditionsand images as representationsof contemporary Spain; plagued by a weakpolitical system, high illiteracy rates,demands for regional independence,and uneven modernization,critics

declaredthat thecountry was distinct fromGreat Britain, France,and Germany. These two intellectuals,as well as manyothers, were preoccupiedwith their country'splace in theworld wide community, asking whetherSpain was modem or backward,civilized or

ignorant,European or non-European, aninternational power or a marginalcountry. They used organisticlanguage in referringto Spainas a living being, one thatwas suffering

from nationalailments and in needof rejuvenation. Thisdiscourse, however, was not

novel; Spain's decadence had been a populartopic formore thana century, as earlier intellectualshad soughtto articulateprecisely how theircountry was different. What was

uniqueabout Costa andUnamuno's time was that distinctions between Spain andother

Europeancountries became more pronouncedin the latter half of the nineteenth century;

while Spain hadlost its South Americancolonies andwas beset by regional battles for independence, a new era of politics emerged andthe old balanceof powershifted, as

industrializedBritain, France,and Germany began competing foroverseas territories.

Thispaper includes specificexamples of Costa andUnamuno' s various portrayals

of Spain andits inhabitants,as they used common images and memories in attempts to

definethe essence of Spanishnessand reconcile the country'spast withits present. They

both lived during, and were highly critical of the Restoration era, but they disagreed on thevery nature of the country'smost serious problems; thus, theyoffered conflicting

depictions of Spain by invoking symbols and argumentsthat were open to numerous 5 interpretations.6 They employedtraditional figuresfrom canonical works as representationsof contemporary Spain, andthey offered these images as solutions to whatthey saw as the country'smost serious problems in the new age of industrialization.

Costainvoked thefigure of the Cid, a herowho lived during theeleventh centuryand wasthe subject of the firstSpanish epic "El Cantarde Mio Cid," as a national representativeand model Spaniard. Unamuno reinterpreted and utilized the common literaryfigure of Don Quixote, the main characterin Cervantes'early seventeenth centurynovel, as the solution to Spain'sproblems. He also, however, used the image of

Don JuanTenorio, the main characterTirso de Molina's classic Spanishdrama, to symbolize the main weaknesses of contemporarySpain. These figureswere problematic because they were opento multiple interpretations. This fact, coupled with Costa and

Unamuno'scompeting visions of Spain, attestto the complexities of nationalidentity. In attemptingto define the essence of Spanishness, these two intellectuals also conjured up images from their country's past and evoked ties to both Africa and Europe in discussions of how their country was differentand what could bedone to solve its problems.

Focusing mainly on primary works, chapterstwo andthree of this paper examine thesevarious depictions of Spain and the related discourse on the elements of national identitydebated by Costa and Unamuno in the latter half of the nineteenth centuryand in

6 The Restorationbegan in 1875 followingAmadeo of Savoy's abdicationin 1873 andthe defeat of the Carlists. With Canovas del Castillo'shelp, theBourbon dynasty was restored and King Alfonso XII ascendedto the throne,ruling forten years. A yearafter proving himself anable and victorious soldier against the Carlistsympathi7.ers led by Don CarlosMaria, Alfonso ratified a new constitution in June 1876. Influenced heavily by Canovas, who supportedan English style government, the new constitution allowed the manipulation of the votingsystem. The tumo pacifico system, however,mandated that political parties would take turnsin power, regardlessof which partyrightfully won the election. For more informationsee RaymondCarr's Modern Spain, 1808 -1975 (Oxford:Oxford University Press, 1982), 347-356. 6 thefirst yearsof the twentiethcentury before the Great War.7 It, thus, analyzesvarious components of the multifaceted culturalmatrix of national identities and the resulting problemswith utilizing common figuresthat are opento multiple interpretations. It also providesexamples of the power of such national figuresand symbols, which Smith says arelikely the "most potent and durableaspects" related to national identity.8 The fourth chapter supports this assertion by looking at Jose Ortega y Gasset's appraisals of the depictions offered by Costa andUnamuno decades earlier. He was a titanof Spanish intellectualism whobegan to define the central featuresof national identity with his early publications in thefirst quarter of thetwentieth century. Ortega, who commented on the problems of using ambiguous symbols such as Don Quixote, also responded to the earlier portrayalsof the countryoffered by Costa andUnamuno. His interpretationsof their words and depictionsadded even more layers to the multi-faceteddiscourse on the complexities of national identity.

The last component of this paper involves the changingvisions of Spain proffered by Costa and Unamuno in the wake of the defeat by Americain 1898, which problematized theirdubious relationships with Spain. They reconfigured their appraisals of thenation and responded by offering differentdepictions of the country, which contradictedmany of theirearlier assertions.The resulting discourse had resounding effectson later conceptions of the nation as evidenced by Ortega's ownadmissions.

Though Costa, Unamuno, andothers had commented on Spain's decadence prior to the

7 Costabegan publishing in themid 1870s and died in 1911. Unamuno beganpublishing his first works in thelate 1880s-early 1890s andhe died in 1936. The scope of the paper ends prior to World War One, which had widespreadeffects throughout Europe, transformingearlier, romantic notions of the nation and war. It also led to reappraisalsof nationalism, imperialism, progressivetechnology, and modernity. 8 Smith, National Identity, 74. 7 Spanish-American-CubanWar, the defeat by Americain 1898 was a definingmoment, one thatprovoked a profoundidentity crisis permeating all segmentsof society, as intellectuals andpoliticians became obsessed with defining the national character, searchingfor its defectsin attemptsto explain their country'sloss. 9 Most jingoist and even mildly patrioticwriters, journalists, and politicianshad supported the suppression of the Cuban insurrectionin 1895, arguingthat the military should use armedforce to quell thedomestic rebellionand keep the islandunder Spanishcontrol. 10 Thevast majorityof these Spaniards,whether they were liberal or conservative, defendedPrime Minister

MateoPraxedes Sagasta' s pledgeto fightthe insurgents to the last soldier and the last peseta. Thequestion of national honor becamemore pronouncedwhen the United States intervened, andmost Spaniardsthought that their country'snobility and bravery would easily overpowerthe avariciousAmericans. 11 However, the perceived moraluprightness of the cause was not enough to make up forthe military's lack of preparednessand supplies. Thequick defeatof Spain's troops,especially the ill-equipped navy,seemed to confirmthat the countrywas indeed antiquated,an argumentthat many Europeansand

Americanshad voiced prior to 1898.

9 Theeffects on thelower classes,however, were not aspronounced, as most were seemingly apatheticto thedefeat. This indifferencewas a major source of frustration for many intellectual and political elites. 10 Cuba,Puerto Rico, and the Philippines were themost colonizedremaining overseasterritories; due to variouswars of independence,Spain had lost all its colonies on mainlandAmerica by the mid 1820s. See SebastianBalfour's End of the SpanishEmpire. 1898-1923 (Oxford: ClarendonPress, 1997), 1. 11 For copiesof theoriginal political cartoons, see Balfour'sEnd of the SpanishEmpire. He cites thefollowing as specificexamples of the military'sunpreparedness: the lack of militarytraining in anti­ guerrillatactics, an inefficient army administration, troops' susceptibilityto malaria and yellow fever, a dearthof trained''regular'' officers who volunteered forservice in Cuba, and thenatives' destructionof the earlierstrategic tracks and ditches built across the island by Spanishtroops in theprevious campaign when theysuppressed the firstrebellion whichlasted from 1868 until 1878. Seepage 12. 8 The crushingvictory by the young Americannation heightened generalSpanish insecuritiesconcerning their high illiteracyrates, uneven modernization,and imperial decay;whereas the United States,Germany, Britain, France, and Japanexperienced concentrated industrializationand a new pushfor territorial expansion in the 1870s, Spain had focused insteadon healingthe national rifts that had emerged in the wakeof the

Carlistwars. 12 Despite earlierdebates andcriticism of the country'sdecadence years before 1898,the loss to the United Stateswas a watershedin the country's history;it was a humiliating, formalaffirmation of what some Spaniardshad been arguing fordecades: the countrywas indeed a former gloriousempire in ruin, one thathad been content to maintain the statusquo while its European counterpartsmodernized.

As internationaldiscourse centeredon imperialpolicies (particularly in Africa) andanxieties associated with modemiz.ation,the defeatby the United States in 1898 heightened nationalangst in tum-of-the-centurySpain. The loss of its most profitable overseas colonies, which had been partof the empire foralmost fourcenturies, symbolized aninept, backward countryunable to control its colonized territoriesand compete with more modem international powers. The effectsof this debate were widespread andenduring, as Costa andUnamuno, among scores of other intellectuals, reconfiguredtheir views of the nation andof the centralelements of national identity.

Althoughthe consequences were not immediate and did not directly impact the lower classes, intellectuals' depictions of Spain andits most serious problems colored conceptions of identity and laterpolitical thinking. They introducedterms into national discourse such as la derrota, la crisis, andel desastre, common words that cameto be

12 Ibid., 3. 9 synonymouswith defeated Spain and 1898.13 Themost significantconsequence of these variousportrayals of the countryis that the resulting discourse influencedhow later intellectuals such as Ortegaenvi sioned Spain. The writings of these learned elites, which were primarilynegative, affectedhow subsequent intellectuals viewed the country's problems andits status in internationalpolitics.

Many ofthe national insecurities associated withthe enduring andcontradictory legacy of the discourse surrounding Spain in the wakeof the defeatby America are due to the literary 'Generation of '98,' a diverse group of writers who began publishing their major works in this year. Ortega referredto Miguel de Unamuno, Pio Baroja, Antonio

Machado, Azorin, RamonMaria del Valle Inclan, Ramiro Maetzu, and Juan Ramon

Jimenez asmembers of the Generaci6n de/ '98. These intellectuals produced thousands of works ranging from poetryto essays and novels, commenting on Spanishsociety and its primarydefects. 14 Scholarshave penned hundreds of articlesand books solely on the

Generaci6n de '98, but most of these works have been literary dies.stu The contentious issue concerningthe existence of such a generation, however, is only one of the many topics that historianshave debated in academic journals and monographs; as a result of the centrality of 1898 in the Spanish psyche, thissub jectlooms largein the historiography. Similarto the red-letter yearsof 1492, 1588, and 1936, it is one of the most studied dates in the country'shistory. Scholarshave examined the diplomatic, military,economic, political, and cultural repercussions of the loss of Spain's remaining

13 Derrotatranslates as "defeat."Crisis anddesastre areEnglish cognatestranslating as "crisis" and"disaster." 14 Scholars still debate the existence or historical reality of this generationand its influence. 10 overseas empire.15 Most works published prior to the 1970s were traditional analyses of

the diplomatic andsocial consequences of 1898; dozens of biographies of intellectuals

andleading politicianswere penned as well, even though manywere superficialand

subjective.Although thema jorityof monographswere by Americanand British historians, Spanishscholars published numerous works on thistopic, andmoved to the

forefront followingFrancisco Franco's death in 1975 withthe relaxation of censorship

laws andrepublication of previouslyforbidden texts. Treatmentsof thecountry's history

mirroredtrends in film,the arts, andthe press in the 1980s, as artistsexperimented with

novel anddiverse forms, challenging reigningconservative ideologies. Although

academics continued to publish monographson 1898, thehistoriographical push was

towardsexaminations of mass politics andculture, as nationalidentity, statebuilding, and

"bottom-up"works became catchwords. In the early 1990s scholarsbegan studying

interdisciplinarytopics related to culture,such as the role of flamenco dancingin the

formationof nationalidentity, images of the exotic and fiestain advertisements, post­

modernarchitecture in Barcelona,and Pedro Almodovar's unconventional films.

Cultural studies of Spain are still in their infancy, asJo Labanyinotes, but there have

15 For more informationon the historiographysee Louis A. Perez's The War of 1898: The United States and Cuba in History and Historiography (ChapelHill, NC: The University of North CarolinaPress, 1998). Although the focus is on Americanand Cuban interpretations, the author chronicles Spanish responsesto 1898 and how scholarshave depictedit. His discussion of policy-driven patadigms and how incorrectassumptions can color later scholarshipis an importantwarning for all historians. 11 beendozens of studies on identity, sexuality, gender, andrace published in thelast decade. 16

Therehave alsobeen recent publicationson Spanish nationalism, identity, and national movements forCatalan and Basque independence. Two excellent works that address the importanceof language(particularly Castilian) as a commonbasis for

Spanishidentity are Claire Mar-Molinero's ThePolitics of Language in the Sp anish­

Sp eaking World andJose del Valleand Luis Gabriel-Stheeman's The Battle over Sp anish between 1800 and 2000: Language Ideologie� and Hispanic Intellectuals.17 There have also beennumerous studies of theemergence of nationalismin Sp� althoughmost historianshave focusedprimarily on the distinction andearly failures of national movements due in partto regionaldifferences. Althoughthey usually mention

Unamuno'sambivalent appraisalsof Spain, they do not give specificexamples of his discussions of thevarious elements he considered to befundamental to thenational identity;one possibleexplanation for this is thatUnamuno considered himselfto be apoliticaland was not theleader of a nationalistmovement.

Most scholars who have studied the various intellectualresponses to 1898 have written primarily literarystudies, biographies, or monographsdealing with the general

16 For a discussionof Spanish cultural studies see the introduction in Jo Labanyi's Constructing Identity in ContemporarySpain: Theoretical Debates and Cultural Practice (Oxford: OxfordUni versity Press, 2002), aswell asher collaborationwith Helen Graham inSpanish Cultural Studies: An Introduction (Oxford: OxfordUniversity Press, 1995). Tworecent examples of "bottom-up" works areJose Alvarez­ Junco's The Emergence of Mass Politics in Spain: PopulistDema gogueryand Repub lican Culture, 1890- 1910 (Portland, Oregon: Sussex Academic Press,2002) andSandie Holguin's Creating Spaniards: Culture and National Identity in Republican Spain (Madison, Wisconsin:The Universityof Wisconsin Press, 2002). 17 See Claire Mar-Molinero's The Politicsof Language in the Spanish-Speaking Wo tld: Fro m Co lonisation to Globalisation (New York:Routledge, 2000)and Jose del Valle andLuis Gabriel­ Stheeman's edited workentitled The Battle over Spanish between 1800 and 2000: Language Ideologies and Hispanic In tellectuals (NewYork: Routledge, 2002). 12 repercussions of the defeat. Thoseworks dealing specificallywith Unamuno, Costa,and

Ortega tend to compare andcontrast their philosophies or focuson specificaspects of

· their ideas. Thus,there is a dearthof sources examiningtheir portrayalsof Spain; the

most likely explanationis due to the voluminouswritings of each intellectual. Such a

Herculeaneffort to offer a synthesisof allpossible examples of each of their depictions

of the fundamentalcharacteristics of their national identitywould fillvolumes.

As a result, this paper does not attemptto present a cumulativeanalysis of Costa

andUnamuno' s variousportrayals of Spain; instead, it offersspecific examplesof the

complexities of theircompeti ng depictions of their countryand of what theyconsidered

to be integral elements of national identity.Debating the meaningsof Spain's history,its

present, and its future, these two intellectualsappealed to common symbols and

memories, invoking images fromthe shared past, affirmingthe supremacyof Castile as

the embodiment of nationallanguage and history,two elements thatSmith asserts are

integralto national identities. This paper offersan examination of these variousstrands of

discourse surrounding Costa and Unamuno's dialogue about theircountry, which

included their complex, competing representations of Spain andtheir fellowcountrymen.

Their national appraisals changedsomewhat in aftermathof 1898, not only because of

Spain's formal loss of empire, but because its resounding defeatfai led to mobilize the

countryfor positive change; it was the culminationof yearsof disappointment. Their

frustrationswith the Restorationera magnifiedand became more urgent, as they realized

that a modem, efficientgovernment would not replace the crumblingcorrupt political

system, and that Spain's gravestweaknesses would not be addressed. In attemptsto

mobilize their fellow Spaniards andexorcise their own demons, theywrote and lectured 13 furiouslyon the countryand what could be done to solve its problems. Theresulting dialogue was saturatedwith inherent complexities andambiguities, as they experienced difficultyin clearlydefining the meaningof Spanishness.

Thecommon symbolsand traditions that Costa andUnamuno evoked as representationsof Spainand its mainweaknesses were open to multipleinterpretations, a problem thatOrtega later discussedin his appraisalsof theirdepictions of Spain. By respondingdirectly to the common images that they employed, he offered his own commentaryon the nation, but his own sense of identitywas colored by the dialogue of older intellectuals,which he blamedfor much of the country's contemporaryills. Going so far as to referto Unamuno as a "brotherenemy," he blamedhim forinfecting the opinionsof younger Spaniardswith national pessimism. 18 Thesethree chapters, thus, contain discussionsof the complexities of nationalidentities andthe power of common symbols, as evidencedby Ortega's recognition of their enduring impact, as well as his inabilityto critique Spain without being influencedby the dominant paradigms under which they operated.

18 In his introductoryessay Salvador de Madariaga includes this quotation.Unamuno, Th e Tr agic Sense of Lifein Men and in Peoples, ed. and trans.Anthony Kerrigan(Princeto°' NJ: PrincetonUniversity Press, 1972), xiv. 14 CHAPTER2: JOAQUIN COSTA, VIGILANT GUARD OF EL CID'S "DOUBLE LOCKED" TOMB

Joaquin Costaworked at afurious pace, writing feverishly in attemptsto urge his countrymenforward, out of thedepths of backwardpolitical practices and national malaise. His formalsearch for the essence of Spanishnessbegan in theearly 1870s when he published his firstworks. Even thoughhe commented on his country'sproblems

almost threedecades prior to el desastre, he was affected by heightenednational anxieties

in the wakeof the very public andresounding defeat ]?y America; thus, 1898

problematized his visions of the country.His writingsare replete withattempts to define

19 thenational character,seeking to determine how Spain was distinct fromEurope.

Costa,nevertheless, offered variousdepictions of hiscountry andits inhabitants.

He used traditionalimages and argumentsto describe contemporarySpain. Engaging in

dialoguewith the country' s history,he invoked the imageof theCid, an eleventh century

Castilian nobleman and subject of the epic poem "El Cantarde Mio Cid," as a national

representativeand as amodel Spaniardfor his countrymen to emulate. 20 By utilizingthe

figureof theCid, he referredto a familiar,common image in attemptsto unifythe

populationbased on Spaniards' sharedpast, conjuring up images of medieval Spain,

which was comprised of autonomous kingdoms led by both Christian andMuslim rulers;

19 He published workson a wide variety of topics, which included town planning,law, agriculture, Latin America, geography colonialism, science, folklore, and education. 20 FiveCentu ries ofSpanish Literature: Fr om the Cid through the Golden Age, ed. Linton Lomas Barrett.(Boston, MA: Heinle & Heinle Publishers, 1962), 10. The Cid was a Castiliannoble man and general who fought for KingSancho against his brotherAlfonso who attempted to steal thethrone inherited upon theirfath er's deathin 1065. The Campeadordefeated Alfonso and his Leonese nobles, only to have to servethem after Sancho's untimelydeath. Under ordersfrom the monarch, he also led the chargeof the Reconquest to push theMuslims out of Spain, thoughat this time it was still comprisedof autonomous kingdoms,and would not be unifieduntil the marriage of Ferdinand andIsabel. The Cid, however, also foughtin theservice of Muslim kings.The Cid was thesubject of the epic"El Cantarde Mio Cid," a canonicalwork of Spanish literature.(As the firstSpanish epic, it is compared to the French "Song of Roland"). 15 thus,by invokingthe image of the eleventhcentury soldier, he defendeda vision of a

CastilianSp� despite the country'scompeting regional identities, as well ashis own

Aragoneseheritage.

By employing the figure of the Ci� Costa also alluded tothe convivencia of medieval Spain whenChristians, Jews, and Muslimsinhabited the Iberian Peninsula.21

He linkedthis toleranceto Spain's ties to NorthAfrica, which he used to defendthe country'slegitimacy as aworld power, especially in regardsto asserting its claims to contested territories.By conjuring up images of Spain'sformer imperial glory and

African legacy, he argued for the revitalizationof this relationship through colonial ventures. As a result of calling forthe reassertion of Spanishcontrol in NorthAfrica in the 1870s, he suggested thatMorocco was the key to national regeneration; at the same time, nevertheless, he heralded the need for the Europeanization of Spain's political and educational institutions. Thus, in his voluminous publications, he offered competing visions of national identityand of prescriptions forsalvaging Spain.

HistoriographicalTreatment of Costa and His Works

In A Bibliographical Studyof the Writings of Jo aquin Costa, 1846-1911,

G. J. G. Cheyne surveys the historiographicaltreatment of Costa's works and indexes his plethoraof publications. Cheyne also addresses many of the problems facing scholars seekingto analyze Costa's writings. He firstpoints out that Costa was not widely read during his lifetime, stating that only those people who had similar interests, whetherthey

21 The term convivencia refers tothe co-existence of the Jews, Christians,and Muslims in medieval Spain (until 1492 when the Catholic Kings expelled Muslimsand Jews). 16 were agrarianissues , teaching, Spain's re-entryinto North Africa,or geography,read his works. This limited dissemination is one of numerous reasons that many of his writings have remained andwill likely continue to be unknown.22 As a result, severalpublications, especiallysuch lesser known worksas his pamphlets on the question of Morocco, are difficultto obtain now.

Anotherproblem that Cheyne notes concernsattempts to date Costa's works, manyof which were first published in newspapers and academic journals before they were assembled into books. Costa published 42 books between 1868 and 1905, but wrote onlyarticles, speeches, andmanifestos for the last six yearsof his life.2 3 These later works are difficultto date because the initial publication information was not included in later reprints. A related problem is the lack of indices in the original works or in later discussions of his writings, which preventedscholars from approximating just how many items he had penned. As a result, both contemporary andlater scholars, who also had to contend with such issues, used unreliablebook lists, furthercomplicating attempts to determinewhen a particularwork was written or first appeared. One such discrepancy regardingthe numbers of his writings is ManuelCiges Aparicio's contention in Joaq_uin

Costa, el granfracasado that Costa published 36 works, not 42, during his lifetime.24

Although this figurediffers from Cheyne's calculations, the most critical issue is not the discrepancyin the number of Costa's books that were published beforehis death. Rather, the most serious concernpresented by this situation is thatlater authors have relied on such fallacious information;Eloy Fernandezcites Ciges's biography of Costa in his

.µ George J. G. Cheyne,A Bibliographical Studyof the Writings ofJoaqui n Costa, 1846-1911 (London: TamesisBooks Limited, 1973), 5. · 23 Ibid., 70. 24 Manuel Ciges Aparicio,Joaquin Costa, el granfracasado (Bilbao: Espasa-Calpe, 1930), 253. 17 monographJo aquin Costa y el afr icanismo espanol, but he failsto acknowledge the inconsistencies and unreliable information plaguing his sources.

In hisintroduction to Costa's Reconstituci6ny europeizaci6n de Espana y otros escritos, SebastianMartin-Retortillo statesthat anotherchallenge facing scholars is that despite the existenceof numerousinterpretations of Costa's writings,the available analysesare either too simplistic or too subjective.25 One book that exemplifies this trend of subjective analyses is QuienJue Costa by Pedro Martinez Baselga. The purpose of this study is to capture Costa's personality as a virtuous Spaniard andhard worker, not to offer commentary on his works or ideas. Thisbook presents subjective treatment of Costa as aman to be admired forhis unwaveringdedication to certaincauses, yet pitied for his deformed physiqueand post-1898disillusionment. Thus,emotion has tended to outweigh objectivity.

Despite these challenges and subjectiveanalyses, aswell as the disorganized state of Costa's writings at the time of his death, twofactors have facilitatedthe collection and study of his works, the firstof which was the founding of a libraryby Tomas Costa,

Joaquin's estrangedsibling. He established anacademic institutededicated to cataloging and publishinghis brother's voluminous writings.26 The other step forward is the work done by Cheyne, who has meticulously researched Costa'slife and publications.

Cheyne's studies,however, aremore than two decades old, as aremost treatments of

Costa. There are some secondaryworks, albeit less than a dozen, focusing solely on his

25 Sebastian Martfn-Retortillo makesthis assertionin the introduction to Joaquin Costa's Reconstituciony europeizaci6n deEsp anay otros escritos, ed. Sebastian Martin-Retortillo (Madrid: Instituto de Estudios de Administraci6n Local, 1981), xi. 26 Cheyne confirmsthat Cost a's writings comprised 37 volumes. See page 253 of Jo aquin Costa, el granfracas ado. 18 Africanistpolitics, calls for agrarianreform, andeducational doctrines,but recent discussions of his works andideas tend to offer only cursory comments.

Thereare several possible explanationsfor the historiographicaldearth on this

topic. The most obvious reason forthe lack of examinations of Costa's works is that most scholarswho studythis era of Spanishhistory tend to focuson othermajor intellectual

figures, especially the members of theliterary Gener acion de/ '98. A secondexplanation

concernsthe inaccessibilityof his writings. The difficulty in obtaininghis works

notwithstanding,the available publications present numerous challenges to scholars,

especiallythose who do not read Spanish,as none of Costa's compositions have been

translatedinto English. Another problem is thatthe majority of successive republications

of his works have not included annotations on the text; scholarshave written prefaces to

introduceCosta's writings, but most have failed to offertextual analysis other than to

discuss the main themes or to quote his most famouslines out of context. Another

plausible explanationfor the lack of up-to-date studies of Costa's publications is that

manyof them are full of sophisticated arguments, as well asambiguities and

contradictions,thus complicating attemptsto categorize his ideologies. Scholarsthus

have to contend withthe existence of"variousCostas." 27 Related to thisproblem is the

monumental task of approaching not only his complex andchanging arguments, but the

sheer breadth of his knowledge; approximately 724 of his works have been published,

andthese writings treat subjects rangingfrom irrigation practicesto folkloreand

27 Martin-Retortillo makes this assertion in the introduction to Reconstituciony europeizacion de Esp ana y otrosescritos, xi. 19 pedagogicalmethods. 28

El Cid Locked in His Tomb

Scholars'difficulties with interpretingthe complexityof hiswritings, nonetheless, mirrorCosta's owndubious relationshipwith Spain,which became even more complicatedin the wake of 1898. In attemptingto reconcileSpain's past with its declining status inthe 1870s and 1880s, Costa invoked the image of the Cid, using him as a nationalsymbol and as a model forhis countrymento emulate;however, the legendary figurehad reached mythical proportions by the latter half of the nineteenth century. Thus, the Cid, whose name was Rodrigo Diazde Vivar, was a combination of both reality and fiction, a dangerthat he warned his fellowintellectuals about at the Juegos Florales at the

Universityof Salamanca in 1901. In this speech,he expounded upon the multiple interpretationsof the Campeador'slegacy, asserting thatthere were two Cids, one of history andthe other of myth.The first, the Cid himself, was one of "real Castilian eminence" of the eleventh century who personifiedloyalty, justice, and morality; the later legend, however, wasa "creationof the Spanishpueblo." 29

Denouncingthe romanticizationof the past forthe sake of mere nostalgia, Costa warnedof the dangersof national wistfulness,as well as the perils of exploiting such a figure. He called forthe necessityof placing "a double lock on the tomb of the Cid, so that he cannot return," in order to ensure that his fellowSpaniards did not invoke the

28 Cheyne, A BibliographicalStudy of the Writings of JoaquinCos ta, 1846-1911,164. 29 JoaquinCosta, His toria politic a social: patria (Madrid:Aguilar, 1961), 67. 20 mythical qualities associated with Rodrigo Diaz.30 Dismissing such depictions that he said were inaccurate, he criticized others' representationsof theCid as the "copy of a

31 feudalnobleman, who[ was] oligarchicand anti-realistic." Thisimage of an oligarchic andarchaic hero was not one that he supported. Instead,he offered his own interpretation

of Diaz, imploringhis countrymento recall the historical realityof the Cid, whom he

declaredwas the epitome of loyalty, strength, justice, temperance,and morality; referring

to Diazas the ideal Spaniard, he called on them to learnfrom what he proffered as the

Campeador'strue legacy. Accordingto him, Diazloyally andvaliantly fought both

Christiansand Muslims dependingon the king'sorders; thus,he was not intolerantof

Africans or of Islam. He treatedhis enemies with due fairness but was always victorious

on thebattlefield. In addition to beinga successfulsoldier, he was also devoted to his

wifeand daughters.

Whenhis fellowcountrymen, most of whom remained complacent following the

loss to America, failedto unifyin defenseof their nation, he intensified his endorse01ent

of the Cid as a model Spaniard,one whose personalcharacteristics represented a viable

course of action. According toCosta, Diaz'ssuperior qualitiescombined to forma

politicalprogram that included:

Respect forEurope and the Empire, [and for] themost absolute autarky of the nation; respect for the Pontiff ... and the civil independence of the State; respect for Africa, the reconquest of territory, [and] respect [and 32 tolerance] forIslam.

30 "Doble llave al sepulcro del Cid, paraque no vuevla a cabalgar."Joaquin Costa, Crisispo litica de Espana (Barcelona: Producciones Editoriales, 1980), 78-79. Costa employed the figure of the Cid and defended not only Vivar'shistorical accuracy, but the age of the epic chronicling the heroic deeds of the C3Illpeador after a Dutch scholar questioned the poem's �e. 31 Costa,Histo ria politica social: patria, 68. 32 This passage is fromCosta's Crisis po litica de Esp ana, which appears in M. Ciges Aparicio's Joaquin Costa, siglo XIX (Madrid: M. Aguilar, 1935), 163. 21 The image ofthe Cid, thus, centered on respect forthe nation's independence,as well as the civil autonomy of the state, toleranceof Islam, respectfor . Africa, support of reconquering territory, andrespect for papal authority. In imploring his fellow countrymento adopt thispolitical program, Costa mixedSpain's historical realitywith its present needs. By employing the figureof the Cid as a nationalrepresentative, he called for unitybased on Spaniards'shared trad itions.

Africaas the Key to RegenerationBefore and After 1898

Although Costa heralded the need forEuropeanization, he also called forSpain to reassert its presence in North Africain the 1870s and 1880s. Despite his country's waning status,he adhered to the vision of Spain as a valid European power, albeit one in decline.Acutely aware, however, of distinctions between his country and modernized

Europe, he heralded the need for national regeneration throughcolonial means.

Beginning inthe mid 1870s, he began to write in supportof Spanishcompetition with other nations that were scrambling for overseas possessions. He ironically declaredthat because Spain was focused on convalescing from a fourhundred yearold sickness, it could not beconcerned with maintaining diplomaticrelations with other countries that

33 were interested in acquiring new territories. He supported earlier claims that the cures forthe national malaise, therefore, involved unified support of the reassertion of a

Spanish presence in Morocco and Micronesia, actions that were more importantthan

33 Eloy FernandezClemente, Joaquin Costa y el africanismo espaii o/, Al margen Series (Zaragoza: PorvivirIndepend iente, 1977), 38. 22 maintainingpeaceful diplomatic relationswith other Europeannations that were threateningto gobble up Spain's overseas possessions.

Thus,he diagnosed the lack of national unityin supporting colonialventures as a chief problem, and he worked feverishlyto promote Spanishcolonial endeavors in

Morocco. He thuslinked nationalistic sentiment and imperialism,as he labored to unite his fellowcountrymen in support of Spanishintervention in North Africa. Both of these issues, however, contained the solutions to the challenges they presented. Invoking the image of the Cid and citing the lack of national support of colonial interests as a major problem, Costa offeredthe development of industry,commerce, and infrastructurein

Morocco as theprescriptions to cure Spain's decadence. He called formore than commercialinvolvement, however, as he favoredformal, governmental participation in theconstruction of economic, military,and cultural links between Spain and Morocco.

Like other Africanists,he implored Spaniardsto claim their rightfulgeographical possessions in North Africaand Micronesia, thus, openly competing withEngland,

France,and Germanyin order to strengthen their waningempire andreassert their international prowess.34

In attempts to forcehis fellowcountrymen out of complacency and back onto the internationalstage, Costa delivered fieryspeeches, wrote dozensof pamphlets, formed theSo ciedadEs panola de Afr icanistasy Colonistas, andplanned excursions to the so­ called "darkcontinent." In 1883 he joined the CongresoEs panol de Geografia Colonial y

Mercantil, anorganization committed to sponsoring explorations and colonizationof

34 The term "Africanists"refers to those Spaniards, primarily soldiers and entrepreneurs, who supported direct intervention in North Africa, whether througheconomic or militarymeans. 23 NorthAfrica A year later,acting as the secretaryof the SociedadEsp anola de

Afr icanistasy Colonistas, Costacontrib uted significantlyto a written petitionto the

Cortes to considerintervention in Morocco. This document, entitled LaPolitica Hispano­

}Jarroqui y la op inion publica en Espana, claimed to be anexpression of Spanish public opinion; it also maintainedthat the people of Spain andMorocco were united by common historicaltraditions. 35 In an attemptto further bind thesetwo races and argue for their formalunity, the society included seventeen articles asrecommendations for the governmentto consider. These "succinct negotiations" centered on developing industry in Morocco and opening it up to Spanish businessme� aswell asbuilding infrastructure, such as the creationof postalstations and schools. Costaand his fellowmembers specificallyrequested that the Cortes negotiatethe free exportationof cerealsand grains fromMorocco, declare commercialfreedom between the two regions, openup ports to

Spanish ships, improve thepostal service and constructnew mail stations, set up bilingual institutes, develop indigenousmilitary companies, and build hospitals. 36

Thus, Costa supported firmcultural, political, commercial, and military ties between Spainand Morocco. His perceptionsof the relationship between Spaniards and

Moroccansdid not center solely on a mutually beneficialfuture, however; he considered the two cultures to belinked by a shared heritage. Attacking French interests in Morocco and defending hiscountry's right to intervene,he assertedthat "Spain andMorocco

[were] like two halvesof a unitedgeography," that were linked to a "secret, powerful

35 Costa, La Politico Hispano-Ma"oqui y la opinionpublica en Espana, 3. 36 Ibid.,5-8. 24 37 attraction," between the two groups. This intimate relationship dated back to the Middle

Ages, and to the time of the Cid, when Muslims fromNorth Africagoverned Spain.

Costa elaborated on this shared history,writing:

The Moroccans have been our masters and we should respect them; they have been ourbrothers and we should show them love; they have been our victims and we should completely repair them. Our politics with Morocco should be, therefore, reparative politics, politics of intimacy, and politics of restoration. 38

Thus, in developing Morocco, Spaniards would not onlyregen erate their declining country andits imperial status, but they would reconcile their contentious history and relationship with NorthAfrica as well.

Nonetheless, Costa did not limit his invocations of the country'spast to pictures of Muslim Spain; he conjuredup images of the Catholic Kings who backed the explorationof distantlands, initiating Spain's reign as a hegemonic world power. He also referredto imagesof Spanishconqui stadors traversing the globe as a means to support

Spanish claims to Micronesia. In 1885 he penned Alemania contraEs pana: una leccion a

Bismarck. Espana duerme, pero no esta muerta, defending Spain'sentitlement to the entire area, despite Germanprotests, based on the "priority of discovery,"declaring that his countrymen should be able to claim all of Micronesia because their ancestors had set foot upon it first.39 Invoking the necessity of Spanishunity, he also argued forhis country's right to control the islandsbased on geographical unification,stating that Spain possessed "[ anentire] province in the Pacific called Micronesia, not three separate

37 Fernandez Clemente, Joaquin Costa y el a.fricanismo esp anol, 50. 38 Ibid., 5 I. 39 Costa, Alemania contra Esp ana: una leccion a Bismarck. Esp ana duerme, pero no esta muerta, ed. Julio Milego (Madrid: Sociedad generalespailola de libreria, 1915), 81. 25 [regions] knownas Marianas, Palaos, and Carolinas.',4oTo divide the territories, therefore, wouldbe disru ptiveto Spainby separating it fromits historical legacy. Costa reassured his readers, however, that the size of the areain dispute was not the point of contention, andthat the "objectof litigation"was in itself insignificant. Instead, he proclaimed,the feudwith Germanyover Micronesia was a "question of [ national] honor," one that he felt compelled to defend due to the indifference of the Spanish government andpopula ce.41

His calls forintervention in Morocco and Micronesia,neverth eless, were not realized. Despite his attemptsto foment national supportof Spanishcolonial ventures, whether it was on the Africancontinel).t or in the Pacific,his steadfast belief in his country's ability to be regeneratedthrough colonial practices changed significantly in 1898. Although he had become somewhat doubtful about the likelihood of the governmentactually entering Morocco in the early 1890s, he abandoned all calls forhis countrymento intervene in North Africa followingSpain 's defeatby the United States.

He was shocked and disgusted by the general apathy of the populationin response to the loss to America, a "lesson that cost Spain 100,000 men."42 This painful lesson caused himto reevaluate Spain's status in relation to Europe, eventually admitting that his country could not be regenerated by followingimperial practices.

Two yearsafter the humiliating defeat,he mourned hismisplaced faith in his countryand arguedthat Spain had to be de-Africanized, writing that his hopes had been

40 Ibid., 78-9. 41 Ibid., 46. 42 Costa,Los siete criterios de gobierno (Madrid: Biblioteca Costa, 1914), 20. 26 "defrauded.',43 Aftercalling for Spanish participation in colonial ventures formore than

two decades, a disenchantedCosta advised the government in 1903 to reject any appeals madeby England and Francefor Spainto reestablish order in Morocco. He warnedthat

such anundertaking would surelybe a "new Cuba. ,,44

An Iron SurgeonWielding a Scalpel

Costa's disappointment following 1898, however, was not related solely to the

lack of Spanish colonial intervention in North Africa. In addition to heraldingthe need

forcolonial ventures, he had pressed forpolitical changes beginning in the 1870s. In the

early 1880s he began publishing works on law, calling for the governmentto abandon the

Napoleonic code and purge other seemingly archaic features fromthe legal system. 45

His staunchest denunciations of his fellowSpaniards and of the most prominent symbol

of its backwardness, however, were relatedto caciquismo, the politicalsystem that

involved the rigging of elections in order to allow the opposingpolitical party, either the

liberals or conservatives, its turnin office.46

In the late 1880s, as Robert Kem notes, Costa called forthe transfer of political

powerfrom the local bosses to educated leaders, who would promote the advancement of

progress. 47 In 1888, when he coined the expression la politica hidraulica, he explicitly

43 FernandezClemente, Joaquin Costa y el africanismo espanol, 18. 44 Ibid., 74. 45 Robert Kem. Liberals, reformers, and Caciques in Restoration Sp ain, 1875-1909 (Albuquerque, NM: Universityof New Mexico Press, 1974), 61. 46 Balfour describes caciquismo as the "Restoration [political] system [that] rested on a largely demobilized societycontro lled by the patronage dispensed by political bosses, knownas caciques, through a hierarchy of clientelism from Madrid down to the smallest provincialtown." See page 53 of his End of the Sp anish Empire 1898-1923. 47 Kern,Liberals, Reformers, and Caciques in Restoration Sp ain, 1875-1909, 91. 27 prescribed agriculturalmodernization as the solution to rejuvenate Spain, which he referred to as a slumbering nation without a pulse.48 Linking thispush forthe modernizationof agriculture to Europeani7.ation in general,Costa suggested physical improvements rangingfrom the development of irrigation projects to theestablishment of agricultural schoolsin order to regeneratethe country. Thus,Euro peanizationcalled for vast structuraland cerebral changes.

A decade later, however, thesesweeping transformations had not occurred and the defeatby America confirmed that Spain was distinct fromEur ope;there had been no political revolution, modernizationwas still uneven, and the majority of Spaniards remained illiterate and indifferentto national politics. In 1902, he bitterly denounced the traditional reigninggovernment and general attitudes towardsthe nation, exclaiming that:

Four years have passed... nothing has been renovated; nothing has changed except for the worst; the old examples and the old spirit [remain]; ... the reorgani7.ation of the State [has not occurred]; the same sterile debates in the Parliament...the same insolence in the caciques, the same mortal collapse in the country... All is Siberia, all ice. 49

Thus, despite numerous calls forpolitical transformations both beforeand after 1898,

Costa claimed that no greatchanges had occurred fouryears after Spain's loss to

America; instead of genuine parties, Spain was beleaguered by "unorganized groupings, without spirit, without [political] program [ s]. ,,so

48 In a letter to Giner de los Rios Costa referredto Spainas a"dead but unburied" country.See El don de consejo: Epistolario de Joaquin Costa y FranciscoGin er de los Rios, 1878-1910, ed. George J. G. Cheyne (Zaragoza: Guara, 1983), 98. 49 Costa,Los siete criterios de gobierno, 20-l. The original andmore compelling text reads: "Nada se ha renovado; nada ha cambiado sino parapeor; viejos los moldes y viejo el espfritu; ni un ensayo siquierade reorganiz.aci6n en el Estado: el mismo regimen, los mismos hombres, lasmismas rutinas,Jos mismos esteriles debates en el Parlamento.. .la misma insolencia en los caciques, el mismo mortal colapso en el pafs ... Todoes Siberia,todo hielo." 50 This passageis fromCosta's Oligarquia y caciquismo, which appears in M. Ciges Aparicio's Joaquin Costa, siglo XIX, 172. 28 Disillusioned by Spaniards'failure to rally around the flag, Costa realizedthat theseapathetic citizens would not uniteto forcea politicalchange. As a result, he stated

that hope forthe country'sregeneration was still through Europeanization,but in the

formof a strong leader, an"iron surgeon," who would temporarily head the state as

Spaniardsprepared themselves to participatein a fully democraticgovernment, becoming

more like modem Great Britain. This leaderwould initiate a political revolution and 51 amputatethe backward elements of society with his "ruthlessscalpel." This leaderdid

not emerge during Costa's lifetime, however,and King Alfonso XIII did not abdicate, as 52 Costa haddemanded in manyof his speeches andwritings. Without aniron surgeon to

rid the country of its backwardpolitical practicesand corrupt bosses, Spain seemed

doomed to perpetualstagnation. 53

51 John A. Crow, TheRoot and the Flower: An Interpretation ofSpain and the SpanishPeo ple, 3rd edition (Berkeley, CA: University of CaliforniaPress, 1985), 48. 52 Ibid., 55. 53 ManySpaniar ds, however, perceived Primo de Rivera to be thefulfillment of Costa's "iron surgeon," when he became dictator of Spain in 1923. For a discussion of how Primo seemed to embody Costa's "ironsurgeon," see Shlomo Ben-Ami's Fascismfrom Above: The Dictatorshipof Prim o de Rivera in Spain 1923-1930 (Oxford:Clarendon Press, 1983). 29 CHAPTER3: MIGUELDE UNAMUNO, "SUFFER[ING] AMONGTHESE PEOPLE"54

In a letter to JoanMara.gall in 1907, Miguel de Unamuno expressed extreme anguish over how much pain his country causedhim, bemoaning"how much Spain hurt" 55 him, just as if the "heart or head" would physically hurton e's body. This intellectual giant, however, did not limit his national critique to personalcorrespondence or poetic metaphors.In penning thousandsof works on Spanishsociety, he assailed what he saw as the country's gravest problems, diagnosingits most serious ailments andsuggesting possibleremedies. His introspectivepursuit was made even more challenging and perhaps even impossible as he attempted to characterizesomething that was physically non-existent: Spain's inner being.

In attempting to definethe elements of the national identity, Unamuno offered competingportray alsof the country,invoking different literary figures as representatives of contemporary Spaniards.He calledfor the need to "openthe windows" to "European winds" in 1895, but emphasized the country's Africanheritage in thewake of 1898 and 56 called for the Hispanizationof Europe. Where he had noted French influence on Spain's epic poem of the Cid in 1895; he portrayed the countryas distinct from Europe following el desastre. 51 Thus, in reconfiguringhis sense of national identity after 1898, this Basque intellectual developed aneven more tenuous and complex relationshipwith Spain. He

54 Epistolario entreMigu el de Un amun o y Juan Maraga/1y escritos complementarios (Barcelona: Editar, 1951), 68. On 15 May 1907 Unamuno wrote a letter to JoanMaragall stating, "Ah, Maragall,you all see me as a genuine representativeof the Castilianspiri t, but you all do not know how I suffer amongthose people." 55 Unamuno,Andanzas y visionesesp anoles, (Madrid: Renacimiento, 1922), 92. 56 Unamuno,En torno al casticismo, intro.Luciano GonmlezEgido (Madrid: Espasa Calpe, 1998), 167. 57 Ibid., 113. 30 grewincreasingly frustratedwith his fellowSpaniards, characterizingthem as inhabiting anuncultured country of ignorance,degradation, and avarice. He also criticized the collective indifference, as well as the weakpolitical systems, writing in attempts to impel his countrymen to become involved citizens.

HistoriographicalTreatment of Unamuno's Works

Even though scholarsacknowledge Unamuno's acceptance of Spain as a country fraughtwith contradictions, many have ignoredthe complexities of his ideas, as well as

his variousapprai sals of Spain and of Europe in general. Historians have also neglected to draw attention to his competing depictions of his country. Thishi storiographical

dearth, however, is due to the fac t that he penned thousands of works, which expl�ns why there is not a foundationaltext examining all fa cets of his ideology or of his views of

Spain; such a cumulative analysiswould comprise volumes. Nevertheless, scholarshave

produced a plethoraof literary, sociological, philosophical, and historical studies of his writings.

Similar to the challenges facing scholars who study Costa, there aremany

problems with studying Unamuno. One such difficulty is that many of his writings, like

Costa's, were scattered among family members and destroyed duringthe civil war.

Another setback for scholars is thatdozens of his original compositions werealtered

during Franco's reign,as the Caudillo's government censured 167 of the intellectual giant's "dangerous" works forattacking Christianity, morality, and the patria.58 Most

58 Joan Mari Torrealdai,La censurade Francoy los escritores vascos de/ 98 (Navarra, Spain: Navarra, 1998), 21. 31 reprints of his texts do not mention if theyare original copies of his writing or if they retainthe censors' editing. Another obstaclethat historiansmust overcome in attempting to interpretUnamun o's writingsis thatthis complex task is problematicdue to the fact that he was a fiercely independentintellectual who enjoyed beingcontr oversial. He went to extreme lengthsto avoid beingcategorized. 59 As a result, the majority of his works contain threads of thought that are deliberatelyoutlandish, contradictory, and ambivalent.

He readily acknowledged andembraced this fact,declaring that his essays were "fullof quintessential contradictions"that were just "like lifeand like [him]self."60 Such ambiguitieshave led to misinterpretationsof his writingsby bothcontemporari es and later scholars;one such exampleis that he feltthe need to correct readers whohad misunderstoodhis quotation about "let[ting] others invent," assuming he meantthat

Spain should stand aside passively while others put scientific ideas into action. Instead,

Unamuno informedhis reader s, he meantthat his fellowcountrymen should take advantage of the results when others dedicated themselves to science. 61 In addition to misinterpretations, another issue that scholarsmust address when examining this intellectual's writings is that his opinions appearto have changed over time, as Manuel

Tuii6n de Laraasserts. 62 Althoughthis point is a valid concern, many of his general criticisms against Spain remainedthe same despite the factthat he witnessedmany different governments, fromthe reign of Alfonso XIII,Primo de Rivera's dictatorship,

59 Unamuno, Relatos de Unamuno, ed. andintro. EleanorPaucker (NewYork: Appleton- Centwy Crofts, 1969), x-xi. 60 Unamuno, TheTr agic Sense of Life in Men and in Peoples, 322. 61 Ibid., 331. 62 Manuel Tuff6nde Lara,Costa y Unamuno en el crisisde/ fin de siglo (Madrid: &licusa, Editorial Cuadernos parael Dialogo, 1974), 127. Tuil6npoints out that there were many Unamunos, two from 1898 to 1901. 32 theproclamation of the Second Republic,and thebeginning of the SpanishCivil War.

Some ofUnamuno's views, however, did changein response to tumultuous events related to contemporarypolitical problems andpe rsonaldilemmas. During the lastfew years of his life,he was removed asrector of the Universityof Salamanca, banishedfrom Spain by Primo de Rivera, andplaced under virtualhouse arrestby Francisco Franco. Despite thesemany crises, both national and personal, Unamuno consistently condemned his country'sbackward political system andthe widespreadapathy and ignorance,as well as his contemporaries' endeavorsinto North Africa;thus, his viewpointschanged over time, whichmight beproblematic forscholars on one level, but theyare good examplesof his re-appraisalsof certain issues, aswell as ideal models attesting to the fluidityof identities.

The difficultyof deciphering his works exemplifies hisown struggles with attempting to define Spain; his final conclusion was that the country wasindeed paradoxical,one thatcould not be reduced to a single tangible or compartmentalized representation. Like Costa, he had to contend with his country's past in attempting to discover what elements constituted contemporary Spainand its inhabitants. Ultimately, he turned to nationalliteraty classics, utilizing the figuresof Don Quixote andDon Juan as therepresentatives of contemporarySpain andits inhabitants; these images also represented whathe saw assome of the country'smost acuteproblems.

Don Quixote, the embodiment of contemporarySpain, personifiedUnamuno as well. Inthe introduction to Unamuno's TheTr agic Sense of Lifein Men and Nations,

Salvador de Madariaga states that the author, just like the mad nobleman, was a "symbol 33 ofthe tendency ofthe Spaniardto deny reality the right to beitself . "63 He also asserts that

"Unamuno was bornanti ;" he was "anti-world, anti-everything."64 This combative, desperadospirit is evident in most of Unamuno' s works, andit is thischaracteri stic that

. he liked most about Quixote andwas most representative of what Spain should aspireto be.

Invoking the Images of Don Quixote andDon Juan Tenorio

In searching for the essence of espaiiolidad, Unamuno lookedto literature, which he claimedcontained the quintessential elements of the Spanish soul. Thus, he mixed fictionwith Spain'shistorical realityby employing the charactersof Don Quixote and

Don Juan Tenorio as representations of''the collective national spirit."65 As with Costa's utilization of the Cid, the figuresof Quixote andDon Juan,who were thesub jects of national canonical works, representeda combination of Spain'spast, present, and future.

He utilizedthese common symbols asrepresentations of thecountry andits inhabitants.

Thus,the invocation of these figuresoffered visions of the country'shistory, as well as its contemporaryculture. The imagesof Quixote andDon Juanalso symbolized manyof the country's main problems aswell some of the prescriptions to cure the nation's ailments.

63 Unamuno, The Tr agic Senseof Life in Me n and in Peoples, xxxi. 64 Ibid., XXX. 65 Unamuno, "Sohre Don Juan Tenorio," Mi religi6n y otros ensayos breves, 6th ed. (Madrid: Espasa-Calpe, 1974), 100. Don Quixote, thetitle character of Cervantes' masterwork of the samename, was the a nobleman fromLa Mancha who afterreading so many works of chivalrous knights, became mad and setoff on a series ofjourneys t()right the wrongs of the world with his sidekick Sancho Pama. Don Juan Tenorio firstappeared as aliterary theme in Tirso de Molina's dramaEl Burladorde Sevilla, which appeared in the early 1600s. Jose Zorrillalater expounded upon the personage of Don Juan Tenorio in his own play with the samename as themain character. Tenorio was a young, self-absorbed lothario, supposedly from Seville, whose majoractions involved courtingwomen andfighting duels to defend his honor. 34 The utilizationof theseliterary figures, however, introducedmore complexities and contradictions into thediscourse on nationalidentity. Theyoff ered competing visions of Spain andof its pastand present By merging qualities of technicallynonexistent men with characteristics of turnof -the-century Spaniards,Unamuno seemed to promote a mythicalsense of community based on common literarytraditions that wereembedded in

Spanishculture. The implications, however, were more complex, ashe declaredthat

Quixotewas a hero who was "sublime in madness" and symbolizedthe "restless wandering of knight-errantryof Old Spain." 66 By invoking the figure of the Castilian

Quixote, Unamuno supported a Castilianvision of Spaindespite his Basqueheritage.

The figures of Quixote and Tenorio, nevertheless, had a more nuanced and problematic perception of national identity and the relationship between fiction andthe truths it represented, definingDon Quixote not only asthe embodiment of some of the best characteristics of the Spanishsoul, but as anarchetypal hero and savior of the nation.

Justifyinghis utilizationof literary figures, specificallyQuixote, as symbols of the nation,

Unamuno wrote that:

The soul of a nation becomes impregnated with the hero-to-come even before the hero himself is born into the light of life... In each epoch, it is said, the hero who is needed appears... The hero is nothing more than an individua1ization of the collective soul, one who, precisely because he feels most in unison with the people, feels in a most personal manner... [This hero] then appears in an ideal, legendary, or novelistic fas hion, not from woman's womb but fromman 's imagination. Heroes are those who live and fight and guide their people into battle, and there sustain them, and they are no less real and alive than men of flesh and blood, tangible and perishable .....but is it no less true that Don Quixote has sustained the spirits of brave fighters, imbuing them with vigor and faith,

66 Ibid., 100. Unamuno wrote this essay in supportof Victor Said Armesto, who arguedin The Legend of Don Ju an thatthe main characterwas indeed of Spanishorigin. Unamuno concurred thatthe infamous lothario was Spanish, not Italian, as the Italianscholar Farinelli declared. 35 with consolation in defeat, and moderation in triumph. He lives with us and breathes in us ...As soon as a hallucinationbecomes collective, as soon as it becomes popular, it becomes 'social,' it ceases to be a hallucination and is converted into a reality, into something outside of every one of those who share it.67

Thus,the image of Quixote was a multi-facetedrepresentation of reality, one that became animated, andemerged as anintegral partof a peopleor nation whensuch a heroicfigure was needed. His capacityto characterizethe Spanish soul was due to his presence in its common literarytradi tion. thus, existence in the collectivepsyche or the treatment of a literary figure as a real person in discoursemade that figure come alive. As a result,

Quixotewas a Castilianrepresentative of the bestqualities of Spanishness, as well as an exemplaryfigure forhis fellowcountrymen to emulate.

AlthoughQuixote 's admirable spiritual and intellectualattributes were both positive representations of the countryand the model of anideal Spaniard, his physical appearance was pathetic. Thisironic factmirrored unevendevelopments withinthe

Spanishnati on in the first years of the twentieth century. Unamuno noted that Quixote was a lankyfigure, anolder manwho suffered fromnumerous medical conditions, one of which turnedhis skin a dark yellow. Thisportrait of a sickly nobleman, a most dismal figure, riding acrossthe plains of la Manchawas laughable. 68

Despite theQuixote 's unimpressive physical stature, Unamuno proclaimedin

1905 that Cervantes's novel aboutthe nobleman's exploits should beregarded as a national Bible.69 He declaredthat "[this] immortalwork [is] something eternal, outside

67 Unamuno, La vidade Don Quijotey Sancho, ed. AlbertoNavarro (Madrid: Espasa-Calpe, 1973), 343, 145. Thiswork firstappeared in 1905, the yearof thethird centenary of the publication of the first partof Cervantes' novel Don Quijote. 68 Ibid., 335. 69 Ibid., 445. 36 any epoch ... [and that] by now Don Quixote belongs to everyone, to eachone of its readers, and everyone canand should interpret it mystically,. so to speak, in the same way thatthe Bible is usually interpreted.'�70 The literary masterpieceby Cervantes,therefore, was much more thanpe a rfect demonstrationof ''the saddecadence of [Spain's] national spirit;" itwas a model oflifefor Spaniards to follow.71 Unamunodeclared that atthe center of this way of life was Quixote, the "Castilian Christ," the prophetof Quixotism andsav ior of the nation.7 2 Unamuno offered tworeasons that Quixotism would bean idealnational religion. The firstwas that"its prophet, Don Quixote-not Cervantes, of course-was not, in all certainty, a realman, a man of fleshand blood, but more likely pure fiction." 73 The other"element of superiority" of Quixotismwas that its prophet

[was] the fair game and laughingstockof allthe world."74 For Unamuno, this unconventional savior embodied cerebral depth, spirituality, morality, and action; even though themad, irrational Quixote was delusional as a result of readingtoo many books about knightsand chivalric deeds, he was intellectual and believed passionately in

righting the wrongs of the world. Despite his hallucinations about battling imaginary

beasts, such as his mistakenimpre ssion that giantwindmills were monsters, Quixote was

not complacentor lazy; he fought,even when there was no hope of being victorious, and

defended notions of honor and decency.

In spite of his valiant deeds and good intentions, Quixote's madness, as well as

pitifulphysical appearance, presented ironic andcompeting elem ents to discussions of

70 Ibid., 133-4.

71 Ibid., 445. 72 Ibid., 346. 73 Ibid., 143. 74 Ibid. 37 national identity. As withthe Cid, the figureof Quixote was open to manydiff erent interpretations; some national critics even blamedthe delusional and romantic figurefor being the downfall of a backward Spain. Thus, Unamuno' s interpretationof the

"CastilianChrist" was not the only one.

His uniqueanalysis of Quixote,however, was notthe onlyconten tious national figurehe used. In contrastto the image of Quixote the savior, Unamuno employed the image of Don JuanTenorio as arepresen tative of the less desirable elements of

Spanishness; he was a youthful lothario, a "sensualistic rascal," whose renown was due to his constant courting of women and defenseof his honor in duels. Despite his amorous successes, he was a common Spaniard who was unculturedand concerned solely with sensual and violent desires. According to Unamuno, the problemwith Spainwas that there were too many self-absorbed Don Juans, most whomof became complacent, political conservatives following the end of their amorous scandals. 75 The image of

Quixote, thus, contrasted starklythe figureof Don Juan, a fact that added further complexity to Unamuno' s depictions of thenati onal spirit.

He speculated, nevertheless, that Don Quixote would have "put anend" to Don

Juanif the two legendaryfigures had ever had the chance to meet.76 Despite the mad nobleman'sbattl es againstmonstrous windmills, Unamuno asserted that this fictional characterwas the hero of Spanishthought because he was a man of action, one who was not complacentand becamereal by being active. AlthoughQuixote, the personification of Spain, became immortal by being ridiculous, Unamuno noted that this valiant knight

75 Unamuno, "Sohre Don Juan Tenorio," Mi religion y otros ensayos breves, 102. 76 Ibid., 104. 38 ofimaginary realms embodied the national characterbecause he did not fightfor ideas, but for the spirit!77 He asserted that Quixote, a hopeless desperado, bequeathed this

· combative spirit to contemporarySpaniards, who foughtnot foridealism, but from despair.

However, not all of his fellowcountrymen were as aggressive as Don Quixote in defendingnotions of honor andintellectualism. The infamouslothario, Don Juan, characterizedmost Spaniards' political apathy, as theybecame staunch conservatives later in life, not becausethey supported traditionalprinciples, but because they were complacent observers whowere ignorantof other options. Such passive men were barriersto the politicalpotential of the country,as well as representatives of the multitude of uncultured Spaniardswho were too busy wooing and courting women to become active citizens. By pointing out that too many of his countrymenwere like the emotional, non-intellectual, and lazy Don Juan, Unamuno suggested thateven if theyhad quixotic visions and unrealistic goals like Quixote, his fellow Spaniards should have defended their opinions andway of life, even if Europeansconsidered them antiquated or irrational.

Unamuno' s invocation of the images of Don Juanand Quixote, thus,did not serve single purposesas mere symbols of Spain;the characteristics of Don Juan signified the country's most serious problems while the characteristics associated withthe figure of the

Quixote represented the prescriptive elements thatwould cure the nation's major weaknesses.Employing both images as representations of the country, however, was problematic because they contained seemingly contradictory elements. Unamunoutilized

77 Unamuno, TheTrag ic Sense of Life in Men an d in Peoples, 341. 39 the figureof Don Juanto criticize thewidespread ignorance andpolitical apathy in the post-1898 era, but mirroring hisown introspectionand the resulting use of Quixote, he arguedthat the solutionsto many of the country's weaknesses were to befound within

Spain.

Don Juanand the Problems of Political Apathy and Ignorance

Unamuno had a dubious relationshipnot only with his country, but withthe rest of society,particularly the lower classes. At times, he evoked traditional, romantic images of rural life in nineteenth-century Spain, extolling the virtues of the men and women of "flesh andblood" who worked in the countryside. 78 However, he also condemned them, especially inthe wake of 1898, fortheir ignorance and political apathy.

Characterizingthe men and women of the lower classes as complacentuncultured Don

Juans, whether they lived in cities or in rural areas,Unamuno wrotewith urgency and disappointment, as he explained that these illiterate men and women were not true citizens, though they were bornand lived in Spain. Insisting that it was imperative for

Spaniardsto become awareof themselvesand of their country in the hopes of reforming it, Unamuno dismally concluded that his countrywas nothing more than an illiteratocracy.19 He stated that because such illiterate men had the right to vote but were ignorant theof "real world," Spainwas not democratic in any way; this fallacywas due to the fact that most of themdid not read the newspapers, remainingignorant of issues

78 SebastianBalfour, TheEnd of the Sp anish Empire, 1898-1923, 87-8. He assertsthat Unamuno, though he had extolledthe virtues of rural Spaniards in the 1880s and 1890s, beganto criticizethem in 1908. 79 Unamuno, "Glosasde la vida: sobre la opini6n publica," Mi re/igiony otros recuerdos persona/es, 18. He states, "eso es la analfabetocracia." 40 not directlyrelated to their lives. 80 As a result,they could not elect representatives based on the spirit of aneducated citizenrydue to the fact that thecountry was dominated by this"illiterate multitude."81

Despite Unamuno's attempts to propel his countrymen forward,he asserted that theyremained apathetic, andthis unfilled potential was a constantsource of both frustrationand criticism. Althoughhe proclaimed thatthese complacent and ignorant

Spaniardswere signsof the country's backwardness, nevertheless,they did not make the countrywholly backward or hopeless. Withanxieties related to modernizationand civilizationheightened in the firstyears of thetwentieth century, Unamunoasserted that in spite of Spain's uneven development, the countrydid have viable educational institutions that could compete withthose in other Europeannations. He proclaimedthat the country's educational institutions were one solution to solving the problems related to

Spain's complacent and ignorant inhabitants. Thus, forhim, Europe was not the answer to his country'smost serious ailments; instead, he called forthe Hispanization of Europe.

Contrastingthe image of the overwhelmingilliterate Spanishpopulation of Don

Juans,Unamuno evoked visions of Spain's past intellectual superiority duringthe medieval era, withthe Universityof Salamancaas the pillar of the country'seducational system. Inhis later poem "Renaciente maravilla," he described the University as a

"marvelousrebirth" andas "[an] academicpillar of [his] vision of Castilla!"82 This, however, was onlyone of Spain's many academic institutions, a factthat he cited in defense of the country's academic possibilities.He refuted claimsmade by European

80 Ibid.,75-6. He asserts that 49 out of every 100 adults cannot read. 81 Ibid.,77. 82 Unamuno,"Renaciente n;iaravilla,"Poemas de lospueblos de Espana, ed. Manuel Garcia Blanco(Salamanca: Ediciones Anaya,· i961), 33. 41 critics and SpanishEuropeanizers that Spain's educational institutions were inferior and thus, symbolsof anuncivilized, backward society. He pointed out that although Spaindid not have such material comforts as water closets, there were more institutions of learning in hiscountry thethan number of lycee in France. 83

Despite theexistence of such institutions in Spain, however, most Spaniards did not take advantage of the opportunities, as evidenced by the highill iteracy rate and

84 numberof students who chose to study in otherEuropean countries. Thus, he could not deny the factthat his country was indeed distinct fromother European nations, whether the pointsof comparisonwere paved streets or literacy rates. His conflictingdep ictions of

Spainas a backward country rifewith ignorance but fullof superior academicinstitutions addedto thecompeting images of hisap praisalsof national identity.

Spainand its Moorish Brother

After 1898, Unamunonot only heralded Spain's institutions as solutions to its problems, but he called for theHispanization of Europe. Revoking his earliercalls forthe regeneration of the countrythrough Europeanization, he added competingvisions of

Spain by conjuringup images of the country'shistorical links to North Africa.However, hehad never supported imperialismas a means of reinvigorating Spain.By calling forthe

Hispanization of Europe and invoking Spain's ties to Africa following el desastre, he declaredthat the solutions to the country's problemswere to befound within Spain, not

83 Unamuno, "Por capitalesde provincias,"And anzasy visionesesp aiioles, 93. 84 Unamuno, "Tres Generaciones,"Mi religion y otros ensayos breves (Madrid:Espasa Calpe, 1973), 83-84. He affirms,nonethel ess, that his countrywas just as intellectually civilized andmodem as France andthe United States, though it lacked conveniences such aspaved streets andwater closets. For his critiques of such modemconveniences andsupposed designations of progressivenations, see also his essay "El Metro" in En eldestierro: recuerdos y esp eranzas (Madrid: Pegaso, 1957), IO 1. 42 through colonial ventures. Thus, he did not support colonial intervention in NorthAfrica.

He did not consider such endeavors or competitionwith other Europeanpowers to be the

keys to reinvigorating Spain; as aresult, he did not agree that the country could be

renewed by reestablishing its imperial status. In a poem entitled "Salutaci6n de los

rifeilos" Unamuno offered a glimpseinto his perceptionof the country's international

positionand firm stance against re-entry into Riff, Morocco, as well as his vision of

Spainas distinct fromEurope.

He beganthe poem by asking his fellow countrymen, "arewe not Moors in the

mist; exiled Riffians; today the dryfoam from the reflection of the sea's old-timeraiding

cavalry party?"85 In these firstlines, Unamuno compared his fellowSpaniards to the

exiled Muslims fromNorth Africa and invokedimages of theirshared past. 86 He then

further linked thesetwo races by stating,"this green, oily, voluptuous Europe of avarice

and of light; this landof Celts, of petulant, presumptuous Aryanswith science andgold

always revolving in one's mind. Is it not banishment?',87 The shared experience ofbeing

distinct from Europe and its emphasison reason andscience, thus, united Spain and

Morocco, which he resolutely confirmed by ending the poem by asserting, "you all are

my brothers, yes, you all are my brothers." 88

85 AbdellahDj bilou, "Marruecosy algunos componentes de la Generaci6ndel 98," Orientalismo, exotismo, y traducci6n, eds. Manuel C. Feria Garcia and Gonzalo Fernandez Parrilla(Cuenca, Spain: Ediciones de la Universidadde Castilla-LaMancha, 2000), 125. He includes the originaltext of the poem, but does not note the exactyear it waspublished. Instead, he states thatit was written after el desastre. 86 In 1492 Isabel andFerdinan d's troops overtook the last Moorishstrongho ld in Granadaand the Catholic Kings formally expelledthe Jews from Spain, followedby the banishment of the Moors in 1502. 87 Dj bilou, "Marruecosy algunos componentesde la Generaci6n del 98," Orientalismo, exotismo, y traduccion, 125-6. 88 Ibid., 126. 43 By referringto theties between his countryand North Africa, Unamuno reminded his fellow countrymen, especiallythe Africanists, that they shared a common past. Thus, instead of invoking images of their shared history in attempts to gamer support for

Spain'sreentry intoMorocco, he used themto assertthat the North Africanswere not inferior savages who should havebeen invadedby Spanish soldiers and businessmen. By comparing Spaniardsto the Riffians, Unamuno affirmed that they were linkednot only by a historical p� but also by theirpresent distinctionfrom Europe . The poem, thus, was also a testament to Spain's marginal status in contrastto France andGermany, the two countriesthat many perceived to becore of Europe.

Nevertheless, "Salutaci6n de los rifeiios " also serves as anexample of his stance against aggressive and chauvinistic forms of nationalism, a disease that Unamuno claimed was linked to imperialism. He criticized Costa and the other Africanistswho argued that the country should unite in defense of Spain revitalizing itselfby becoming anempire again; he harshly classified Costa as an"arch- Spaniard"who was "one of the least European spirits we have ever boasted, [who] invented the notion of our

Europeanizingourselves and, while acting the Cid, he proclaimed ...that we must lock up the sepulcherof the Cid with the seven keys, and ...conquer Africa. "89 His condemnations of this aggressivenational ism, however, grew more pronounced after

1898, when Unamuno proclaimed that the politicianswho spoke of defendingna tional honor againstAmerica, had tried to salvage prestige in themidst of danger. This

"dementia of the lancesof honor," led to the slaughter of Spanishtroops in Cuba and

89 Unamuno, The Tragic Sense of life in Men and in Peoples, 335. 44 masked the fact that there was no prestige leftto salvage in the wake of 1898, even if the armywere to conquer territory in Morocco.90

Unamuno's condemnation of nationalism was not related solely to Spain'sloss to

America, however; he declared that Catalan nationalist movements underminedthe country's legitimacy. In denouncing political movements for Catalan independence,

Unamuno affirmedthat Castile, not Catalonia, was embodimentthe of Spain, as he argued allthat SpaQiardsneeded to know Castilian. By callingfor the need for linguistic unity and invoking the combined elements of the Spanishheritage, Unamuno referredto

Castilianas the language common to all his countrymen as a means of unifying them.

He supported the dominanceof Castilianby using the exampleof JoanMaragall to point out that although numerous Catalans had made significant intellectual contributions,they had done so in Castilian. He ironically noted that such works were then translated into Catalan!91 Thus, language did not necessarilyexplain or show

"regional differences or sentiments," a fact that ardent Catalan"literary imperialists" did not comprehend. 92 In pointing out the absurdity of Catalan replacing Castilianas the

90 Unamuno,"El ado crltico," Mi vida y otros recuerdos persona/es, 1917-1936 ed. and intro. Manuel Garcia Blanco (Buenos Aires: Editorial Losada, 1959), 138. His stance against nationalism, however, intensified withthe beginningof the First World War. For more of his discussions of the impact of WWIand nationalism, "a terrible, mentai collective disease," see his essay entitled "Hombres de Francia francesa," in En el destie"o: recuerdos y esp eranzas (Madrid: Pegaso, 1957), 207. For examples ofhis treatments of imperialism andnati onalismin relationto the Great War,specifically the discussions of imperialism in nationalistpresses, see his essay''Nada de pretensiones," in Mi vida y otrosrecuer dos personales, 1889-1916 (Buenos Aires: Editorial Lo� 1959). 91 Unamuno, "Politica y cultura,"Mi religion y otros e11Sayos breves, 64. 92 Unamuno, "La frontera lingOfstica,"And anzasy visionesesp anoles, 206. For more ofhis discussionson the cultural struggle between Castilians andCatalans, see his essay "Sohre el problema catalan: oposici6n de cultura" in Meditacionesy inquietudes(Madrid: Afrodisio Aguado, 1957), 79. For more on his discussions on regional movements in Spain, see his essay in the same wor� "Sohre el regionalismo espafiol," 147. In some essays he claimed to supportsuch movements, statingthat the Spanish politicians' actions threatened to force the Catalans toact likethe rebellious Cubanshad; nevertheless, he consistently supported Castilian theas officialnational language. 45 officiallanguage, he asked, "[would] LaBa"aca bemore Valencian if it were written in

Valencian?"93 He also noted that Cos� who was "born in Graus," [did not write] in

Grausino,but in Castilian!94

Thus,Unamuno considered Castilian to be centrala element of Spanishness, which was threatenedby demands forCatalan to replaceit as the officialnational language. Such demands, which were related to appeals for politicalauto nomy, only furtherweakened the country and diverted attention from industryand education.

Althoughhe did not advocate that other languages should not bestudied, he asserted that

Castilianwas the only language that defined Spanish national identity.

Despite Unamuno's contentions thatthe language and historyof Castile were the central componentsof the Spanishidentity, they were not the only national characteristics thathe offered. He portrayedthe countryand its inhabitants in variousways, creating a multi-faceted sense of espaiiolidad;his complex visionsof Spainincluded historical, linguistic, and literary elements thatincluded the country's ties to North Africa, its former intellectualismof the medieval era, and the utilization of the figuresof Quixote and Don Juan Tenorio. He also offered competing depictions of Spain, revoking his earliercalls forEuropeanizati on after 1898, heralding theneed forthe Hispaniz.ationof

Europe. The resulting depictions, as well as the related discussions,of the country offered competing views of its past and present. His portrayals of the various Spains filtered into national discourse as he debated the essence of Spanishnessin lectures, writings, and in the country's newspapers.

93 Ibid.,206. 94 Ibid, 208-9. 46 CHAPTER4: JOSE ORTEGA Y GASSET'S APPRAISALSOF COSTA AND UNAMUNO'S COMPETING VISIONS OF SPAIN

Unamuno's depictions of Spain, however, were not the only portrayalsproffered

by intellectualsthroughout thecountry at thetum-of -the-century. As a member of the

"Generationof '98," he was a leading intellectualfigure, one of manywho expressed

nationalinsecurities in responseto uneven development, highilliteracy rates, and the loss

of the empire in 1898. As one of the most importantthinkers within thisgroup of

distinguished men of letters, Unamuno exerted significantinfluence on budding intellectuals;however, as Antonio Sequerosnotes, his impactwas not necessarily

95 positive. Ortega, one ofUnamuno's harshest critics, blamed him andthe other

pessimisticbrothers of the generation forportraying Spainas a dead man, one that was

replete withpathetic desolation and without hope.96

AlthoughOrtega witnessed the profound identitycrisis broughtabout by Spain's

defeatin 1898, he was a teenager when his country lost its remaining colonies. He was

influenced,nonetheless, by the intellectual discourse both before andin the wake of el

desastre; Costa and Unamuno, as well as many other intellectuals, who searched forthe

meaningof Spain offered distinct visions of thecountry, which affected both

contemporary andlater perceptions of the nation andits inhabitants. As anheir to

ambiguous and contradictory depictions of Spain, his sense of national identity was

informed by the earlier, competingvisions of the country as European yet African,

95 Antonio Sequeros, Determinantes historicas de la generacion de/98 (Alicante: Talleres TipograficosAlonso, 1953), 136. He also called the "Generation of '98" a "generation of polemic and combat." 96 Ibid., 154. 47 97 civilized yet backward. His intellectual predecessors,however, bequeathed more than contradictoryrepresenta tions of Spain; the veryact of writingon the "Spanishproblem"

98 was popularizedby the men of the Generacion de/ '98.

In articulatinghis views of the country, Ortegaresponded to previous portrayals of Spain,combining his ownideas withthe earlier symbols and language used by intellectuals. He engaged in dialogue centered on the manyvisions of his country and confrontedthe problems raised theby fam iliarrepres entationsthat Co� Unamuno, and others hadused to portray their nation. In anessay in 1910, he responded directly to earlierdepictions of Spain and to suggested prescriptions forthe country's malaise.

Writingin defenseof the immediate necessity of Europeanization, Ortega commended

Costa forhis consistent effortsto link Spain's regenerationto Europe. Thus, his support of Costa's calls forthe necessity forSpain to adopt agriculturalprac tices, political systems, and educational institutions based on Europeanmodels paralleled his own.

Emphasizing reason, science, and objectivity, which were related to modernization, he wrote in favorof Costa's acceptance of the progressivechanges offered by modernity.

Ortegaasserted thatCosta' s Reconstituciony europeizacion de Espana was the perfect

99 exampleof "political style, the historical sensibility, and the best Castilian." Further praising him fordeclaring thatregeneration was inseparable from Europeanization,

Ortegastated that "he trulysaw clearlyfrom the beginning that Spain was the problem

97 His visionof Spain was also informedby his intellectualties to Germany. He even used the term when speakingof the Spanish soul. Zeitfaeist Martin Blinkhom,"Spain: The 'SpanishProblem' and the Imperial Myth" Journalof Contemp oraryHistory, 5, no. I, Jan. 1980: 5. 99 Ortegay Gasset,"Conclusi6n/' (4th ed.,vol. I of his Obras comp/etas, 11 vols., Madrid: Revista de Occidente, 1957), 521. 48 1 and Europethe solution." 00 He did not dwell, however, on Costa's problematic invocationof Spainand Morocco's shared past,choosing instead to focuson his callsfor the adoption of Europeaninstitutions in attempts tosalvage a backwardSpain.

In defending Costa's callsfor regeneration through Europeanization, Ortega attacked Unamuno's conflictingemp hasis onAfrica and the Hispanization of Europe as the keys to solving Spain's problems. He reminded his readers thatUnamu no, "the great

Basque," ignoredhow such a featwould beac complished, highlighting his "spiritual power anddense cultural religiosity" instead. 101 Ortega's relationship withUnamuno, thus,was distinct from his associationwith Costa, who died in 191 1; it wasmore direct, complicated, and quite infamous.Unamuno was his Greek professorat the University of

Salamanca, andthey corresponded foryears afterOrtega graduated. Theyalso shared many of the same experiences; as Anthony Kerrigannotes, both were exiled and neither one was really accepted by the general intellectual communityin Spain nor by the

1 2 political groups. 0 Scholarshave produced dozens of works on the relationship between these two titans ofSpanish thought; such studies range from discussions of their contentious debates in the national press andon philosophical matters to their distinct critiques of Spain and of Don Quijote.

Ortega's firstpublished work, Me ditaciones de/ Quijote, was a direct response to such intellectuals as his formerGreek professorwho had invoked "ambiguous" images of

lOO Ibid. 101 Ibid. 102 Ortega, Revoltof the Masses, ed. andtrans. Anthony Kerrigan (Indiana:Univer sityof Notre Dame Press, 1985), xxi. Kerriganmakes this assertion in his introductionto Revolt of the Masses and notes that bothwere exiled, but Ortega y Gasset did not go into "exile and silence" until 1936, the year in which Unamuno died. 49 1 3 the mad noblemanas a representation of Spain. 0 Althoughhe assertedthat the goal was simply to "investigate the Quixotism of the book," he contemptuouslydiscussed the problems associated with the figure of the irrational Quixote, statingthat it had "attracted exclusive attentio� to the detriment of the rest of the book and, consequently to that of the characterhimself." 104 Ortega did not considerQuixote to be arepresenta tion of Spain; inste� he claimed that the figurehad beenabused, and as a result, had become the "sad parody ofa more divine and serene Christ... a Gothic Christ,tom by modem anguish; a

5 ridiculousChrist of our own neighborhood. "10 Disagreeingwith Unamuno' s calls forthe necessityof heralding the"Castilian Christ" as the romanticsavior of Spain, Ortega exclaimed that:

Whenever a few Spaniards who have been sensitized by the idealized poverty ofthe ir past, the sordidness of their present, andthe bitter hostility of their futuregather together, Don Quixote descends among themand the burning ardor of his crazed countenance harmonizes those discordant hearts, strings them together like a spiritual thread, nationalizes them, 1 puttinga common racial sorrow above theirpersonal bittemess. 06

Nevertheless, he did not limit his harshcriticism to men such as Unamuno who, by employing the image of Quixote as ana tional representative, had invited Spaniards ''to an absurd existence, full of extravagant gestures;" he alsofacet iously denounced those intellectualswho "with charmingforesi ght"had advised them"not to be Don Quixotes,"

7 instead of offering specific,rational solutions or models to follow. 10

103 Ortega, Meditaciones del Quijote, ed. JulianManas, 5thed. (Madrid: Ediciones Catedra, 2001), 84. 104 Ibid., 84-5. lOS Ibid., 86. 106 Ibid. IO? Ibid., 87. 50 Thus, Ortega, who was acutely aware of the contradictory uses of Quixote as a representationof Spain, engaged in dialogue with previous and contemporary intellectualswho invoked the literary figure as a national symbol. His outright rejection of the mad noblemanas the personificationof his countrymenadded to the complexities surroundingthe aura of Quixote as the embodiment of the Spanish soul. The resulting discussions and critiques of others' arguments illustrate the problems associated with invoking such contentious figuresthat were opento multiple interpretations.

In Ortega's responses to Unamuno's representations of Spain, the younger intellectualreminded his countrymenthat Unamuno wasBasque, a fact that complicated and called into question his ability to speakof the essence of national identity, especially in support of a CastilianSpain. Declaring that both the nationalpassion and sin were extremepride, Ortega assertedthat the Basques best exhibited this racial vice. 108 In an essay reflecting on Unamuno the dayafter his death, Ortega again referred to Unamuno's

Basque heritage, attacking his capacity to speakfor the country's character, specifically his emphatic defense of Castilianas anintegra] component of the nation's identity; he stated that thoughUnamuno was a greatwriter, one had to remember that he was Basque

109 and thus, his Castilian was "learned." Ortega contrasted the style of native speakersto

Unamuno"stendency to employ words or expressions that differedfrom their normal use,

108 Ortega, Invertebrate Spain, trans. and intro. Mildred Adams (New York: W. W. Norton & Company, Inc., 1937), 146-7. This translatedwork contains essays that do not appearin Ortega's Espana invertebrada; his discussion of Basque pride in "A Topographyof Spanish Pride" is an essay from one of his other works, thoughAdams does not tell which one. 109 Ortega, "En la muerte de Unamuno," (4th ed., vol. 5 of his Obras comp/etas, 11 vols., Madrid: Revista de Occidente, 1958), 266. Ortega, however, failedto mention thatUnam uno, who studied philology, read 14 languages! 51 stating that "althoughhis Castilian was splendid, it always had the [stilted] character of

0 being learned."11

By repeatedly citing Unamuno's Basque heritage, Ortegaportrayed him as an outsider, someone who was not a member of the collective group of CastilianSpaniards bound together by commontradit ions, ancestry, andlanguage; thus,the samecriteria that can serveto unifypeople basedon sameness can also be used as abasis to exclude others.

By emphasizingUnamuno 's otherness, Ortega intimated that as anoutsider, the Basque was not attuned to the collective sense of belonging based on shared Spanishtraditions.

Thisassertion, thus, challenged Unamuno's capacity to comment on the characteristics of a national Spanishidentity because he did not belong to thatcommunity.

Ortega's discussions ofUnamuno's cultural and ethnic distinctions were not the only important points related to the complexities of national identities, however. His treatments of Costa andUnamuno ' s depictions of Spainand their use of common symbols as representations of the national character demonstratedthe power of and problems withem ploying common symbols such as the Cid and Quixote in appealingto a shared tradition linkingSpaniards. His referencesto Costa andUnamuno andtheir depictions of Spain supportthe fact that even years later, Ortega continued to confront the earlierportrayals theof country until he died in 1955, despite the later changes in

Spainwrought by the First World War,the abdicationof Alfonso XIII, the dictatorship of

Primo de Rivera, the failure of the Second Republic, and Franco's takeover.

LLO Ibid. 52 CHAPTER5: CONCLUSION

Ortega's responses to the national portrayals offered by Costa andUnamuno

illustrate the power of shared historical memories, heroes, andmyths that they evoked in attempts to define Spanishness in the midst of uneven industrial development, regional

strugglesfor independence, andelevated illiteracy rates in the latterpart ofthe nineteenth

century. Such discrepancies and the resulting reactions to modernization intensified

national introspection, leading intellectuals to question the essenceof the national

character in searchof explanationsfor Spa in's differences. These insecurities, however,

were heightened by the humiliating loss of the remaining overseas territories to the

United States in the Spanish-American-CubanWar in 1898; though the countryhad been

in decline fordecades, the very public defeat calledinto question Spain's statusas a

Europeanpower, bothabroad and within thecountry.

The resulting dialogue about the integral elements of Spanishnesscreated a multi­

layered discourse on the complex natures of identity, as intellectuals attempted to

redefinethe essence of the national character, anintan gible, varied, fluid, and complex

thing.Although Costa and Unamuno offered highlyindividualized visions of thecountry

and its inhabitants, they invoked historicalmemori es, particularlythose images relatedto

Castile, in attempts to support theirown visions of Spanishnesswhile appealing to

common traditions asa basis for sameness and unity. They did not inventnew symbols,

but they used familiarfigures froma shared literary and historical tradition as

representations of contemporary Spain. They employed the figures of the Cid, Don

Quixote, and DonJuan in response to the challenges presented by modernizationand in

theirquests to define Spain's distinctiveness; Unamuno and Costa also conjured up 53 imagesfrom Spain'spast that linked thecountry to both Europeand Africa,thus, offering competing portrayals. In doing so, they proffered their own appraisals of the country and its major problems, whichthey said couldbe solved by emulating the qualities of the Cid andQuixote. These images, however, were open tomultiple interpreta tions, which attest to the complexities of national identities.

Costa invoked RodrigoDiaz as the ideal Spaniard, conjuring up images from the

Middle Ages when Christians,Jews, andMuslims inhabited the IberianPeninsula, which was then divided into autonomous kingdoms. As he noted, however, this figurewas open to variousread ings; he offered his own analysis theof Cid, asserting thatthe Castilian noblemanrepresented tolerance and loyalty. Prior to 1898, he utilized this notion of a sharedhistory andof the Campeador' s respect forIslam in attemptsto unifyhis fellow

Spaniardsto support colonial ventures in North AfricaHowever, he also called forthe urgent Europeanizationof Spain, a solution he endorsed more fervently after thedefeat by America.

Like Costa, Unamunoem ployed traditional symbols as representations of conte_mporary Spaniards.The figures of Don Quixote andDon Juan, however, were problematic becausethey were open to multiple interpretations, a fact supportedby

Ortega's discussions of the various misuses of the image of the mad nobleman. Unamuno utilized the figureof Quixote to represent the ideal Spaniard, one who was educated, honorable, and active in righting the wrongs of the world; however, this romantic would­ beknight was mad and irrational, choosing to obey his emotions instead of depending on objective, scientific observation. Unamuno's invocation of Don Juan as a symbol was problematicand seeminglycontradictory because he represented lazy, uncultured, self- 54 absorbed, andapathetic Spaniards. He emphasized the need for the Don Juans of Spain to followQuixote's model; by heraldingthe qualities associatedwith Quixote as the keys to

Spain's rejuvenation,he emphasized romanticnotions, rejecting the worship of reason andscience as the solution.

Both Unamunoand Costa, thus, appealedto common symbols and images froma sharedtradition in attempts to support theirvisions of contemporarysociety and its ills.

Embeddedin this dialoguewere discussionsof how Spain was unique, whetherit was modem or backward, African European,or an empire or a nation. The resulting discourse and competing visions of Spain serve as examples of thecomplexities of national identities, in which intellectuals play a pivotal role by making sharedimages and historical memories visible. 55

BIBLIOGRAPHY 56 Alvarez-Junco,Jose. TheEm ergence of Mass Politics in Sp ain: Populist Demagoguery and Republican Culture, 1890-1910. Portland,Oregon: Sussex Academic Press, 2002.

Balfour, Sebastian. TheEn d of the Sp anish Empire, 1898-1923. Oxford,England: Clarendon Press, 1997.

Balfour,Sebastian and Paul Preston, eds. Sp ain and the Great Powers in the Twentieth Century. New York, NY: Routledge, 1999.

Barcia,Jose Rubia, ed. (with the assistanceof Selma Margaretten).Americo Castro and the Meaning of Sp anish Civilization. Berkeley: TheUniversity of California Press, i 976.

MartinezBaselga, Pedro. QuienfueCosta. Zaragoza: G. Casafial, 1918.

Ben-Ami, Shlomo. Fascism fromAb ove: TheDictatorshi p of Primo de Rivera in Sp ain 1923-1930. Oxford: ClarendonPress, 1983.

Blinkhom, Martin "Spain: 'SThe panishProblem' andthe Imperial Myth" Jo urnal of ContemppraryHi story,vol. 15, no. 1, Jan. 1980: pages 5-25.

Carr,Raymond. ModernSp ain: 1808-1975. Oxford: OxfordUniversity Press, 1982.

Cheyne, George. J. G, ed. El don de consejo: epistolario de Jo aquin Costa y Francisco Giner De Los Rios, 1878-1910. Zaragoza: Guara Editorial, 1983.

Cheyne, George J. G. A Bibliographical Study of the Wr itings of Jo aquin Costa, 1846- 1911. London: TamesisBooks Limited, 1973.

__, ed Ep istolario Joaquin Costa-Manuel Bescos: Confidencias,po liticasy persona/es 1899-1910. Zaragoza: lnstituci6nFernando El Cat6lico, 1979.

Ciges Aparicio,Manuel. Jo aquin Costa, el granfrac asado. 1st edition, VidasEs panolas Del Siglo xix. Madrid: Espasa Calpe, 1930.

Costa y Martinez,Joaquin. Alem ania contra Espana: una leccion a Bismarck. Espana duerme, pero no esta muerta. Madrid: Sociedad general espaiiolade libreria, 1915.

---. Crisis politica de Espana. Barcelona:Producciones Editoriales, 1980.

---. Historia politica social: patria.Madrid: Aguilar, 1961.

---. Los siete criterios de gobierno. Madrid: Biblioteca Costa, 1914. 57

___. Politico quirurgica. Madrid: BibliotecaCosta, 1914.

___ . Reconstitucion y europeizacion deEs pana y otros escritos. Madrid, 1981.

Crow, John A. Sp ain: TheRoot and the Flower: An Interpretation of Sp ain and the Sp anish People. 3rd edition. Berkeley, Calfornia: Universityof CaliforniaPress, 1985.

Ep istolario entre Unamuno y Maragall y escritos complementarios. Barcelona: E

FernandezClemente, Eloy. Joaquin Costa y el afr icanismo espanol. Series editor Angel Guinda. 1st edition, Al Margen. Zaragoza:Porvivir Indepe ndiente, 1977.

Gabriel-Stheeman, Jose del Valle and Luis, eds. TheBattle over Sp anish between 1800 and 2000: Language Ideologies and Hispanic Intellectuals. E

Garcia,Gonzalo FernandezParrilla and Manuel C. Feria, ed. Orientalismo, exotismo, y traduccion. Cuenca: Ediciones de la Universidadde Castilla-La Mancha, 2000.

Graham,Helen, and Jo Labanyi,eds. Sp anish Cultural Studies: An Introduction. Oxford: Oxford UniversityPress, 1995.

Holguin, Sandie. Creating Sp aniards: Culture and Na tional Ide ntityin Republican Sp ain. Madison, Wisconsin: The University of Wisconsin Press, 2002.

Labanyi, Jo, ed. Constructing Ide ntity in ContemporarySp ain: TheoreticalDebates and Cultural Practice. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2002.

Lomas Barrett,Linton, ed. Five Centuries of Sp anish Literature: From the Cid through the Golden Age. Boston, Massachusetts: Heinle & Heinle Publishers, 1962.

Kem, Robert W. Liberals, Reformers, and Caciques in Restoration Sp ain, 1875-1909. Albuquerque, NM: Universityof New Mexico Press, 1974.

Tunon de Lara, Manuel. Costa y Unamuno en la crisis de fin desiglo . Madrid: Edicusa: Editorial Cuademos para el Dia.logo, 1974.

Ortega y Gasset, Jose. Espana invertebrada. 13thedition. Madrid: Revista de Occidente en Alianza Editorial, 2001. 58 ---. Invertebrate Sp ain. Translated and introductionby Mildred Adams. New York: W. W. Norton & Company, Inc., 1937.

---. Obras ·comp/etas. 4thedition. Volume 1 of 11 volumes. Madrid: Revista de Occidente, 1958.

---. Obras Comp/etas. 4thedition. Volume 5 of 11 volumes. Madrid: Revista de Occidente, 1958.

---. Me ditaciones del Quijote. Introductionand edited by Julian Macias,5th edition. Madrid:Ediciones Catedra, 2001.

---. Revolt of the Masses. Translated and edited by AnthonyKerrigan. Indiana: University of Notre DamePress, 1985.

Paucker, EleanorKrane, ed. Relatos de Unamuno. New York: Appleton-CenturyCrofts, 1969.

Payne, Stanley.A History of Sp ain and Portugal. 2 vols. Vol. 2. Madison,Wisconsin: The University of Wisconsin Press, 1973.

Perez, Louis A. The War of 1898: The Un ited States and Cuba in History and Historiography. Chapel Hill, NC: TheUniversity of North CarolinaPress, 1998.

Puig Campillo, Antonio.Jo aquin Costa y sus doctrinasped ag6gicas. Valencia: F. Sempere y Compafiia, 1911.

Roberts, Stephen G. H., ed. Political Sp eeches and Jo urnalism (1923-1929). Edited by W. F. Hunter, Exeter Hispanic Texts. Exeter, Devon UK: University ofExeter Press, 1996.

Sequeros, Antonio. Determinantes hist6ricas de la generaci6n del 98. Alicante: Talleres TipograficosAlonso, 1953.

Smith,Anthony D. National Identity. Reno, NV: University ofNevada Press, 1991.

Torrealdai,Joan Mari. La censura de Franco y los escritores vascos del 98. Donostia, Navarra: Navarra, 1998.

Unamunoy Jugo, Miguel de. The Tragic Sense of Life in Me n and Nations. Vol. 4. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1972.

---. Andanzasy visiones espano/es. 8thedition. Madrid: Espasa Calpe, 1964.

---. Antologia poetica. Mexico City, Mexico: Editorial Porrua, 1987. 59

---. En el destierro: recuerdos y esperanzas. Madrid: Pegaso, 1957.

---. Espana y los espanoles. Madrid:Afr odisio Aguado, 1955.

---. Inquietudesy meditaciones. Madrid: AfrodisioAguado , 1957.

---. Mi religiony otros ensayos breves. 8th edition. Madrid:Espasa Calpe, 1973.

---. Mi vida y otros recuerdospersona/es (1 889-1916). Vol. I. Buenos Aires: Editorial Losada, 1959.

---. Mi viday otros recuerdospersona/es (191 7-1936). Vol. II. Buenos Aires: Editorial Losada, 1959.

---. Poemasde los pueblos de Espana. ed.Manuel GarciaBlanco. Madrid: Ediciones Anaya, 1961.

---. Por tie"as de Portugal y de Espana. Madrid: Biblioteca Renacimiento, 1911.

---. La vidade Don Quijotey Sancho. 2nd edition,Letras Hispanicas. Madrid: Catedra, 1992. 60 VITA

Alyson F. Baker was bornin 1980 in Virginia and graduated from Coeburn High

School in 1998. Four years later, she graduated Summa cum laude from theUniversity of

Virginia's College at Wise with degrees in History and inForeign Studies (with a concentration in Spanish). Alyson has completedall courseworkfor a degree in History and will receive her M.A. from the University of Tennessee in May 2004.