Israeli History "From Below" the Role of Children & Youth, Immigrants, Minorities and Professionals in the Shaping of a New Society 1948-1977
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National Museum of American Jewish History, Leonard Bernstein
Narrative Section of a Successful Application The attached document contains the grant narrative and selected portions of a previously funded grant application. It is not intended to serve as a model, but to give you a sense of how a successful application may be crafted. Every successful application is different, and each applicant is urged to prepare a proposal that reflects its unique project and aspirations. Prospective applicants should consult the Research Programs application guidelines at https://www.neh.gov/grants/public/public-humanities- projects for instructions. Applicants are also strongly encouraged to consult with the NEH Division of Research Programs staff well before a grant deadline. Note: The attachment only contains the grant narrative and selected portions, not the entire funded application. In addition, certain portions may have been redacted to protect the privacy interests of an individual and/or to protect confidential commercial and financial information and/or to protect copyrighted materials. Project Title: Leonard Bernstein: The Power of Music Institution: National Museum of American Jewish History Project Director: Ivy Weingram Grant Program: America's Historical and Cultural Organizations: Planning Grants 1100 Pennsylvania Ave., N.W., Rm. 426, Washington, D.C. 20506 P 202.606.8269 F 202.606.8557 E [email protected] www.neh.gov THE NATURE OF THE REQUEST The National Museum of American Jewish History (NMAJH) respectfully requests a planning grant of $50,000 from the National Endowment for the Humanities to support the development of the special exhibition Leonard Bernstein: The Power of Music (working title), opening in March 2018 to celebrate the centennial year of Bernstein’s birth. -
Radicalization of the Settlers' Youth: Hebron As a Hub for Jewish Extremism
© 2014, Global Media Journal -- Canadian Edition Volume 7, Issue 1, pp. 69-85 ISSN: 1918-5901 (English) -- ISSN: 1918-591X (Français) Radicalization of the Settlers’ Youth: Hebron as a Hub for Jewish Extremism Geneviève Boucher Boudreau University of Ottawa, Canada Abstract: The city of Hebron has been a hub for radicalization and terrorism throughout the modern history of Israel. This paper examines the past trends of radicalization and terrorism in Hebron and explains why it is still a present and rising ideology within the Jewish communities and organization such as the Hilltop Youth movement. The research first presents the transmission of social memory through memorials and symbolism of the Hebron hills area and then presents the impact of Meir Kahana’s movement. As observed, Hebron slowly grew and spread its population and philosophy to the then new settlement of Kiryat Arba. An exceptionally strong ideology of an extreme form of Judaism grew out of those two small towns. As analyzed—based on an exhaustive ethnographic fieldwork and bibliographic research—this form of fundamentalism and national-religious point of view gave birth to a new uprising of violence and radicalism amongst the settler youth organizations such as the Hilltop Youth movement. Keywords: Judaism; Radicalization; Settlers; Terrorism; West Bank Geneviève Boucher Boudreau 70 Résumé: Dès le début de l’histoire moderne de l’État d’Israël, les villes d’Hébron et Kiryat Arba sont devenues une plaque tournante pour la radicalisation et le terrorisme en Cisjordanie. Cette recherche examine cette tendance, explique pourquoi elle est toujours d’actualité ainsi qu’à la hausse au sein de ces communautés juives. -
El Paso Del Ebro Oooooooooooooooooooooooooo
EL PASO DEL EBRO OOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOO Trimestral sobre el red OOOOOOOOOO La primera guerra mundial, la segunda guerra mundial, l'actual guerra colonial, la próxima guerra del imperialismo americano-sionista y el revisionismo histórico OOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOO Numéro 20, otoño de 2006 y invierno de 2007 000000000000000000000 <elrevisionista at yahoo.com.ar> ooooooooooooooooooooooooo http://revurevi.net http://aaargh.com.mx ooooooooooooooooooooooooooooooooooooooooooooooooooooooooooooo El argumento de los negadores del Holocausto proviene de un adagio muy conocido: "La historia la escriben los vencedores". Humberto Caspa (Diario La estrella. Texas) Los intelectuales sostienen que la "verdad del Estado" no es "la verdad histórica" SUMARIO El Holocausto, según Teherán, Ana Carbajosa Conferencia de Teherán : vease http://aaargh.com.mx/fran/livres7/teheran/teheran.html o http://revurevi.net La conferencia de Teherán y los Faurisson [1] proisraelíes, Bruno Guigue Faurisson enfrenta al aparato judicial francés a un nuevo desafío Otra historia del Holocausto, César Hildebrandt Holocausto a debate, Henri Tincq Conferencia sobre el Holocausto, Thomas Erdbrink Sale el sol: es de noche, por Manuel Rodríguez Rivero ARMH pide que ley Memoria pene el 'negacionismo' de los crímenes franquistas Los palestinos, víctimas del holocausto y del negacionismo, Miguel Ángel Llana La religión cristiana y la Conferencia iraní sobre el Holocausto Carta abierta al Papa Benedicto XVl, Paul Grubach El yugo de Sión, Israel Adán Shamir ENTRE VICTORIA Y -
The Role of Ultra-Orthodox Political Parties in Israeli Democracy
Luke Howson University of Liverpool The Role of Ultra-Orthodox Political Parties in Israeli Democracy Thesis submitted in accordance with the requirements of the University of Liverpool for the degree of Doctor in Philosophy By Luke Howson July 2014 Committee: Clive Jones, BA (Hons) MA, PhD Prof Jon Tonge, PhD 1 Luke Howson University of Liverpool © 2014 Luke Howson All Rights Reserved 2 Luke Howson University of Liverpool Abstract This thesis focuses on the role of ultra-orthodox party Shas within the Israeli state as a means to explore wider themes and divisions in Israeli society. Without underestimating the significance of security and conflict within the structure of the Israeli state, in this thesis the Arab–Jewish relationship is viewed as just one important cleavage within the Israeli state. Instead of focusing on this single cleavage, this thesis explores the complex structure of cleavages at the heart of the Israeli political system. It introduces the concept of a ‘cleavage pyramid’, whereby divisions are of different saliency to different groups. At the top of the pyramid is division between Arabs and Jews, but one rung down from this are the intra-Jewish divisions, be they religious, ethnic or political in nature. In the case of Shas, the religious and ethnic elements are the most salient. The secular–religious divide is a key fault line in Israel and one in which ultra-orthodox parties like Shas are at the forefront. They and their politically secular counterparts form a key division in Israel, and an exploration of Shas is an insightful means of exploring this division further, its history and causes, and how these groups interact politically. -
Stifling Surveillance: Palestinians: Its Goal Has Always Been to Drive Them Out
Israel has never intended to control the Stifling Surveillance: Palestinians: Its goal has always been to drive them out. However, during Israel’s Surveillance the Mandate era, as part of their effort and Control of the to disorganize the Palestinian society, Zionist organizations established various Palestinians during the surveillance bodies to examine and monitor Military Government Era various aspects of Palestinian society. These related to the demographic, religious, Ahmad H. Sa’di tribal, and hamula (extended family or clan) composition of the Palestinians, their spatial distribution, political behaviors, and military capabilities, as well as their resources, chiefly lands and water sources. These activities were part of an all-inclusive effort to establish a Jewish state against the will of the indigenous Arab population. Yet, when the 1948 war ended, Israel leaders found that, contrary to their expectations, a number of Palestinian communities, primarily in the Galilee, had eluded the ethnic cleansing conducted by Jewish forces. The incomplete character of the expulsion of the Palestinians subsequently became subject of much speculation and distortion.1 However, internal discussions among Israeli leaders indicate that the continued presence of these Palestinians within the state of Israel was unintentional and undesired.2 Although a system of political control which relied on the British Defense (Emergency) Regulations was imposed on the Palestinians and a military government to rule them was established already during the war, in addition to various ad hoc practices of surveillance, driving the Palestinians out continued to be Israel’s main objective.3 Although expulsion remained Israel’s favored goal – and various schemes to effect it were contrived during the 1950s and 1960s4 – as early as 1951 Israeli leaders [ 36 ] Stifling Surveillance began realizing that these Palestinians might stay longer than expected. -
Ethnicity and Education: Nation-Building, State-Formation, and the Construction of the Israeli Educational System
ETHNICITY AND EDUCATION: NATION-BUILDING, STATE-FORMATION, AND THE CONSTRUCTION OF THE ISRAELI EDUCATIONAL SYSTEM GAL LEVY A THESIS SUBMITTED FOR PHD DEGREE THE LONDON SCHOOL OF ECONOMICS AND POLITICAL SCIENCE UNIVERSITY OF LONDON 2002 2 ABSTRACT The dissertation is about the ethnicisation of social relations in Israeli society and its reflection and manifestation in education. My main aim in this study is twofold: first, to offer a critical account of the development of ethnic relations in Israeli society and to examine the role ethnicity has played in the processes of nation-building and state-formation; and, second, to propose a history of the educational system in Israel which accounts for the role of education in creating and perpetuating ethnic identities. The first part of the dissertation consists of a critical reading of existing analyses of ethnicity in Israel. Its aim is to bring the state into the analysis of ethnic relations and demonstrate that such an approach is vital to the understanding of ethnic relations and identities. In the following part, I trace back the processes of nation-building and state-formation demonstrating how governments and major political actors became involved in the formation and re-production of ethnic boundaries within Israeli society. In these two parts, I am arguing against both functionalist and critical accounts of ethnicity in Israel, which tend to ‘essentialise’ ethnic categories and thus deny the political nature of ethnicity and its power as an organising basis for political action. In the third and major part of the dissertation, I seek to re-construct the history of the Israeli educational system within an understanding of ethnicity as a structural feature of state-society relations. -
Victimhood, Protest, and Agency in Contemporary Mizrahi Films in Israel Yaron Shemer, University of Texas, Austin, USA
Victimhood, Protest, and Agency in Contemporary Mizrahi Films in Israel Yaron Shemer, University of Texas, Austin, USA Introduction Scholarship on Israeli society, culture, and politics has shown a growing interest in the predicament of the Mizrahi/Sephardi community which comprises of Jews whose origins are largely in the Arab/Muslim Middle East and North Africa. [1] The socio-cultural marginalization and displacement of the Mizrahim in Israel is often contrasted in this scholarship with the status and privileges enjoyed by the hegemonic Ashkenazim -- Jews of a European descent. Seminal works in the late 1980s by Ella Shohat -- Israeli Cinema: East/West and the Politics of Representation (1989), Shlomo Swirski -- Israel: The Oriental Majority (1989), and Daniel Elazar -- The Other Jews: The Sephardim Today (1989), set the parameters for the ethno-political counter-hegemonic discourse and have inspired the recent scholarly commitment to examine the ethnic dilemma of the Mizrahim. The earlier, mostly benign views regarding the Mizrahi/Sephardi issue in the nascent state tended to attribute this community's inferior socio-economic status to the following factors: (1) general harsh economic conditions during the time of the immigrants' absorption in Israel, mostly in the 1950s and 1960s; (2) the role of seniority -- (Mizrahi) newcomers vs. (Ashkenazi) old-timers -- in determining social mobility and political clout; and (3) the Mizrahi immigrants' baggage of the putatively "primitive" traditions which have hindered their full integration -
DISCUSSION GUIDE Table of Contents
DISCUSSION GUIDE Table of Contents Using this Guide 1 From the Filmmaker 2 The Film 3 Framing the Context of the Black Panther Party 4 Frequently Asked Questions 6 The Black Panther Party 10-Point Platform 9 Background on Select Subjects 10 Planning Your Discussion 13 In Their Own Words 18 Resources 19 Credits 21 DISCUSSION GUIDE THE BLACK PANTHERS Using This Guide This discussion guide will help support organizations hosting Indie Lens Pop-Up events for the film The Black Panthers: Vanguard of the Revolution, as well as other community groups, organizations, and educators who wish to use the film to prompt discussion and engagement with audiences of all sizes. This guide is a tool to facilitate dialogue and deepen understanding of the complex topics in the film The Black Panthers: Vanguard of the Revolution. It is also an invitation not only to sit back and enjoy the show, but also to step up and take action. It raises thought-provoking questions to encourage viewers to think more deeply and spark conversations with one another. We present suggestions for areas to explore in panel discussions, in the classroom, in communities, and online. We also include valuable resources and Indie Lens Pop-Up is a neighborhood connections to organizations on the ground series that brings people together for that are fighting to make a difference. film screenings and community-driven conversations. Featuring documentaries seen on PBS’s Independent Lens, Indie Lens Pop-Up draws local residents, leaders, and organizations together to discuss what matters most, from newsworthy topics to family and relationships. -
Black Panther Party: 1966-1982
University of Pennsylvania ScholarlyCommons Departmental Papers (ASC) Annenberg School for Communication 1-1-2000 Black Panther Party: 1966-1982 Michael X. Delli Carpini University of Pennsylvania, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://repository.upenn.edu/asc_papers Part of the Social Influence and oliticalP Communication Commons Recommended Citation (OVERRIDE) Delli Carpini, M. X. (2000). Black panther party: 1966-1982. In I. Ness & J. Ciment (Eds.), The encyclopedia of third parties in America (pp. 190-197). Armonke, NY: Sharpe Reference. Retrieved from http://repository.upenn.edu/asc_papers/1 NOTE: At the time of publication, the author Michael X. Delli Carpini was affiliated with Columbia University. Currently January 2008, he is a faculty member of the Annenberg School for Communication at the University of Pennsylvania. This paper is posted at ScholarlyCommons. https://repository.upenn.edu/asc_papers/1 For more information, please contact [email protected]. Black Panther Party: 1966-1982 Abstract The Black Panther party was founded in Oakland, California, in 1966. From its beginnings as a local, community organization with a handful of members, it expanded into a national and international party. By 1980, however, the Black Panther party was once again mainly an Oakland-based organization, with no more than fifty active members. In 1982, the party came to an official end. Despite itselativ r ely short history, its modest membership, and its general eschewing of electoral politics, the Black Panther party was arguably the best known and most controversial of the black militant political organizations of the 1960s, with a legacy that continues to this day. -
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Governing through Educational Discourse The Case of Integration in Israel, 1970-1973 Tali Yariv Mashal, Hebrew University of Jerusalem Gilo Citizenship Democracy and Civic Education Center, Research Fellow Issues of ethnicity, culture, and national identity have been central in every political and social circle in Israel since the first days of the Zionist movement. The “new Jew,” a term created and lionized by the Zionist movement at the end of the 19th century, shadowed Israeli society and remained a critical part of the struggle for national identity and unity in the State of Israel after its independence in 1948. This Jew was to be a white, educated, westernized citizen, involved in both political and social processes, knowledgeable in the terms of the Western world. The concepts of the new Israeli-Jew completely ignored the fact that since the first days of the Zionist movement, the Middle Eastern Jew, born, raised and significantly involved in Arab countries, was a notable part of it and of the process of building the Jewish state of Israel. The term “integration” first entered the Israeli social scene during the 1960s, when political and social changes in the U.S. and Europe changed the global discussion of and reference to democracy, minorities, and rights. Concepts of civic struggle, political power, and social change quietly crept into Israeli reality, slowly influencing the ways people thought about and acted as part of the Israeli democratic civic society. At the same time, it was already in the 1960s that social and economic inequality between Middle Eastern (Mizrahi) and European/American (Ashkenazi) Jews was a permanent feature of the Israeli society and created an unrest and discomfort among Mizrahi communities. -
(Re)Imagining Food Systems 21 (RE)IMAGINING FOOD SYSTEMS
(Re)Imagining Food Systems 21 (RE)IMAGINING FOOD SYSTEMS From Charity to Solidarity SURF Conference Panel Session 10 By: Hussin Javier Kordi Mentor: Dr. Clare Talwalker, International and Area Studies In 1966, the Black Panther Party was founded in Oakland, California. Through fundraising and community organizing, the Black Panthers gave birth to a series of community programs to meet the material needs of people in neighborhoods marginalized by political oppression and poverty. By the end of 1969, the most successful of these programs, Free Breakfast for Children, was feeding ten thousand children across the United States daily.1 The Black Panther’s “Survival Programs” (as they were formally called) were distinct from the dominant ideological and economic practices of the time because they were based on cooperation instead of competition, interdependency instead of individualism, and empowerment instead of charity. The Black Panthers sought to challenge the structural causes of poverty through the solidarity and social organizing of their own communities. This summer, I conducted ethnographic research in the birthplace of Free Breakfast for Children—the food deserts of Oakland, where many residents without physical or financial access to grocery stores and farmer’s markets cannot get enough calories or nutrients to sustain a healthy life.2 Because of the dire state of food access, many nonprofit and charity organizations are located in these neighborhoods. However, unlike the Survival Programs that challenged poverty through community -
Portraying the Antagonist the Depiction of Zionism and Israel in a Syrian Education Textbook
Lund University Center for Language and Literature Department of Arabic and Middle Eastern Studies ARAK01 – Arabic: Bachelor‟s Course – Thesis Supervisor: Maria Persson Portraying the Antagonist The depiction of Zionism and Israel in a Syrian Education Textbook By Johan Rosell 2 Abstract This bachelor thesis is a discourse analysis of a chapter about “the Arab-Zionist conflict” in a Syrian upper secondary school textbook in the subject of National Socialist Education. The purpose of the thesis is to examine if Zionism and Israel are described in an unbiased or biased way to Syrian students. The analysis is performed by examining contexts in which the words “Zionist”, “Israeli”, and “Jewish” are used, and if these contexts and the used terminology contribute to a biased and value- laden meaning. The thesis concludes that the words Zionist, Israeli, and Jewish are used in contexts that are value-laden and biased and that the contexts contribute to a biased narration of the conflict in general, and Zionism and Israel in particular. 3 Table of Contents 1. Introduction.............................................................................................................................4 1.1 Purpose and Research Question....................................................................................4 1.2 Current Research .........................................................................................................4 1.3 Relevance of Study ......................................................................................................6