Ukraine SITREP September 23
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Kremlin-Linked Forces in Ukraine's 2019 Elections
Études de l’Ifri Russie.Nei.Reports 25 KREMLIN-LINKED FORCES IN UKRAINE’S 2019 ELECTIONS On the Brink of Revenge? Vladislav INOZEMTSEV February 2019 Russia/NIS Center The Institut français des relations internationales (Ifri) is a research center and a forum for debate on major international political and economic issues. Headed by Thierry de Montbrial since its founding in 1979, Ifri is a non-governmental, non-profit organization. As an independent think tank, Ifri sets its own research agenda, publishing its findings regularly for a global audience. Taking an interdisciplinary approach, Ifri brings together political and economic decision-makers, researchers and internationally renowned experts to animate its debate and research activities. The opinions expressed in this text are the responsibility of the author alone. ISBN: 978-2-36567-981-7 © All rights reserved, Ifri, 2019 How to quote this document: Vladislav Inozemtsev, “Kremlin-Linked Forces in Ukraine’s 2019 Elections: On the Brink of Revenge?”, Russie.NEI.Reports, No. 25, Ifri, February 2019. Ifri 27 rue de la Procession 75740 Paris Cedex 15—FRANCE Tel. : +33 (0)1 40 61 60 00—Fax : +33 (0)1 40 61 60 60 Email: [email protected] Website: Ifri.org Author Dr Vladislav Inozemtsev (b. 1968) is a Russian economist and political researcher since 1999, with a PhD in Economics. In 1996 he founded the Moscow-based Center for Post-Industrial Studies and has been its Director ever since. In recent years, he served as Senior or Visiting Fellow with the Institut fur die Wissenschaften vom Menschen in Vienna, with the Polski Instytut Studiów Zaawansowanych in Warsaw, Deutsche Gesellschaft für Auswärtige Politik in Berlin, the Center for Strategic and International Studies, and the Johns Hopkins University in Washington. -
GBV Sub-Cluster Joint Action Plan 2019
GBV Sub-Cluster Joint Action Plan 2019 Priorities Activities Priority 1. Coordination to strengthen protection of GBV survivors and foster multisectoral response 1.1.1 Joint multisectoral initiatives are implemented based on the unififed framework, coordination mechanisms are functional and coordinated (adjusted) 1.1.2 Mapping/updates of GBV services (health care, PSS, legal) available regularly 1.1. Coordination of GBV multisectoral response 1.1.3 Technical/expert support to work out and implement policies on GBV MSR with regard to international standards 1.1.4 Accountability to affected population is in place 1.2.1 Roundtables/workshops/trainings/other learning solutions for representatives of respective bodies including civil society/community/media continued to be organized 1.2 Strengthening capacities of GBV MSR respective 1.2.2 Advocacy initiatives/bilateral and multilateral meetings conducted regularly on GBV prevention bodies and c coordinators and response 1.2.3 Sensitizing the community to GBV issues, enabling zero tolerance to GBV 1.3.1 Information materials on GBV/referrals/available services continued to be developed, updated, published and distributed to vulnerable population and respective bodies 1.3 Awareness raising and information campaigns 1.3.2 Roundtable discussions for civil society/community/media representatives continued to be organized 1.3.3 16 Days of Activism against Gender-based Violence Priority 2. Life-saving services for GBV survivors are available with regard to Humanitarian-Development Nexus 2.1.1 Psychosocial -
Donbas, Ukraine: Organizations and Activities
Geneva Centre for Security Sector Governance Civil Society in Donbas, Ukraine: Organizations and Activities Volodymyr Lukichov Tymofiy Nikitiuk Liudmyla Kravchenko Luhansk oblast DONBAS DONBAS Stanytsia Donetsk Luhanska Zolote oblast Mayorske Luhansk Donetsk Maryinka Novotroitske RUSSIA Hnutove Mariupol Sea of Azov About DCAF DCAF - Geneva Centre for Security Sector Governance is dedicated to improving the se- curity of people and the States they live in within a framework of democratic governance, the rule of law, and respect for human rights. DCAF contributes to making peace and de- velopment more sustainable by assisting partner states and international actors supporting them to improve the governance of their security sector through inclusive and participatory reforms. It creates innovative knowledge products, promotes norms and good practices, provides legal and policy advice and supports capacity building of both state- and non-state security sector stakeholders. Active in over 70 countries, DCAF is internationally recognized as one of the world’s leading centres of excellence for security sector governance (SSG) and security sector reform (SSR). DCAF is guided by the principles of neutrality, impartiality, local ownership, inclusive participation, and gender equality. www.dcaf.ch. Publisher DCAF - Geneva Centre for Security Sector Governance P.O.Box 1360 CH-1211 Geneva 1 Switzerland [email protected] +41 (0) 22 730 9400 Authors: Volodymyr Lukichov, Tymofiy Nikitiuk, Liudmyla Kravchenko Copy-editor: dr Grazvydas Jasutis, Richard Steyne -
1 Introduction
State Service of Geodesy, Cartography and Cadastre State Scientific Production Enterprise “Kartographia” TOPONYMIC GUIDELINES For map and other editors For international use Ukraine Kyiv “Kartographia” 2011 TOPONYMIC GUIDELINES FOR MAP AND OTHER EDITORS, FOR INTERNATIONAL USE UKRAINE State Service of Geodesy, Cartography and Cadastre State Scientific Production Enterprise “Kartographia” ----------------------------------------------------------------------------------- Prepared by Nina Syvak, Valerii Ponomarenko, Olha Khodzinska, Iryna Lakeichuk Scientific Consultant Iryna Rudenko Reviewed by Nataliia Kizilowa Translated by Olha Khodzinska Editor Lesia Veklych ------------------------------------------------------------------------------------ © Kartographia, 2011 ISBN 978-966-475-839-7 TABLE OF CONTENTS 1 Introduction ................................................................ 5 2 The Ukrainian Language............................................ 5 2.1 General Remarks.............................................. 5 2.2 The Ukrainian Alphabet and Romanization of the Ukrainian Alphabet ............................... 6 2.3 Pronunciation of Ukrainian Geographical Names............................................................... 9 2.4 Stress .............................................................. 11 3 Spelling Rules for the Ukrainian Geographical Names....................................................................... 11 4 Spelling of Generic Terms ....................................... 13 5 Place Names in Minority Languages -
Public Opinion Survey of Residents of Ukraine
Public Opinion Survey of Residents of Ukraine September 14 – October 10, 2017 Methodology National Sample • The survey was conducted by GfK Ukraine on behalf of the Center for Insights in Survey Research. • The survey was conducted throughout Ukraine (except for the occupied territories of Crimea and the Donbas) from September 14 to October 10, 2017 through face-to-face interviews at respondents’ homes. • The sample consisted of 2,400 permanent residents of Ukraine aged 18 and older and eligible to vote. It is representative of the general population by gender, age, region, and settlement size. An additional 4,800 respondents were also surveyed in the cities of Dnipro, Khmelnytskyi, Mariupol and Mykolaiv (i.e. 1,200 respondents in each city). A multi-stage probability sampling method was used with the random route and next birthday methods for respondent selection. • Stage One: The territory of Ukraine was split into 25 administrative regions (24 regions of Ukraine and Kyiv). The survey was conducted throughout all regions of Ukraine, with the exception of the occupied territories of Crimea and the Donbas. • Stage Two: The selection of settlements was based on towns and villages. Towns were grouped into subtypes according to their size: • Cities with a population of more than 1 million • Cities with a population of between 500,000-999,000 • Cities with a population of between 100,000-499,000 • Cities with a population of between 50,000-99,000 • Cities with a population up to 50,000 • Villages Cities and villages were selected at random. The number of selected cities/villages in each of the regions is proportional to the share of population living in cities/villages of a certain type in each region. -
Report on the Human Rights Situation in Ukraine 16 February to 15 May 2019
Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights Report on the human rights situation in Ukraine 16 February to 15 May 2019 Table of Contents: I. Executive summary .......................................................................................................................... 1 II. OHCHR methodology ...................................................................................................................... 4 III. Impact of hostilities .......................................................................................................................... 6 A. Conduct of hostilities and civilian casualties ........................................................................ 6 B. Economic and social rights .................................................................................................. 9 1. Remedy and reparation to civilian victims ........................................................................ 9 2. Restitution and compensation for use or damage of private property ............................... 10 3. Right to social security and social protection .................................................................. 10 4. Freedom of movement ................................................................................................... 11 IV. Right to physical integrity............................................................................................................... 12 A. Access to places of detention ............................................................................................ -
Statement by the Delegation of Ukraine at the 798-Th FSC
FSC.DEL/179/15 1 October 2015 Statement by the Delegation of Ukraine ENGLISH only at the 798-th FSC Plenary Meeting (30 September 2015 at 10.00, Hofburg) (Agenda item 3) Mr. Chairman, Despite visible signs of de-escalation, armed provocations, including provocative attacks on Ukrainian positions and activities of subversive groups, continue to be registered in some areas along the line of contact. Although, the security situation in Donbas remains fragile and unpredictable, the recent progress on the ground should be seized to take concrete steps towards consolidating a comprehensive and sustainable ceasefire. We underline the common responsibility of all the signatories of the Minsk agreements, in particular Russia and the pro-Russian illegal armed groups, to underpin this positive trend by reducing tensions on the ground and thus contribute to peaceful resolution of the conflict in the east of Ukraine. This task requires good-faith efforts on all issues, covered by Minsk agreements, with a particular focus on comprehensive ceasefire, withdrawal of heavy weapons and unhindered OSCE access throughout the occupied territory of Ukraine, including at the borders. We once again reiterate our strong support for the work of the Trilateral Contact Group in their efforts to achieve a politically sustainable solution based on OSCE principles and commitments and with full respect for Ukraine‘s sovereignty, political unity and territorial integrity within its internationally recognized borders. We hope that the agreement on withdrawal of tanks, artillery under 100mm and mortars up to 120mm in eastern Ukraine, which was reached in Minsk yesterday by the Working Group on Security of the Trilateral Contact Group (TCG) will be fully and speedily implemented. -
Farewell, Crimea. Why Ukrainians
http://www.foreignaffairs.com/articles/141032/taras- kuzio/farewell-crimea?nocache=1 Farewell, Crimea Why Ukrainians Don't Mind Losing the Territory to Russia By Taras Kuzio MARCH 13, 2014, FOREIGN AFFAIRS Ukraine's Prime Minister Arseniy Yatsenyuk waves as he leaves a European Union summit in Brussels on March 6, 2014. (Courtesy Reuters) W hen I recently asked one member of the Lvivska Sotnia -- an ardently nationalist self-defense brigade that provided security for the months- long protests at Kiev’s Independence Square -- how he wanted Ukraine to respond to Russia’s seizure of Crimea, one might have expected a fiercely jingoistic response. This was, after all, one of those Ukrainians whom Russian President Vladimir Putin used as a pretext for his invasion in the first place. But it turns out the last thing he wanted was for Kiev to try to retake Crimea by force -- that would only risk starting World War III, he said. Lost in the recent discussion in the West about Russian aggression in Crimea has been the question of whether Ukrainians believe that Crimea is worth fighting for in the first place. Although Westerners (and the Ukrainian government) profess the importance of defending Ukrainian territorial integrity, most Ukrainians wouldn’t seem to mind letting Crimea go. For them, the issue is much more a matter of prudence than principle. There are three main factors that inform Ukraine’s current passivity toward Russia’s aggression in Ukraine. First, there is the fragility and disunity of the current political leadership. Until the elections scheduled for May 25, Ukraine has only an interim government -- and a weak one, at that. -
Public Opinion Survey Residents of Ukraine September 12-25, 2014
Public Opinion Survey Residents of Ukraine September 12-25, 2014 International Republican Institute Detailed Methodology • The survey was conducted by the public opinion and market research company Baltic Surveys/The Gallup Organization on behalf of the International Republican Institute. The field work was carried out by Rating Group Ukraine. • Data was collected throughout Ukraine (excluding Crimea), including the regions of Donetsk and Luhansk, between September 12–25, 2014, through face-to-face interviews at respondents’ home. • The sample consisted of 1,200 permanent residents of Ukraine aged 18 and older and eligible to vote. It is representative for the general population by age, gender, education, region and size of the settlement. • Multistage probability sampling method was used with the random route and next birthday respondent’s selection procedures. • Stage one: 25 official administrative regions of Ukraine were defined (24 regions of Ukraine and Kyiv). All regions of Ukraine were surveyed except Crimea. • Stage two: selection of the settlements - towns and villages. Towns were grouped into subtypes according to the size: • City more than one million residents • City 500,000-999,000 residents • City 100,000-499,000 residents • City 50,000-99,000 residents • City to 50,000 residents • Village • Settlements were selected at random. The number of selected settlements in each region was proportional to the share of population living in a particular type of the settlement in each region. • Stage three: primary sampling units were described. • The margin of error does not exceed plus or minus 2.8 percent. • Response rate was 63 percent. • Charts and graphs may not add up to 100 percent due to rounding. -
Russian-Ukrainian Crisis, National Identity and Democratic Consolidation in Ukraine
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by Helsingin yliopiston digitaalinen arkisto RUSSIAN-UKRAINIAN CRISIS, NATIONAL IDENTITY AND DEMOCRATIC CONSOLIDATION IN UKRAINE Dinara Pisareva University of Helsinki Faculty of Social Sciences Politics Master’s Thesis May 2016 Tiedekunta/Osasto – Fakultet/Sektion – Faculty Laitos – Institution – Department Faculty of Social Sciences Department of Political and Economic Studies Tekijä– Författare – Author Dinara Pisareva Työn nimi – Arbetets titel – Title Russian-Ukrainian Crisis, National Identity and Democratic Consolidation in Ukraine Oppiaine – Läroämne – Subject Politics Työn laji – Arbetets art – Level Aika – Datum – Date Sivumäärä – Sidoantal – Number of pages Master’s Thesis May 2016 74 Tiivistelmä – Referat – Abstract The research explores Russian-Ukrainian crisis 2014 in order to see (i) how it has impacted Ukrainian identity split between pro-Western and pro-Russian supporters and (ii) the situation with the process of democratic consolidation in Ukraine. The first research question uses data from public surveys and results of presidential and parliamentary elections 2014 and local elections 2015 in order to demonstrate that Ukrainian national identity has become more consolidated in its commitment to integration with the European Union. At the same time, there has been a significant rise of negative attitude towards Russia even in previously pro-Russian regions. The second research question is concerned with the democratic consolidation in Ukraine and whether resolution of pro- Russian vs. pro-Western identity conflict has resulted in enhanced democracy. In order to assess democratic consolidation in Ukraine the research looks at two main indicators post-crisis political party system and public support of democracy. -
Civilians Caught in the Crossfire Findings
EASTERN UKRAINE Civilians caught in the crossfire October 2015 / N°667a October © AFP PHOTO / DOMINIQUE FAGET A pro-Russian rebel patrols in a residential area of Donetsk’s Tekstilshik district, February 4, 2015. TABLE OF CONTENTS EXECUTIVE SUMMARY 4 PART II CATEGORIES OF CIVILIANS TARGETED 25 INTRODUCTION 7 A. Civilians targeted in LPR/DPR-controlled territories 25 1. Pro-Ukrainian activists 25 PART I 2. Civilians providing humanitarian aid in conflict zones 27 VIOLATIONS AGAINST CIVILIANS IN UKRAINE: 3. Journalists 28 GENERAL FRAMEWORK AND PERPETRATORS. 4. Civil servants and State representatives 29 THE PARTICULAR INSECURITY OF CIVILIANS 12 5. Businessmen 31 6. Local and foreign NGO representatives 32 A. Uncertainty of the enemy profile 12 7. Religious authorities 32 1. Distinguishing between civilians and combatants: 8. Minorities, in particular Roma 33 the challenge 12 2. Suspicion of collaboration with the enemy 13 B. Civilians Targeted in Ukraine-controlled territories 34 3. Ideology and war propaganda also target civilians 13 1. Perceived pro-LPR/DPR combattants 34 2. Civilians presumed to be wealthy B. Civilians subjected to rules for combatants 14 or able to pay a ransom 34 1. Persecution of civilians during combatant seizure of control over territory 14 PART III a) Violent dismissal of non-loyal authorities THE MULTIPLE FACES and business actors 14 OF HUMAN RIGHTS VIOLATIONS 35 b) Settling of scores between competing groups 15 A. Arbitrary detention and captives 35 c) Civilians persecuted for violating “administrative” 1. Arbitrary detentions by LPR/DPR groups 35 rules imposed by combatants 15 a) A widespread phenomenon 35 d) Resolution of private disputes by violent means 16 b) Chronology of captive taking 37 2. -
Latest from the OSCE Special Monitoring Mission to Ukraine (SMM), Based on Information Received As of 19:30, 9 May 2019 KYIV 10 May 2019
Latest from the OSCE Special Monitoring Mission to Ukraine (SMM), based on information received as of 19:30, 9 May 2019 KYIV 10 May 2019 This report is for the media and the general public. Summary Compared with the previous reporting period, the SMM recorded more ceasefire violations in Donetsk region and fewer in Luhansk region. It recorded ceasefire violations and military presence inside the Zolote disengagement area. The SMM observed weapons in violation of withdrawal lines on both sides of the contact line, including some used as part of military-style parades in Donetsk and Luhansk cities. It observed fresh damage from gunfire to a functioning school in Troitske and residential property in Zolote-4/Rodina. The SMM facilitated and monitored adherence to the ceasefire to enable repairs to civilian infrastructure. It also continued to facilitate the operation of the Donetsk Filtration Station and monitor the security situation around the pumping station near Vasylivka, in the area of which it recorded about 125 explosions. The Mission observed events in several regions of Ukraine commemorating Victory Day and Remembrance and Reconciliation Day. It observed military-style parades in non-government-controlled Donetsk and Luhansk cities. Restrictions of the Mission’s access continued in all three disengagement areas. The SMM was also restricted in non-government-controlled areas at a checkpoint near Verkhnoshyrokivske and a border crossing point near Dovzhanske.* Ceasefire violations[1] In Donetsk region, the SMM recorded more ceasefire violations, including about 450 explosions, compared with the previous reporting period (about 115 explosions). More than three fifths of ceasefire violations, including almost all of the explosions, were recorded at westerly directions of Horlivka (non-government-controlled, 39km north-east of Donetsk) and easterly directions of Kamianka (government-controlled, 20km north of Donetsk), including about 125 explosions near the Pumping Station near Vasylivka (non-government-controlled, 20km north of Donetsk).