DOCSLIB.ORG

KAFFIRS ARE LIVELY Being Some Backstage Impressions of the South African Democracy By: OLIVER WALKER

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
KAFFIRS ARE LIVELY Being Some Backstage Impressions of the South African Democracy By: OLIVER WALKER KAFFIRS ARE LIVELY Being some backstage impressions of the South African Democracy By: OLIVER WALKER “Kaffirs developed a firm trend on small local and some South African support, particularly for better-class dividend-payers.” —Any LONDON STOCK EXCHANGE report. “There are certain things about which all South Africans are agreed, all parties and all sections, except those who are quite mad. The first is that it is a fixed policy to maintain white supremacy in South Africa.” —GENERAL J. G. SMUTS , Prime Minister, speaking in the Union House of Assembly, Cape Town, March 13, 1945. To the Kafderboeties - Liberals and other Christian gentlemen of Africa in whose applied humanity lies the only hope for the peaceful progress of a great Continent. “Kafferboetie”: Afrikaans word meaning literally “Kaffir-brother”, a term of contempt for any white South African who acts as if Christianity meant something else to him besides going to church on Sundays. PREFACE IN 1944 I was offered the biggest assignment ever handed to a newspaperman in South Africa. It came from the headquarters of the Native Affairs Department in Pretoria, the administrative capital where at that time I was doing a war-time propaganda job for the State Bureau of Information. Briefly the Department wanted a journalist seconded to it to make a comprehensive survey of all its work, practical and administrative, in the Reserves, in the towns and on the farms for the purpose of compiling a series of booklets. These booklets were intended chiefly for America and England. Their aim was “to present Native policy in South Africa in a true perspective”. “We have been getting a bad Press over there,” I was told by the Department. “They are printing all sorts of rubbish and downright lies about how we treat our Natives. They reckon we keep the Native down with a sjambok, and tie him to the wagon-wheel and nonsense like that. In America they even think we’re all black here! It’s time we told them what we’re doing, and just how and why we’re doing it.” I said it was a tall order. They said it was, but everything would be organised, and it shouldn’t take more than six months. They had just appointed as publicity officer an agri- culturist from the Department, and his main job would be to chaperone me round the Reserves (where white men require official sanction to loiter) and the urban locations. The idea of getting in an outsider experienced in publicity was that he would be able to glamorise their good deeds. They could have tackled the job themselves, they said, but they were not too certain that their bluebook prose had the right iridescent lure. I said: “When do we start?” After a certain amount of dignified safari-like preparations I headed north for the “Bundu” of the Transvaal with my chaperone. Periodically during the next fifteen months we— that is, an official from the Department and myself—surfaced in Pretoria between spells spent submerged in the Reserves of the four Provinces or slumming in the larger cities of Johannesburg, Durban, Cape Town and Bloemfontein. With six months’ writing-time tagged on the end of the voyaging, the assignment took me twenty-one months. In that time I covered about 25,000 miles between the droughty, baobab-dotted veld beyond the Zoutpansberg in the north to the “sakidedorps” or shanty- towns of the Cape Flats in the extreme south, from the waterless, empty, sandy wastes of the Mafeking-Kuruman zone fringing the Kalahari Desert in the west to the lush, green, cattle-studded glens of Zululand on the east. I talked to magistrates, commissioners, agricultural officers and overseers, farmers, teachers, doctors, industrialists and churchmen. It was one of these last—a man I met in Umtata, the capital of the Transkeian Native Reserve—who gave me something to think about. As we parted at his gate his last words were: “If you’re going to write any books, please don’t make them so much more window-dressing. I know you journalists. I’m tired—we’re all tired—of such efforts, hiding the real tragedy below. Give the trudi—- just for once, please.” I gave some of the truth in the lengthy account I duly turned in to the Department of Native Affairs. And that was the last I heard of it, I do not think they published any of it. It is dangerous not only to see things, but to see through them. Officials of the Department assured me that as I travelled round I would gets lots of stuff for books. I did. Here is one of them. OLIVER WALKER Johannesburg, 1947. CONTENTS Preface Historical Prologue, 1652-1947 1. “Crucified on a Cross of Gold” 2. Not all Natives are Zulus 3. Recipe for a Rural Slum 4. More of the Recipe 5. Bushveld Idyll 6. All This and Five Morgen Too 7. The Three “Parliaments” 8. The Segregation Pipe-dream 9. Smuts the Schizophrenic 10. The Native—Is he Human? 11. “Ten Strokes with a Light Cane” 12. Education for What? 13. “The Little Glass of Death” 14. “For Europeans Only” 15. As Black Sees White 16. White Supremacy or — HISTORICAL PROLOGUE, 1652-1947 “Xa sikhangela emva kwel ‘a xesha afita ngalo uMlungu wokuqala elunxwemeni Iwelilizwe siphaula okokuba lingekatshoni ilanga ngalomini wase ukho umcimbi wokuphathwa komntu ontsundu.” —XHOSA -SPEAKING SOUTH AFRICAN NATIVE COUNCILLOR , 1945. “South Africa is a land of black men—and not of white men. It has been so; it is so; and it will be so .”—ANTHONY TROLLOPE , 1877. IN THE year 1652, when Oliver Cromwell was proclaiming his creed of “liberty of conscience” and the Maryland ancestors of George Washington were pushing cautiously across the Potomac in search of new lands, a band of some thirty white colonists, under Jan van Riebeeck, employees of the powerful Dutch East India Company, came ashore below the 4,000-foot shadow of Table Mountain to establish the Gape Colony at the southernmost tip of the horn of Africa. Their first encounters with the aborigines were with cattle-owning, yellow-skinned Hottentots and squat, Stone Age bow-and-arrow Bushmen. The Hottentots they enslaved or deprived of their cattle. The Bushmen they hunted like game. Outposts of the tiny settlement of De Kaap, as it was then known, took on the habits of the aborigines. They were called “Boers” or fanners. They acquired herds of cattle. They became nomadic, land-hungry white Africans, mighty hunters and laws unto themselves. The settlement grew with infusions of slaves from the East, from Mozambique, from Angola and with small intrusions from the religion-persecuted Huguenots of France. A new race was born of the mixed marriages countenanced, and even encouraged, by the Dutch East India Company. They were the forefathers of the Cape Coloured, who to- day number 900,000. The real dynamics of the white-black struggle in South Africa did not reveal themselves until after the occupation of the Gape by the British in 1795. By that time the white frontiersmen had pushed their authority north-eastwards and were in contact with the downward-pressing Bantu tribes—”Kaffirs” or “unbelievers”, as they were called—the naked, brown, spear-throwing men of Palo, Galeika, Rarabe and lesser chiefs of the great Xhosa-sp caking nation. British occupation early in the nineteenth century brought about the abolition of slavery. And it preluded the arrival of many missionaries of different sects and lands, eager to carry the torch of Christianity through heathen Africa. There came, too, another infusion of white stock—a mere 5,000 settlers from Britain, who were dumped mostly on the east coast, in the region of that “Kamrland” which was already in process of becoming a familiar battle-ground between Boers and Bantu. British rule—the rule of law—and the humanities preached by the missionaries were repugnant to the Boers. The Africa they demanded was an eternity of grazing, a land of Canaan with ample supplies of sons of Ham who, if they could not be enslaved, could be reduced to serfdom by land-squeezing, the power of weapons and the lash. The Boers trekked away from the Cape. Their tented wagons stole into the great, game-gay uplands of the central High Veld. They creaked down the narrow passes of the spinal Drakensburg Mountains into the lush, semi-tropic emptiness of Natal. But they could not escape the twin ghosts of Bantu and British. At Port Natal, later to become Durban, a little party of English hunters and traders had settled in the 1820’s. And they were on friendly terms with Tchaka, the mightiest of African chiefs, whose Zulu hordes of fighting men were a matter of trembling and flight among tribes from the Limpopo River in the north to the Kei River in “Kaffirland”. The Boers fought the British in Natal. They fought the Zulus and beat them in revenge for the massacre of one of their leaders, Piet Retief, and sixty followers. They trekked away again, many of them, up on to the High Veld, with a hymn on their lips and hate in their hearts, to found the Dutch or Afrikaans-speaking Republics of the Orange River and the Transvaal. All this time the coastal belt was opening up to the world beyond the seas. Ports were growing. A handful of cities were taking on a semblance of maturity. The white stock was being built up, but slowly—too slowly —for the Bantu that remained within the orbit of Christian influence were yielding to the new teachings of civilisation.
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Driefontein to Richmond
    Driefontein Farm to Richmond Driefontein Farm House WHEN OFFICIAL PERMISSION to establish a kerkplaats in the district was granted in 1843, it was decided that Driefontein (Three Springs), the farm of PJ van der Merwe, would be a suitable site, as running through the farm was the Wilgersloot (Willow Creek) River - a tributary of the Ongers - with its reliable source of fresh water from the three springs that gave the farm its name. The Ongers rises south of Richmond in one of the highest and coldest parts of the Karoo, its name being an adaptation of the Afrikaans word ongerus, which in English means ‘uneasy’. And particularly uneasy does its tributary, the Wilgersloot, sometimes become. Relatively dry during the winter months, with the onset of good summer rains it is very often transformed from a meandering stream into a raging torrent, as it hurtles through the old part of town. Early in 1844 the newly appointed governor of the Cape, Major-General Sir Peregrine Maitland, was approached for permission to name the village in his honour. He declined, suggesting instead that it be named for his father-in-law Charles Lennox, 4th Duke of Richmond, who had died exactly 25 years earlier whilst serving as governor of Upper Canada. The Dutch Reformed Church congregation wasted little time in setting about their business and in October 1844 - two months prior to Maitland’s formal approval of the future town’s name – construction work on their church commenced. On 19 April 1845 the first plots were sold by public auction and the name officially recognised in October of that year, making Richmond only the second formal settlement to be established in the Upper Karoo.
    [Show full text]
  • Guardian Archive Boer War Catalogue Compiled by John Mccrory, March 2017. Archive Reference
    Guardian Archive Boer War Catalogue Compiled by John McCrory, March 2017. Archive Reference: GDN/122/116 Title: Letter from W.T. Stead to C.P. Scott Extent: 1 sheet Scope and Content: Letter from W.T. Stead (1849–1912), newspaper editor and spiritualist, asking Scott to consider the publication of an anti-war penny weekly in connection with the Manchester Guardian, entitled War against War in the Transvaal. Stead suggests inclusion of extracts from speeches by [John] Morley, politician and writer, [Leonard] Courtney, journalist and politician, and Scott, along with writings from Olive Schreiner, author and social theorist. He discusses possibility of war, believing a plain statement of facts will prevent an attack on the Transvaal. Date: 20 Sep 1899 Archive Reference: GDN/122/121 Title: Letter from W.T. Stead to C.P. Scott Extent: 1 sheet Scope and Content: Letter from W.T. Stead (1849–1912), newspaper editor and spiritualist, informing him that he has completed his pamphlet [against the Boer War] and will soon have 100,000 copies sent by mail. He advises Scott that this pamphlet does not necessarily supersede the idea of a weekly, anti-war paper. Date: 23 Sep 1899 Archive Reference: GDN/122/141 Title: Letter from Henry Du Pré Labouchere to C.P. Scott Extent: 1 sheet Scope and Content: Letter from Henry Du Pré Labouchere (1831–1912), journalist and politician, condemning the outbreak of hostilities in the Transvaal [Boer War] stating that an ultimatum was practically sent by [the British] to the Boers, and the conflict being a punitive expedition to avenge [Joseph] Chamberlain, politician.
    [Show full text]
  • Royal Tourists, Colonial Subjects and the Making of a British World, 1860–1911
    THE MAKING OF A STUDIES IN IMPERIALISM TOU ROYAL GENERAL EDITOR: Andrew S. Thompson FOUNDING EDITOR: John M. MacKenzie ROYAL TOURISTS, COLONIAL ROYAL TOURISTS, SUBJECTS AND THE MAKING OF A BRITISH WORLD, 1860–1911 COLONIAL SUBJECTS This book examines the ritual space of nineteenth-century royal tours of empire and the diverse array of historical actors who R AND THE MAKING participated in them. It is a tale of royals who were ambivalent and ISTS, COLONIAL SUBJECTS AND ISTS, COLONIAL bored partners in the project of empire; colonial administrators who used royal ceremonies to pursue a multiplicity of projects and interests or to imagine themselves as African chiefs or heirs to the Mughal OF A BRITISH WORLD, BR emperors; local princes and chiefs who were bullied and bruised by the politics of the royal tour, even as some of them used the tour to ITISH WO symbolically appropriate or resist British cultural power; and settlers 1860–1911 of European descent and people of colour in the empire who made claims on the rights and responsibilities of imperial citizenship and as co-owners of Britain’s global empire. Royal tourists, colonial subjects and the making of a British world suggests that the diverse responses to the royal tours of the nineteenth century demonstrate how a multi- centred British imperial culture was forged in the empire and was R LD, 1860–1911 constantly made and remade, appropriated and contested. In this context, subjects of empire provincialised the British Isles, centring the colonies in their political and cultural constructions of empire, Britishness, citizenship, and loyalty.
    [Show full text]
  • 'Hülle Gaat Die Strop Om Onse Nek Sit': Dr Abdullah Abdurahman"S Perspective on the Making of Union Voiced Through Piet Uithalder's 'Straatpraatjes' Column
    'HÜLLE GAAT DIE STROP OM ONSE NEK SIT': DR ABDULLAH ABDURAHMAN"S PERSPECTIVE ON THE MAKING OF UNION VOICED THROUGH PIET UITHALDER'S 'STRAATPRAATJES' COLUMN Mohamed Adhikari Founded in Cape Town in 1902, the African Political Organization (APO) was the first substantive coloured political association, and subsequently dominated coloured protest politics for nearly four decades.' After an initial period of volatility characterised by infighting amongst its leaders, the organization found stability when the feuding president and vice-president were expelled in a coup engineered by Matthew Fredericks, the general secretary, at its 1905 annual conference and a young, dynamic, medical doctor, Abdullah Abdurahman, was elected president. Under the energetic leadership of Abdurahman the APO grew into South Africa's largest black political organization over the next five years, its success fuelled largely by apprehension over intensifying segregationism and dissatisfaction around the terms of Union amongst politicised coloured people. By the time of Union the APO had grown into a national body with several thousand members organised into a countrywide network of branches. During the wave of protests that preceded the unification of South Africa the APO decided to publish its own newspaper to represent the interests of the coloured Matthew Fredericks and Dr Abdullah Abdurahman. Detail from a photograph of the Joint Delegation to London in 1909. National Library of South Africa, APO Album III. INIL 11807. Quart Bull NLSA 64 (3) 2010 137 community and to champion its 'just cause for political equality with whites'." The APO newspaper which first appeared on 24 May 1909, was divided into two parts to cater for its bilingual readership.
    [Show full text]
  • UNDER TABLE MOUNTAIN a Biographical Novel
    UNDER TABLE MOUNTAIN a biographical novel by NIGEL PATTEN Copyright © 2011 All rights reserved—Nigel Patten No part of this book may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means, graphic, electronic, or mechanical, including photocopying, recording, taping, or by any information storage retrieval system, without the permission, in writing, from the publisher. Strategic Book Group P.O. Box 333 Durham CT 06422 www.StrategicBookClub.com Design: Dedicated Business Solutions, Inc. (www.netdbs.com) ISBN 978-1-61897-161-6 The last decade of the 19th century were troubled years in South Africa. Tension between Britain and the two Boer republics, the Transvaal and the Orange Free State, increased until war became inevitable. These turbulent ten years saw many notable fi gures pass through Cape Town at various times and for various reasons, fi gures like Robert Baden-Powell, Rudyard Kipling, Jan Smuts or Cecil Rhodes. All of them were friends, guests or visitors at ‘Mon Desir’, the home of Sir Henry Juta, barrister and Speaker of the Cape House. This is the story of Louise Juta, the youngest of his four daughters, from her birth until she left South Africa in 1904 to go to school in England and never return. She spent the last years of her long life in Switzerland. I would drop in most days for an hour or two to play scrabble with Lady Luia Forbes, as she then was, and listen to her reminiscing. This is the result. Sir Henry Juta Lady Luia Forbes Louise Juta For Luia in fond memory of the many hours we spent together.
    [Show full text]
  • How the End of the Second Boer War Unified Afrikaner Culture and Led to Afrikaner Political Dominance in South Africa
    The pen for the sword: how the end of the Second Boer War unified Afrikaner culture and led to Afrikaner political dominance in South Africa. by Timothy Evan Thomas Suttle B.A., Kansas State University, 2015 A THESIS submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree MASTER OF ARTS Department of History College of Arts and Sciences KANSAS STATE UNIVERSITY Manhattan, Kansas 2018 Approved by: Major Professor Dr. Andrew Orr Copyright © Timothy Suttle Abstract The end of the Second Boer War in 1902 gave rise to cultural and political action of Afrikaners within the colonial governments and among the South African people. These actions caused a rise in Afrikaner cultural and political nationalism. Though the British emerged victorious from the war, resentment for the British Empire was widespread in the South African colonies due to brutalities suffered by the Afrikaners during the war. This resentment would later be channeled by Afrikaner leaders and used as a political weapon. The British wished for appeasement with the Afrikaners and established terms at the end of the war that Afrikaner leaders were able to use to further Afrikaner culture through politics. The military victory for the British influenced many Afrikaners to trade violence for political and cultural means of resistance. Throughout the years 1902-1924 the Afrikaner people established strategies through politics, literary publications, and new political groups, developed in the years 1904-1908, to advocate for Afrikaner nationalism and cultural equality amongst the British in areas of law, commerce, and education. The war showed the futility of military resistance against the British, but inspired many to push for political and cultural resistance, unification, and eventual dominance.
    [Show full text]
  • Rhodesian Sunset Factional Politics, War, and the Demise of an Imperial Order in British South Africa
    Rhodesian Sunset Factional Politics, War, and the Demise of an Imperial Order in British South Africa By Michael Brunetti A thesis submitted to the Department of History for honors Duke University Durham, North Carolina Under the advisement of Dr. Vasant Kaiwar April 15, 2019 Brunetti | i Abstract The pursuit of an unorthodox and revolutionary grand vision of empire by idealistic imperialists such as Cecil Rhodes, Alfred Milner, and Percy FitzPatrick led to the creation of a pro-conflict imperial coalition in South Africa, one that inadvertently caused the South African War. This thesis examines the causes behind the South African War (also known as the Second Anglo-Boer War), sheds light on those culpable for its occurrence, and analyzes its effects on South Africa’s subsequent failure to fulfill the imperial vision for it held by contemporary British imperialists. This thesis addresses the previous historiographical debates on the relative importance of the factions that formed a coalition to promote their interests in South Africa. Some of these interests focused on political and economic matters of concern to the British Empire, while others pertained to Johannesburg settlers, primarily of British extraction, who had their own reasons for joining the pro-imperial coalition. Moreover, this thesis emphasizes the importance of the pro-imperial coalition’s unity in provoking the South African War while also explaining the coalition’s post-war decline and directly correlating this to the decline of British influence in South Africa. Brunetti | ii Acknowledgments To Dr. Vasant Kaiwar, for being my advisor, my gateway to the Duke University History Department, my mentor, and my friend.
    [Show full text]
  • Hoofstuk 5: Die Eerste Wêreldoorlog
    176 Hoofstuk 5: Die Eerste Wêreldoorlog 5.1 Inleiding ‘n Kookpot van politieke intriges en gebeure, wat tot in die 1800’s teruggevoer kan word, het in Augustus 1914 in Europa tot uitbarsting gekom na die dood van aartshertog Franz Ferdinand van Oostenryk-Hongarye in ‘n sluipmoord aanval.1 Die verraderlike daad was die vonk vir ‘n wêreldkonflik wat vanaf 1914 tot November 1918 geduur het. Militêre betrokkenheid het ‘n aanvang geneem met ‘n Duitse aanval op Frankryk deur België en die noordwestelike gedeelte van Frankryk op 1 Augustus 1914. Brussel het op 20 Augustus geval en teen die einde van Augustus was die Duitse voorhoede binne 80 kilometer van Parys. Danksy ‘n teenaanval deur ‘n gekombineerde Britse en Franse mag is die Duitse aanval egter afgeweer.2 Teen November 1914 het ‘n stelsel van teenoorstaande bemande loopgrawe en fortifikasies, wat gestrek het vanaf die Noordsee tot by die grens van Switserland, die gang van die oorlog in Europa bepaal. Vanaf 1915 is verskeie aanvalle deur albei kante geloods, maar die goedbeplande aanvalle het, ten spyte van hoë verliese, gewoonlik nie in ‘n oorwinning of nederlaag geëindig nie. Vir die volgende ongeveer vier jaar het die lyn op die Westerse front nooit vir meer as 16 kilometer in enige rigting beweeg nie.3 Die Eerste Wêreldoorlog was egter nie net beperk tot die loopgrawe nie. Vyandighede is ook uitgevoer deur middel van meer dinamiese invalle en gevegte, deur gevegte op see en, vir die eerste keer, gevegte in en vanuit die lug. Meer as nege miljoen soldate het op die verskillende slagvelde gesterf en amper net soveel in die deelnemende partye se tuislande as gevolg van 1 S.L.A.
    [Show full text]
  • Women's Christian Temperance Union: Aspects of Early Feminism Ir the Caph, 1889 to 1930
    WOMEN'S CHRISTIAN TEMPERANCE UNION: ASPECTS OF EARLY FEMINISM IR THE CAPH, 1889 TO 1930 by JUBB HcKIRROR submitted in accordance with the requirements for the degree of KASTER OF ARTS in the subject of HISTORY at the UNIVERSITY OF SOUTH AFRICA SUPERVISOR: DR B J CARRUTHERS JOINT SUPERVISOR: DR T H DRDBRING NOVEMBER 1995 ABSTRACT. The Woman's Christian Temperance Union of the Cape Colony/ Province began in 1889 as an offshoot of an organization founded in the United States. It's leaders included prominent Cape women, while rank-and-file members were middle-class and working-class women of all races. As its name indicates, the Union dedicated itself to Christian evangelism and to prohibiting the use of alcohol. In these fields it made significant gains. However, its mission at the Cape was broader than strictly religious and temperance issues as Union members came to recognise that their goals could only be attained through empowering women, particularly by way of gender equality and the female franchise. Thus it is argued in this dissertation that the most lasting achievement of the Union at the Cape was its contribution to raising female consciousness against the injustices suffered in a male-dominated society. (i) CONTENTS. ABSTRACT (i) LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS (v) ACKNOWLEDGMENTS (vi) INTRODUCTION 1 CHAPTER 1. 13 THE BACKGROUND TO THE FOUNDING OF THE WCTU IN THE CAPE COLONY. 1.1. 1800 to 1889, New Wave Feminism in the United States and the founding of the Women's Christian Temperance Union. 1.2. 1829 to 1893, The British Women's Temperance Movement.
    [Show full text]
  • The Anglo-Boer War
    THE CAPE REBEL OF THE SOUTH AFRICAN WAR, 1899-1902 by HILARY ANNE SHEARING Submitted in fulfillment ofthe requirements of The Degree ofDoctor ofHistory In the Facility ofArts Promotor: Professor AM Grundlingh Stellenbosch July 2004 UNIV.8TELLENB08CH 1111111111111111111111111 3007849911 ii DECLARATION I hereby certifY that this research is the result ofmy own investigation which has not already been accepted in substance for any other degree and is not being submitted in candidature for any other degree. Signed: 1=1 a4~ H.A. SHEARING July 2004 III ABSTRACT This dissertation investigates the role of a group of Cape colonists who rose in rebellion against the colonial government and allied themselves to the Boer Republics during the South African War of 1899-1902. The decision ofthe Griqualand West colonists to join the Republican forces took place against a background of severe deprivation in the agricultural sector due to the losses sustained in the rinderpest pandemic of 1896/1897. It also coincided with the invasion of Griqualand West by Transvaal forces. The failure of the Schreiner Government to defend its borders encouraged rebellion, as there were no armed forces to oppose either the invasion or the rebellion. While some ofthe Cape rebels fought on the side ofthe Republicans during major battles along the Modder River, others were commandeered to gather and transport supplies to the laagers. Four months after the surrender ofGen P Cronje at Paardeberg the majority ofthese rebels had laid down arms except for those under Gen Piet de Villiers who fought on in the Transvaal. After a second rebellion in 1901, far fewer rebels fought a war of attrition north of the Orange River; eventually about 700 men leaving the Cape Colony to avoid laying down arms.
    [Show full text]
  • Loyalties and the Politics of Incorporation in South Africa: the Case of Pondoland, C.1870-1913
    A Thesis Submitted for the Degree of PhD at the University of Warwick Permanent WRAP URL: http://wrap.warwick.ac.uk/79567 Copyright and reuse: This thesis is made available online and is protected by original copyright. Please scroll down to view the document itself. Please refer to the repository record for this item for information to help you to cite it. Our policy information is available from the repository home page. For more information, please contact the WRAP Team at: [email protected] warwick.ac.uk/lib-publications Loyalties and the Politics of Incorporation in South Africa: The Case of Pondoland, c.1870-1913 William Bramwell University Number 1064206 A thesis submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in History University of Warwick Department of History May 2015 Table of Contents List of Figures and Illustrations………………………………………………………………………………..iv Acknowledgements……………………………………………………………………………………………..…vi Declaration…………………………………………………………………………………………………………….ix Dissertation Abstract…………………………………………………………………………………………….…x Note on Terminology………………………………………………………………………………………………xi List of Abbreviations………………………………………………………………………………………………xii Introduction……………………………………………………………………………………………………………1 Of Tusks and Tiger Skins: Loyalty and Empire in Pondoland…………………………..1 Conceptual Framework: Multiple Jurisdictions in an Imperial World.............19 Mpondo Society and South African Historiography…………………………………….28 State-Formation in the South African Context…………………………………………….40 Conceptualising
    [Show full text]
  • 'Sixteen Tons': Mineworkers and Their Communities In
    ‘SIXTEEN TONS’: MINEWORKERS AND THEIR COMMUNITIES IN CLIFTON- MORENCI, ARIZONA AND KIMBERLEY, SOUTH AFRICA, 1880-1910 By Micalee Sullivan A DISSERTATION Submitted to Michigan State University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of History Doctor of Philosophy 2013 ABSTRACT ‘SIXTEEN TONS’: MINEWORKERS AND THEIR COMMUNITIES IN CLIFTON- MORENCI, ARIZONA AND KIMBERLEY, SOUTH AFRICA, 1880-1910 By Micalee Sullivan “‘Sixteen Tons’: Mineworkers and Their Communities in Clifton-Morenci, Arizona and Kimberley, South Africa, 1880-1910” is a comparative study that spans two continents to investigate the intersections of intellectual and working class history in the small mining towns of Clifton-Morenci, Arizona and Kimberley, South Africa. Although formal unions were not open to men in these two areas, workers employed an understanding of citizenship rights and national identity to create and maintain solidarity in the workplace. Their stories provide a new understanding of how workers constructed agency outside of traditional labor unions, and their narratives touch on many fields of history including political, social, gender, and cultural. My dissertation highlights the importance of merging a discussion of labor and working class history with intellectual and political history and provides new insight into how workers have utilized the language of citizenship to advance their rights as workers. “‘Sixteen Tons’” is both a contribution to the growing field of comparative and transnational history, as well as a unique narrative of the nuanced understanding migrant workers utilize. My dissertation is organized in four major chapters. Citizenship embodied notions of opportunity and privilege in towns that offered little freedom from the everyday strains of mine work for the workers and residents of Kimberley and Clifton-Morenci.
    [Show full text]