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University Microfilms International 300 North 2eeb Road Ann Arbor, Michigan 40106 USA Sr John's Road. Tyler's Green High Wycombe. Bucks. England HP10 8HR 78-12,383 SAINEY. Carol Anne, 1942- VISCOUNT GLADSTONE AND BRITISH POLICY TOWARDS SOUTH AFRICA 1910-1914. The Ohio State University , Ph.D., 1978 History, Europe University Microfilms International ,Ann Arbor, Michigan 48106 © Copyright By Carol Anne Sainey 1978 Vise CUNT GLADSTONE AND BRITISH POLICY TOWARDS SOUTH AFRICA 1910-1914 DISSERTATION Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of The Ohio State University By Carol Anne Sainey, B.S. Ed., M.A. The Ohio State University 1978* Reading Committee* Approved By Dr. Philip Poirier Dr. Clayton Roberts Dr. Charles Morley - - Z~jLi«L^P'T Adviser Department of History ACKN OWLEDGEMENTS Thanks are due to the staffs of the British Museum, the Colindale Newspaper Library and the Public Record Office, I am indebted to Professor Philip Poirier for his patience in working with me. His suggestions and construc tive criticisms were most helpful. To Professors Clayton Roberts, Charles Morley and Lawrence Herson go my gratitude for having read this work on rather short notice. Finally, I wish to thank my family without whose support, financial and moral, this dissertation would not have been possible. To them this work is most affectionately dedicated. ii VITA October 16, 19^2 .... Born - Lancaster, Ohio 1965 ................. B.S.Ed., Ohio University, Athens, Ohio 1 9 6 ? ................ M.A., The Ohio State University Columbus, Ohio 1970-1975 ............ Teaching Associate, Department of History, The Ohio State University, Columbus, Ohio FIELDS OF STUDY Major Field* M o d e m Britain, 1715 to the Present Tudor and Stuart Britain, Professor R. Clayton Roberts Modern Russia. Professor Charles Morley Medieval England. Professor Franklin Pegues TABLE OF CONTENTS Page ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS ........................... ii VITA ............................................ iii INTRODUCTION ............................... 1 Chapter I, The U n i o n ........................ 3 II. The Governor General.............. 23 III. The Imperial Connection: "South Africa First" . 56 IV. The Imperial Connection: The Challenge From Hertzogism .... 78 V. The Native Question • ............ 107 VI, The South African Indian Question: An Imperial Embarrassment .......... 131 VII. The South African Indian Question: An Imperial Imbroglio .............. 156 VIII. Labour Unrest 1913-191^ ............ 181 EPILOGUE................................... 215 APPENDIX....................'.............. 229 BIBLIOGRAPHY ............................... 239 iv INTRODUCTION The unification of South Africa in 1910 was the creation of the South Africans and the pride of the British who saw it as the logical outcome of their sensible and generous colonial policy. In fact British policy in South Africa over the previous century had been highly inconsistent and until this point only moderately successful. British influence in southern Africa began in the Cape in the early nineteenth century and the retention of the Cape for its strategic impor tance was the one consistent factor in British South African policy. Various British governments had tried to improve the position of the native population with only limited success in the Cape Colony, to reduce expenditures on and responsibility for South Africa's internal problems, to encourage federation of the various political entities and at the beginning of the twentieth century to ensure British supremacy in southern Africa. The Boer War ensured British supremacy, but the succeeding Liberal Government preferred to ensure continued 2 British influence by restoring self-government and by encouraging unification. At the same time the British hoped to reduce the expense that a continued presence in South Africa would entail while maintaining the stra tegic importance of the Cape to the rest of the Empire by the continued loyalty of the South Africans, The British had never found a solution to South Africa's complex racial problems and with Union they were relieved of the responsibility. The British Government of 1910 felt that the South Africans should be allowed to find their own solution, hopefully a just and workable one, since they were the ones who would have to live with it. In 1910 the various goals of British policy were realized with the conciliation of the two white races, committed through unification to cooperation with and loyalty to the Empire, The price was white supremacy. This paper examines British policy towards South Africa in the light of events and developments in the Union from 1910 until the outbreak of the First World War when that policy faced its first serious test. It centers on the administration of Herbert Gladstone, the first Governor General, and how he exercised his influence as the official and personal connection between Great Britain and South Africa, CHAPTER ONE The Union The Treaty of Vereeniging of May 31. 1902 marked the end of the Boer War- a war that had cost the British 250 million pounds, over 44,000 casualities, and a serious loss of prestige and morale. It had taken the British three and a half years and what many considered barbaric methods to defeat the numerically much weaker Boer forces which, though they aroused much sympathy in Europe and America, received no outside aid. As A,P, Thornton points out the Transvaal and the Orange Free State were the last areas added to the British Empire "that were consciously fought for by a majority of the nation," After 1902 the Imperial idea suffered from a lack of moral and emotinal content. Imperial policy, especially after the Liberal victory of 1906, was until 1914 about as shadowy and 2~ vague as in the l8?0's. After the war the British were faced with the almost equally troublesome problem of transforming South Africa 1 A.P. Thornton, The Imperial Idea and Its Enemies (London, Macmillan, 1959)» P* 125- 2 Ibid., p. 149. 3 4 into a lasting and loyal possession* Native Africans and other non-Europeans outnumbered Europeans five to one, and Afrikaner Dutch outnumbered English in all the provinces except Natal. One Englishman who thought he knew what the future of South Africa should be was Alfred Milner.-^ Made High Commissioner in 1897» he combined the office with that of Governor General of Transvaal and of the Orange River Colony, which he administered as crown colonies until 1905. In London he had the support of the Colonial Office and in South Africa of his Kindergarten- a group of young Oxford graduates whom he appointed to high administrative positions. Milner envisioned an eventually self-governing white community with a British electoral majority. This would be made possible by large scale immigration from Britain and a denationalized Afrikaner minority. To this end he had fought for the provisions in the Treaty of Vereeniging which granted less than equal status to the Dutch language, specified no date for granting self-govern ment, and postponed until after self-government the question of granting the franchise to the natives. Milner's plans, however, were not fulfilled. Britons did not come in any great numbers to the cities and still 3 For biographical information on Milner and other persons mentioned in this work consult the Appendix. 4 Monica Wilson and Leonard Thompson editors, The oxford History of South Africa, vol. II (New York, Oxford Umver- sity Press, 1971)» p. 333- 5 fewer came to settle on the land. Nor were the Afrikaners denationalized. The war itself, the struggle against heavy odds and the hitter events of the war’s last year had united the Afrikaners as never before. Proudly convinced their cause had been just, they were determined not to lose their cultural identity even though for the time being they had lost their political autonomy. Writers and journalists were using the Afrikaner language. Former Boer generals were becoming politicans forming the Het Volk (The People) Party in Transvaal, and the orangia Unie in the Orange Colony. Both advocated full self-government.