Birthright Citizenship and Human Rights
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“Consider the Source” A Resource Guide to Liberal, Conservative and Nonpartisan Periodicals 30 East Lake Street ∙ Chicago, IL 60601 HWC Library – Room 501 312.553.5760 ver heard the saying “consider the source” in response to something that was questioned? Well, the same advice applies to what you read – consider the source. When conducting research, bear in mind that periodicals (journals, magazines, newspapers) may have varying points-of-view, biases, and/or E political leanings. Here are some questions to ask when considering using a periodical source: Is there a bias in the publication or is it non-partisan? Who is the sponsor (publisher or benefactor) of the publication? What is the agenda of the sponsor – to simply share information or to influence social or political change? Some publications have specific political perspectives and outright state what they are, as in Dissent Magazine (self-described as “a magazine of the left”) or National Review’s boost of, “we give you the right view and back it up.” Still, there are other publications that do not clearly state their political leanings; but over time have been deemed as left- or right-leaning based on such factors as the points- of-view of their opinion columnists, the make-up of their editorial staff, and/or their endorsements of politicians. Many newspapers fall into this rather opaque category. A good rule of thumb to use in determining whether a publication is liberal or conservative has been provided by Media Research Center’s L. Brent Bozell III: “if the paper never met a conservative cause it didn’t like, it’s conservative, and if it never met a liberal cause it didn’t like, it’s liberal.” Outlined in the following pages is an annotated listing of publications that have been categorized as conservative, liberal, non-partisan and religious. -
The Public Eye, Fall 2002
TheA PUBLICATION OF POLITICAL PublicEyeRESEARCH ASSOCIATES FALL 2002 • Volume XVI, No. 3 The Right Family Values The Christian Right’s “Defense of Marriage:” unpopular beliefs. Despite the First Amendment’s prohi- Democratic Rhetoric, Antidemocratic Politics bition against the establishment of religion by government, Christian conservatives By R. Claire Snyder cans oppose. While conservative Americans and their supporters often insist that Amer- are free to practice their beliefs and live their ica is really a “Christian nation.” They Introduction1 personal lives however they choose, the argue that the American founders believed government of the United States cannot he United States was founded as a that democratic political institutions would legitimately let those beliefs violate the “liberal democracy,” in which a secu- only work if grounded in religious mores T human rights of others in society. Similarly, lar government acts to protect the civil within civil society, emphasizing a comment it cannot generate public policy supporting rights and liberties of individuals rather made by John Adams: “Our Constitution a particular religious worldview or deny legal than imposing a particular vision of the was made only for a moral and religious peo- equality to certain groups of citizens. “good life” on its citizens. Equality before ple. It is wholly inadequate to the govern- the law constitutes one of the most funda- ment of any other.”9 William Bennett has mental principles of liberal democracy, as Liberal Democracy or Christian Nation? contributed greatly to this right-wing proj- does freedom from State-imposed religion. ect of revisionist historiography with the iberal political theory constitutes the These principles, enshrined in our found- publication of Our Sacred Honor: Words of ing documents, have become an almost Lmost important founding tradition of 5 Advice from the Founders, a volume that cat- universally accepted norm in U.S. -
Letters from the Right: Content-Analysis of A
LETTERS FROM THE RIGHT: CONTENT-ANALYSIS OF A LETTER WRITING CAMPAIGN By James McEvoy Assistant Project Director Institute for Social Research The University of Michigan With Richard Schmuck Mark Chesler Associate Professor Acting Project Director Group Dynamics Center Institute for Social Researcr Temple University The University of Michigan CENTER FOR RESEARCH ON UTILIZATION OF SCIENTIFIC KNOWLEDGE April, 1966 PREFACE This research was sponsored by the Office of Research Adminis• tration of The University of Michigan, Ann Arbor, Michigan; administered by the Institute for Social Research, Center for Research on Utilization of Scientific Knowledge. We gratefully acknowledge the invaluable assistance of Dr. Rudolf Schmerl, Dr. Floyd Mann, Dr. Lawrence Phillips, Elizabeth McEvoy, Sharon Pietila, Louis Paskoff, and Esther Schaeffer in securing and completing this project. Our largest debt, however, is to the magazine which supplied us with these letters- and to the letter writers themselves James McEvoy was responsible for the writing and data analysis; Richard Schmuck and Mark Chesler were project directors and advisors in the construction of the code. ii TABLE OF CONTENTS Page Preface ii List of Tables iv List of Illustrations v Introduction . r . 1 Demographic and Comparative Analysis of the Letters ... 10 Sex Differences Between the Two Studies 20 Indexes of the Social Status of the Authors of the Letters 21 Literacy 24 Group Salience and Literacy 28 Group Salience and "Pressure Tactics" 30 The True Believers 36 The Socio-Economic Status of the True Believer 38 Group Salience 42 Religiosity 44 Conclusions and Implications for Further Research .... 47 Bibliography of References " 51 General References on Super-Patriotism 53 Super-Patriot Literature by Areas of Concern » 55 iii LIST OF TABLES Tables Page 1. -
Neoconservatism Hoover Press : Berkowitz/Conservative Hberkc Ch5 Mp 104 Rev1 Page 104 Hoover Press : Berkowitz/Conservative Hberkc Ch5 Mp 105 Rev1 Page 105
Hoover Press : Berkowitz/Conservative hberkc ch5 Mp_103 rev1 page 103 part iii Neoconservatism Hoover Press : Berkowitz/Conservative hberkc ch5 Mp_104 rev1 page 104 Hoover Press : Berkowitz/Conservative hberkc ch5 Mp_105 rev1 page 105 chapter five The Neoconservative Journey Jacob Heilbrunn The Neoconservative Conspiracy The longer the United States struggles to impose order in postwar Iraq, the harsher indictments of the George W. Bush administration’s foreign policy are becoming. “Acquiring additional burdens by engag- ing in new wars of liberation is the last thing the United States needs,” declared one Bush critic in Foreign Affairs. “The principal problem is the mistaken belief that democracy is a talisman for all the world’s ills, and that the United States has a responsibility to promote dem- ocratic government wherever in the world it is lacking.”1 Does this sound like a Democratic pundit bashing Bush for par- tisan gain? Quite the contrary. The swipe came from Dimitri Simes, president of the Nixon Center and copublisher of National Interest. Simes is not alone in calling on the administration to reclaim the party’s pre-Reagan heritage—to abandon the moralistic, Wilsonian, neoconservative dream of exporting democracy and return to a more limited and realistic foreign policy that avoids the pitfalls of Iraq. 1. Dimitri K. Simes, “America’s Imperial Dilemma,” Foreign Affairs (Novem- ber/December 2003): 97, 100. Hoover Press : Berkowitz/Conservative hberkc ch5 Mp_106 rev1 page 106 106 jacob heilbrunn In fact, critics on the Left and Right are remarkably united in their assessment of the administration. Both believe a neoconservative cabal has hijacked the administration’s foreign policy and has now overplayed its hand. -
The Long New Right and the World It Made Daniel Schlozman Johns
The Long New Right and the World It Made Daniel Schlozman Johns Hopkins University [email protected] Sam Rosenfeld Colgate University [email protected] Version of January 2019. Paper prepared for the American Political Science Association meetings. Boston, Massachusetts, August 31, 2018. We thank Dimitrios Halikias, Katy Li, and Noah Nardone for research assistance. Richard Richards, chairman of the Republican National Committee, sat, alone, at a table near the podium. It was a testy breakfast at the Capitol Hill Club on May 19, 1981. Avoiding Richards were a who’s who from the independent groups of the emergent New Right: Terry Dolan of the National Conservative Political Action Committee, Paul Weyrich of the Committee for the Survival of a Free Congress, the direct-mail impresario Richard Viguerie, Phyllis Schlafly of Eagle Forum and STOP ERA, Reed Larson of the National Right to Work Committee, Ed McAteer of Religious Roundtable, Tom Ellis of Jesse Helms’s Congressional Club, and the billionaire oilman and John Birch Society member Bunker Hunt. Richards, a conservative but tradition-minded political operative from Utah, had complained about the independent groups making mischieF where they were not wanted and usurping the traditional roles of the political party. They were, he told the New Rightists, like “loose cannonballs on the deck of a ship.” Nonsense, responded John Lofton, editor of the Viguerie-owned Conservative Digest. If he attacked those fighting hardest for Ronald Reagan and his tax cuts, it was Richards himself who was the loose cannonball.1 The episode itself soon blew over; no formal party leader would follow in Richards’s footsteps in taking independent groups to task. -
Joanne Mancini1 and Graham Finlay “Citizenship Matters”
JoAnne Mancini1 and Graham Finlay2 “Citizenship Matters”: Lessons from the Irish citizenship referendum” The Irish Citizenship Referendum of 2004 removed the last example of unrestricted birthright citizenship, or jus soli, from the list of European nations. Now similar pressures are building up in the United States of America, the most significant jus soli country in the rest of the world, where the principle of unrestricted birthright citizenship is enshrined in the 14th amendment. These pressures have similar parallels to the Irish case and push towards the same conclusions: lack of access to citizenship is strongly tied to the creation of ‘guest workers’ and the reduced status of such workers in terms of their employment rights strongly affects their ability to challenge exploitation in various forms. In both countries, immigration is being encouraged on a basis that leads to two groups of workers in the labour force: one group with citizenship, opportunities for political participation and rights, the other with restricted access to citizenship, fewer real opportunities for political participation and fewer rights either regarding their conditions of employment or in terms of their access to social welfare services. In this paper, we argue that since migration is inevitable, this trend against jus soli in a number of high income countries represents both unjust treatment of the migrant workers themselves and an attempt to increase competition for jobs through the deliberate alteration of the terms under which migrant workers are to compete. It is important to emphasise the inevitability of migration as a background to the issue of access to citizenship, particularly the movement of people from poor countries to wealthy ones, and its link with development. -
Trump's All Too Familiar Strategy and Its Future in The
The Forum 2016; 14(3): 295–309 Zoltan Hajnal* and Marisa Abrajano* Trump’s All Too Familiar Strategy and Its Future in the GOP DOI 10.1515/for-2016-0023 Abstract: Although many observers have been surprised both by the racial explicit nature of Donald Trump’s campaign and the subsequent success of that cam- paign, we contend that Trump’s tactics and their success are far from new. We describe how for the past half century Republicans have used race and increas- ingly immigration to attract white voters – especially working class whites. All of this has led to an increasingly racially polarized polity and for the most part Republican electoral success. We conclude with some expectations about the future of race, immigration, and party politics. Introduction Donald Trump attacks Mexican immigrants. He disparages Muslims. He insults women. And what happens? Voters flock to him. Trump’s rapid rise to the top of the Republican polls and his enduring role as the Party’s nominee sparked all kinds of diverse reactions. The Republican establishment was scared. The Demo- cratic Party was appalled. And the media was enthralled. But the most common reaction of all was surprise. Many wondered how Trump could end up as the Republican nominee? How could a campaign prem- ised on prejudice and denigration be so successful? Trump may ultimately lose his presidential bid but not before capturing the Republican Party and the hearts of millions of Americans. How could it happen? Why did it happen? Even though many seemed surprised by the rise of Donald Trump, nobody should be. -
The Rearguard of Freedom: the John Birch Society and the Development
The Rearguard of Freedom: The John Birch Society and the Development of Modern Conservatism in the United States, 1958-1968 by Bart Verhoeven, MA (English, American Studies), BA (English and Italian Languages) Thesis submitted to the University of Nottingham for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy at the Faculty of Arts July 2015 Abstract This thesis aims to investigate the role of the anti-communist John Birch Society within the greater American conservative field. More specifically, it focuses on the period from the Society's inception in 1958 to the beginning of its relative decline in significance, which can be situated after the first election of Richard M. Nixon as president in 1968. The main focus of the thesis lies on challenging more traditional classifications of the JBS as an extremist outcast divorced from the American political mainstream, and argues that through their innovative organizational methods, national presence, and capacity to link up a variety of domestic and international affairs to an overarching conspiratorial narrative, the Birchers were able to tap into a new and powerful force of largely white suburban conservatives and contribute significantly to the growth and development of the post-war New Right. For this purpose, the research interrogates the established scholarship and draws upon key primary source material, including official publications, internal communications and the private correspondence of founder and chairman Robert Welch as well as other prominent members. Acknowledgments The process of writing a PhD dissertation seems none too dissimilar from a loving marriage. It is a continuous and emotionally taxing struggle that leaves the individual's ego in constant peril, subjugates mind and soul to an incessant interplay between intense passion and grinding routine, and in most cases should not drag on for over four years. -
The Peaceful Xenophobes by Eric Kaufmann
Issue 152, November 2008 The peaceful xenophobes by Eric Kaufmann Two new studies of empire and nationalism should make us think again about conflating xenophobia, nationalism and aggression Eric Kaufmann is a fellow at the Belfer Centre, Harvard University For Kin or Country: Xenophobia, Nationalism and War by Stephen Saideman and William Ayres (Columbia University Press, £20.95) Day of Empire: How Hyperpowers Rise to Global Dominance--and Why They Fall by Amy Chua (Doubleday, £16.95) Intolerance towards minorities and belligerence towards other nations are usually regarded as two sides of the same coin. Yet this Nazi-centric interpretation does serious injury to a historical record in which tolerance has often proved the handmaiden of "missionary" imperialism, while xenophobia has constrained expansionist energies. Now, at a time when politicians and academics like to stress the importance of outward-looking, tolerant, "civic" nationhood, it is a distinction eminently worth chewing over. In many big modern states, like Britain and America, the downplaying of majority ethnic identity has allowed internal "others" to be included, but has also placed more pressure on political elites to define national identity against external "others." In other words, rather than basing national identity on the particularity of who we are, the game becomes one of evangelising our identity to the world. Other countries, of course, may not be interested in such evangelism, in which case a coercive approach to spreading this identity--be it liberalism, socialism, Christianity or Islam--becomes necessary, increasing the potential for international conflict. Iran, Britain and the US are archetypal "missionary nationalists" of this type, while Estonia, Poland or Wales fall into the opposite ethnonational category. -
The Proud Boys: a Republican Party Street Gang in Search of New Frames: Q&A with the Authors of Producers, Parasites, Patriots Editor’S Letter
SPRING 2019 The Public Eye In this issue: The Intersectional Right: A Roundtable on Gender and White Supremacy Aberration or Reflection? How to Understand Changes on the Political Right The Proud Boys: A Republican Party Street Gang In Search of New Frames: Q&A with the Authors of Producers, Parasites, Patriots editor’s letter THE PUBLIC EYE QUARTERLY Last November, PRA worked with writer, professor, and longtime advocate Loretta PUBLISHER Ross to convene a conversation about the relationship between gender and White su- Tarso Luís Ramos premacy. For decades, Ross says, too many fight-the-Right organizations neglected EDITOR Kathryn Joyce to pay attention to this perverse, right-wing version of intersectionality, although its COVER ART impacts were numerous—evident in overlaps between White supremacist and anti- Danbee Kim abortion violence; in family planning campaigns centered on myths of overpopula- PRINTING tion; in concepts of White womanhood used to further repression and bigotry; and in Red Sun Press how White women themselves formed the backbone of segregationist movements. By contrast, today there is a solid core of researchers and activists working on this issue. At November’s meeting, PRA spoke to a number of them (pg. 3) about their work, the The Public Eye is published by current stakes, and the way forward. Political Research Associates Tarso Luís Ramos Our second feature this issue, by Carolyn Gallaher, looks at another dynamic situ- EXECUTIVE DIRECTOR ation: how to understand changes on the political Right (pg. 9). Since Trump came Frederick Clarkson to power, numerous conservative commentators—mostly “never Trumpers”—have SENIOR ReseARCH ANALYST predicted (or declared) the death of the Republican Party. -
What Happened to Post-Partisanship? Barack Obama and the New American Party System
| | ⅜ Articles What Happened to Post-Partisanship? Barack Obama and the New American Party System Sidney M. Milkis, Jesse H. Rhodes, and Emily J. Charnock Ascending to the presidency in the midst of a severe economic crisis and an ongoing war on terrorism, Barack Obama faced numer- ous political and policy challenges. We examine the responsibilities he faced in assuming the received tasks of modern presidential leadership amid a polarized political system. To a point, Obama has embraced partisan leadership, indeed, even further articulating developments in the relationship between the president and parties that Ronald Reagan had first initiated, and George W.Bush built upon. Thus Obama has advanced an executive-centered party system that relies on presidential candidates and presidents to pro- nounce party doctrine, raise campaign funds, mobilize grassroots support, and campaign on behalf of their partisan brethren. Just as Reagan and Bush used their powers in ways that bolstered their parties, so Obama’s exertions have strengthened the Democratic Party’s capacity to mobilize voters and to advance programmatic objectives. At the same time, presidential partisanship threatens to relegate collective responsibility to executive aggrandizement. Seeking to avoid the pitfalls that undermined the Bush presidency, Obama has been more ambivalent about uniting partisanship and executive power. Only time will tell whether this ambiguity proves to be effective statecraft—enshrining his charisma in an enduring record of achievement and a new Democratic majority—or whether it marks a new stage in the development of executive dominion that subordinates party building to the cult of personality. ⅜ uring the 2008 presidential campaign, Democratic conformed to long-standing Democratic commitments. -
Report on Citizenship Law:Dominican Republic
COUNTRY REPORT 2017/16 REPORT ON NOVEMBER 2017 CITIZENSHIP LAW:DOMINICAN REPUBLIC AUTHORED BY ERNESTO SAGÁS © Ernesto Sagás, 2017 This text may be downloaded only for personal research purposes. Additional reproduction for other purposes, whether in hard copies or electronically, requires the consent of the authors. If cited or quoted, reference should be made to the full name of the author(s), editor(s), the title, the year and the publisher. Requests should be addressed to [email protected]. Views expressed in this publication reflect the opinion of individual authors and not those of the European University Institute. Global Citizenship Observatory (GLOBALCIT) Robert Schuman Centre for Advanced Studies in collaboration with Edinburgh University Law School Report on Citizenship Law: Dominican Republic RSCAS/GLOBALCIT-CR 2017/16 December 2017 © Ernesto Sagás, 2017 Printed in Italy European University Institute Badia Fiesolana I – 50014 San Domenico di Fiesole (FI) www.eui.eu/RSCAS/Publications/ cadmus.eui.eu Robert Schuman Centre for Advanced Studies The Robert Schuman Centre for Advanced Studies (RSCAS), created in 1992 and directed by Professor Brigid Laffan, aims to develop inter-disciplinary and comparative research on the major issues facing the process of European integration, European societies and Europe’s place in 21st century global politics. The Centre is home to a large post-doctoral programme and hosts major research programmes, projects and data sets, in addition to a range of working groups and ad hoc initiatives. The research agenda is organised around a set of core themes and is continuously evolving, reflecting the changing agenda of European integration, the expanding membership of the European Union, developments in Europe’s neighbourhood and the wider world.