DEVELOPMENT OF ... • ANDRZEJ KOWALCZYK & MIROSLAW GRCHOWSKI 107

The way toward democracy in Poland: The question af reorganization af territorial division af the state

Andrzef Kowalczyk ja Miroslraw Grochowski

Summary munism in Poland the issue of territorial divi­ sion remains the key element of the restructur­ The purpose of this paper is to present Pol­ ing of the Polish economy and society. The fu­ ish experience concerning introduction of ture of democracy in Poland and its model democracy in post-communist country. The which will be work out depends to large extent question of administrative structure of the state on how we decide to divide territory of Poland, has servedas an example of serious problems and competences and responsibilities of the which must be solved by new government. state administration and representatives of The first part of the paper presents very short­ regional/local communities (Gorzelak, 1990). ly history of territorial organization of Poland since 1945. Economic, political and social Territorial organization of Poland aspects of implemented changes are briefly dis­ after World War 11 cussed. Then the last transformation of territori­ al division under communist conditions is New social reality of Poland after World War described. Against this background the system 11 consisted not only in the new political sys­ of local government in Poland and results of tem imposed from outside, but also in new ter­ two elections: to the Parliament and to the lo­ ritorial organization of the state which was the cal councils are presented. result of territorial changes in Europe after The second part of the paper is devoted to Potsdam's Treaty (Kuklir'lski, Swianiewicz, the question of strategy of democratic institu­ 1990). tions development. Advantages and disadvan­ The beginning of the 1950s was the time, tages of both options: "from the top to the bot­ when the territorial structure of the state be­ tom" and "from the bottom to the top" are dis­ came stabilized for a longer period. Since 1950 cussed. Some examples of conflicts between till 1973 Poland had been divided into 17 voivod­ two options of changes are provided. At the end ships (provinces of regions), about 300 districts the authors present prospects for future and (in Polish: powiat) and 4000 communes (in Pol­ discuss necessity of reorganization of territorial ish: gromada). Polish district has had very long division in Poland. history of more than four centuries. Tradition­ ally important functions were located on this level, because a great number of subdivisions lntroduction for special purposes were established accord­ ing to districts' borders (Bachtler, 1990). How­ Territorial divisions play crucial roles in so­ ever, the decade of the 1970s changed com­ cial and economic development of both the pletely existing pattern. The laudable declara­ state and the regions. Borders of regions, tions of making authorities and decision­ provinces or communes create formal frame­ making centres more accessible for citizens work ln which different actors of economic and was the official explanation. ln fact creation of sociopolitical life perform their functions. new 49 voivodships was the result of political These borders may serve as an instrument of game and planned to weaken extremely strong organization, management and control, which communist party committees in some old is subordinated to the ideology resulted from voivodships. lt was good way to keep situation the political system. After collapse of com- under control. 108 HALLINNON TUTKIMUS 2 • 1991

The first step of the reform took place in This situation had a great lnfluence on social 1973. That year Poland was divided into 2500 activity on regional and local scale. The igno­ communes. The next step was made two years rance and arogance of central decision-makers later. The Government Act of 1975 laid down a concerning local problems resulted ln psycho­ two-tier model of the territorial organization of logical opposition against any decislon of cen­ the state. First tier has consisted of fourty nine tral government (Turska, 1990). voivodships responsible for the broad range of The system established in 1975 lasted with mi­ regionally provided government "services".The nor changes and revision for fifteen years. Fun­ second tier has consisted of communes (rural damental changes of the political system and communes and towns), with significantly verydeep reform of economic basis of function­ smaller competences and responsibilities ing of the state have lmposed necessity of new (Kacprzynskl, 1990). territorial organization. New government, which The reforms of the state administration in is in fact the government of the "Solidarity", is 1973-1975 introduced very deep changes ln aware of this neccesity. The main arguments economic and socio-cultural systems on put forward are related to the size of adminis­ regional and local level (Gorzelak, 1989). The trative units which should assure efficiency of omnipotence of the bureaucratic central ap­ functioning of economy and the state's ad­ paratus and the power of big economic organi­ ministration as well as bodies, which represent zations, limited the potential of regional and lo­ interests of regional and local communities. Ex­ cal authorities, and additionally destroyed isting organization of regional authoritles (the economy and social relations on regional and level of voivodship) is evaluated as lmproper, local level (Jalowiecki, 1989). The subordination as well as division of the state Into voivodships. of the regional and local authorities to the cen­ The opinion is expressed that voivodships are tral govemment and big economic organiza­ too small and, as a result, competences of tions resulted from both formal and informal de­ authorities are too dispersed. That ls why it is pendencies. The role of the regional and local claimed that larger regions with stronger authorities was reduced to passive reception authorities, responsible for complex develop­ of decisions made at the central level and with­ ment of specific areas would be more efficient. in the branch system of economy. Local and ln some opinions new voivodships ought to be regional interests did not have their advocate responsible entirely for economic cooperation and executor, since the economic and institu­ with analogous regions in West European coun­ tional strength of the territorial system was too tries - German and Austrian Lands or French weak in comparison wlth the strength of and Spanish regions. representatives of national, macro-politlcal and Experiences from the last forty five years macro-economic interests. The reform in­ cause that Polish society is very suspicious troduced in the early 1980s modified these de­ about government initiatives concerning reor­ pendencies only to inslgnificant degree (Bart­ ganlzation of the territorial division of the state. kowski et al., 1990). For many people and social groups lnitlatives Durlng the whole period after 1945 the region­ llke this one ought to be proposed by citlzens al and local administration had been merely ex­ and local authoritles instead of the government. ecutors of central decisions. This tendency was They consider central government initiatives to enhanced especially in the early 1950s and af­ be in conflict with principles of democracy, and ter 1975. The best example of the central con­ the symbol of arogance and totalitarian tenden­ trol over regional and local level was provided cies of politlcal centre. lt sounds like an amaz­ by the planning system. ln real-socialism econ­ ing paradox, because local authorities present, omy the base of any activity was a pian. The if not identical, at least similar political options. most important and obligatory for every level One may assume, that this specific approach of authorities was the central pian. The region­ to the role of central government is the result al and local plans were only the results of the of the new strategy adopted by representatives spatial decomposition of the central pian. lt was of local and regional authorlties. According to in accordance with the principle of a homoge­ this strategy, after the period of battle with nous state's authority. According to this prin­ communist system, Poland is on the second ciple there was a strong vertical dependence stage of system changes. This stage is charac­ of the lower level of administration on the terized by unrestricted competition between higher level. different subjects of the political and econom- DEVELOPMENT OF ... • ANDRZEJ KOWALCZYK & MIROSLAW GRCHOWSKI 109

ic life. Particular interests force local and agency located ln their town or to be servedby regional authorities to stand in opposition to particular agency. The arguments raised are central government initiatives and to care, first very different. ln some cases they result from of all, about their own lnterests and problems. conflicts between towns rooted sometimes However, there ls a strong need to change even ln Medleval Ages. ln other cases the ques­ parallely institutional framework of the state tion of possible higher unemployment and low and its territorial organization. Because of the accessibility to the agency ls raised. perceptlon of the central government by region­ During discussions with the central govern­ al and local authorities it leads directly to con­ ment experts, representatives of some towns flicts between these authorities and lo­ and rural communes argued that their commu­ cal/regional communities and central govern­ nities had been discriminated by Communist ment. authorities since 1945 and the Employment Agency located in their town should compen­ Opposition agalnst government sate all those difficulties from the past. Be­ initiatlve of terrltorlal subdlvislon changes cause of thls reason in Radom voivodship the newly established Employment Agency would There are some examples of definitely nega­ serve only one town and surrounding com­ tive reactions of local communities to the mune. The others accused experts of support­ government initiatlve to change territorial or­ ing so-called Communist nomenclature (the ganization of the state. These examples are successors of the former communist govern­ from 1990, the period of economic and politi­ ment). cal transformations from real-socialism state Another example of conflicts between the towards democracy and market economy sys­ central and local authorities concerns the ques­ tem. lt is important to notice, that negative reac­ tion of division of Poland into regions of tions against political centre happened in the Government Administration (G.A.). period of the flrst "Solidarity" government of The idea of the regions of so-called Govern­ Prime Minister Tadeusz Mazowiecki, and this ment Administration was born in the first weeks opposition was promoted and forced by so­ of 1990 and was connected with the general re­ called Citizens' Committees - which formed form of polltical organization of the state and during first months of the year strong political changes in self-government sturctures on local wing of the "Solidarity" and the most important level. political force on the local level. According to this concept, the G.A. centres The first confllct between the central govern­ ought to support local authorities ln the peri­ ment and the local authorities was connected od of political and soclo-economic transition of with decision made by the central government Poland. ln future they should be transformed about location of Employment Agencies. Ac­ into districts. Thus, after several years we cording to central government these agencies would have again in Poland three-tier structure ought to be established in big cities and of administration (as before 1975): (1) voivod­ medium-size towns. Each office must servean ship, (2) district, (3) town or commune. area consisted of 5-10 rural communes and ln the first step (March 1990) the central small townships with approximately 50,000- government experts proposed 183 G.A. regions 70,000 lnhabitants. Newly established agencies wlth average area of 1708 sq. kms and 206,000 ought to help unemployed to find jobs, to cre­ inhabitants. Each centre of G.A. should encom­ ate new jobs and to give unemployed financial pass approximately four towns and twelve ru­ support. The offices of Employment Agencies ral communes (Jalowiecki, Kowalczyk 1990).Af­ were established by the authorities of voivod­ ter discussion experts prepared the proposal ships with acceptance of central government of division and in May and June of 1990 govern­ (by Ministry of Administratlon and by Ministry ment started to send prepared project (with 195 of Labour and Social Affaires). division of G.A.) to voivodships' authorities for Although the location of Employment Agen­ consultation with local communities*. cies was proposed by voivodships' authorities with support of local counclls, these decisions • Each unit of G.A. division has approximately 1603 and delimitation of areas served by particular sq. kms and 194 000 of population.The average num­ agencies have been questioned by some com­ ber of towns and communes is four towns and eleven munitles. Especialy these which wanted to have rural communes. 110 HALLINNON TUTKIMUS 2 • 1991

But on these stage of public consultation fu­ New territorlal organlzation of the rious opposition against the government pro­ state - possible options and their posal appeared. There were two centers of op­ consequences position. The first one was the local authorities and local communities which did not agree with lt seems thai there are only two possibilities location of centres and delimitation of G.A. of the changes of administrative division of the units. The second centre of opposition consist­ state. Both of them are related to the model of ed of politicians who considered the idea of democracy, which would be recognized as G.A. as the tool of the central government's proper to implement under Polish conditions. control over local authorities and against the The first version of changes is to maintain idea of self-government. After many discus­ status-quo with some "cosmetic" changes, i.e. sions on local level, and after very fierce dis­ changes of borders delimitation. ln this case di• putes between representatives of the local vision into G.A units should be abolished. This communities and members of Polish govern­ option reduces influences of the central ment, in August 1990 2 53 units of G.A. were authorities and gives relatively high independ­ established. But it did not bring the end of pub­ ence to local authorities. This independence lie discussion about this new element of ad· results, of course, from the current political sit• ministrative structure of Poland. The represen­ uation and the fact, that new central govern­ tatives of some communities are still fighting ment is on the stage of looking for new rela­ trying to force central government to locate tions between central and local authorities. G.A. centres in their towns. Others are sug­ This stlll undefined situation is characteristic gesting changes in organization of G.A. divi­ for the phase of transition from centralized to sion, sometimes they are against of any con­ decentralized state. trol of the central government over local One may state, that this version corresponds authorities. with the concept of "development from below". At the same time when G.A. units were es­ However, the weakness of both sides does not tablished spontaneous process of organization allow us to accept this version. From one hand of voluntary associations of local authorities communes depend strongly on the central took place. According to top leaders of this budget. On the other hand the central govern­ movement, it has been the first step towards ment depends on them (it concerns the social so-called "self-governmental Poland" - the base of political option and support of conduct­ idea which was formulated in 1981 and accept­ ing policy) and still has to interfere and regu­ ed by "Solidarity" movement in 1980s. ln the late economic mechanisms on almost every lev­ past this concept was understood as a tool of el to achieve goals of the national economy. political struggle against Communist state, but The political aspects of contemporary, still rela­ recently some followers of this idea has per­ tively unstable situation are of crucial impor­ ceived it as the opposition against central tance for ali relations between the central and government as such. There are many examples local/regional authorities. The central govern• of associations of this type. For instance un­ ment has to play the role of "policeman" and ion of towns and communes where Soviet "good father" at the same time. Paradoxically, troops are located, Pomerania Union (which those who talk about independence of local groups towns and communes from five north­ authorities ask political centre for intervention ern voivodships), so-called Union of Woodland when things are not going well on local level. Communes (which are against programme of lt proves that interdependencies are still very annihilation of toxic waste on military area in strong. north-eastern Poland) or National Assembly of The second scenario of the possible changes Territorial Self-Governments which groups of the state administration is as follows. G.A. representations of local authorities from 45 units will develop and play the role of objective voivodships. The example of voluntary associ­ and righteous supervisor.They would be an ele­ ations may be perceived as a self-defence of lo­ ment of not political but administrative struc­ cal authorities, the tool which should be use­ ture. They would play the role of a "buffer" be­ ful to work out relatively independent policy for tween ali these elements we may define as lo­ particular commune or region. One may also cal and central. They should not reduce or lim­ state thai th is is natural further step on a way it significantly politlcal independence of local of democratization of public life in Poland. authorities, but they should give them support DEVELOPMENT OF ... • ANDRZEJ KOWALCZYK & MIROSLAW GRCHOWSKI 111

to solve problems characteristic for specific and small towns. The regions where Tyminski areas. lmportant element of this scenario is that won with Prime Minister Mazowiecki are ln the decision-makers from the political centre deep recession, with high ratio of unemploy­ would accept the local opposition, because on ment and without any visible advantages result­ this stage of development of political structure ing from economic programme introduced in in Poland any pressure or attempts of supervi­ January 1990 by Minister of Finance, Bal­ slon from higher level for local leaders are un­ cerowicz. Coal miners in Silesia Region, as well acceptable. Politicians must try to solve pos­ as young un-skilled workers and females from sible conflicts with special caution and pa­ small industrial centres, were these social tience. groups especially severely touched by structur­ According to J. Hryniewicz (1990), the future al changes in Polish economy. According to of Polish democracy should be connected with Polish sociologist T. Zukowski, Tyminski was so-called "state's democracy". The socio­ supported especially in communities with low economic structure of Polish society is in the social integration (exemplified by high crime period of transition. The latest sociological rate and low religiousness, high immigration to studies show that in the Polish society the medium size industrial centres from country­ strongest social relations exist in small social side etc.) and in the past relatively weak in­ groups (family, groups of friends etc.). lt means fluence of "Solidarity" (with exception of Sile­ that the ldentification with family is stronger sia Region). than with local community, professional group, The success of Tyminski may be explained or group of people of similar age. According to not only by strong negative perception of Hryniewicz, the socio-economic transition from Mazowiecki's government, but also by wide­ communism towards democracy may provoke spread opposition against central government the psychological desintegration of these as such. Anti-government slogans during groups, as well as their political and economic presidential campaign, formulated especially alienation. Such situation may be very danger­ by small right-wing present on Polish political ous for integration and functioning of the state. scene, and nationalistic-oriented partieswhich The economic and political transformations supported Walesa, helped Tyminski to beat may be threatened by revolts of the lower class­ former Prime Minister Tadeusz Mazowiecki. es which would not understand the ideology Tyminski accused Prime Minister and Minister and directions of changes. Thus, the state and of Finance Balcerowicz of "crimes against Pol­ political parties shouldperform four fundamen­ ish nation" and "selling out Polish economy to tal functions: to integrate, to mobilize, to gener­ foreigners". He also declared that the Poland ate innovations and to support social activity. ought to have nuclear weapon, low taxes vs. ln situation of Poland the central authorities state's social programmes, liberal economy vs. (government and political parties) ought to pro­ full amployment, etc. Paradoxically, his popu­ mote the socio-economic changes and should lism was accepted not only by groups with clearly present the goals and directions of strong anti-Mazowiecki orientation (for them these transformations. transformations towards market economy was The theory formulated by J. Hryniewicz was not enough radical), but also by some follow­ confirmed by results of the first in Poland, ful­ ers of former Communist regime (who did not ly democratic presidential elections in late au­ accept Balcerowicz economic programme). tumn 1990. The second position of Stan Tymin­ ln our opinion, the suggestion that the suc­ ski, with 23.1 % of votes for, against 40.0 % for cess of Tyminski was only the result of support Lech Walesa and only 18.0 % for former Prime of groups connected with Communist Party, is Minister, Tadeusz Mazowiecki, proved that hy­ only partly true. His political success may be pothesls put forward by Hryniewicz was cor­ explain by syndrome named "homo sovieti­ rect. Tyminski won ln four voivodships, and had cus". ln general terms, it means the huge the second position (behind Walesa) in 38 nostalgia for "welfare state" in Communist ver­ others. He received strong support in regions sion - with low salaries, but also relatively low with coal mlning and metallurgical industry prices, full employment, social servicesfree of (Silesia), as well as in rural voivodships in north­ charge, state control over economy and politi­ ern and central Poland. His followers had been cal life etc. The policy promoted by Prime Min­ recruited from low-educated classes, young un­ ister Mazowiecki's government was against skilled workers and inhabitants of medium size "homo sovieticus" orientation. Thus, a lot of 112 HALLINNON TUTKIMUS 2 • 1991

Tyminski followers (as well as many of Walesa 8artkowskl J., Kowalczyk A., Swianlwlcz P. 1990: Strategia wladz lokalnych (Strategies of Local supporters) were recruited among people who Authorities); University of Warsaw, Institute of did not accept the difficulties connected with Space Economy. rapid transitlon from centrally planned econo­ Gorzelak G. 1990: General lmpllcatlons of the Local my to market economy, and who perceived the Government Reform in Poland; ln: A. Kukllnskl, 8. Jalowieckl (eds.): Local Development ln Europe. Ex­ government as an enemy of the ldeas of "self­ periences and Prospects; University of Warsaw, ln• governmental Poland". ln this sense, the suc­ stltute of Space Economy, pp. 241-255. cess of Tymir'lskimay be interpreted as a result Gorzelak G. 1989: Rozw6J regionalny Polski w of ten years' "Solidarity" campaign against warunkach kryzysu I reformy (Reglonal Develop­ Communist regime. seems that quite big part ment of Poland Under the Crisis and Reform); lt University of Warsaw, Institute of Space Economy. of Polish society did not realize that political HryniewiczJ. (ed.) 1990: Spolecznoscilokalne u progu situation ln Poland had changed. For many peo­ przemian ustrojowych (Local Communlties at the ple every government would be unacceptable, 8eglnning of the Structural Transformatlons); because in their perception it would be an ex­ University of Warsaw, Institute of Space Economy. Jalowieckl 8. 1989: Rozw6j lokalny (Local Develop­ ternal power.Yesterday lt was Rakowski regime ment); University of Warsaw, Institute of Space (Communist), today it is Mazowiecki govern­ Economy. ment (formed by "Solidarity"), tomorrow it Jalowieckl 8., Kowalczyk A. 1990: Ws!f;!pny projekt would be government, etc. podzialu Polski na jednostki administracjl panst• Mr. X wowej (Preliminary Project of the Division of Po­ The last paragraph of this paper is rather pes­ land into Government Administration Reglons); simistic. However, it is important to be aware mimeo. that this society had been socialized in a very Kacprzynskl 8. 1990: State lnterventionism vs. the special way for more than 40 years. must be Policy of Local Self-Government in a Period of Tran­ lt sition Related to Restructuring; in: A. Kuklir'lskl, 8. considered by politicians introducing Jalowieckl (eds.): Local Development in Europe ... , democratic reforms. pp. 89-107. Kuklir'lskiA., Swlaniewicz P. 1990: Polskie wojew6dzt­ wo. Doswiadczenia I perspektywy (Polish Voivod­ ship. Experiences and Prospects); University of LITERATURE Warsaw, Institute of Space Economy. Turska A. (ed.) 1990: Anatomia dzialan zbiorowych w 8achtlerJ. 1990: Regional Socio-Economic Changes spolecznosciach lokalnych (Anatomy of Collective in Eastern and Central Europe; EPRC - Universi­ 8ehaviour of Local Communities); University of ty of Strathclyde, lnterim Report. Warsaw, Institute of Space Economy.