China's Belt and Road Initiative
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China's Economic Recovery and Dual Circulation Model
BRIEFING China's economic recovery and dual circulation model SUMMARY After a delayed response to the outbreak of the novel coronavirus in late 2019, China has expanded its sophisticated digital surveillance systems to the health sector, linking security and health. It has apparently successfully contained the virus, while most other countries still face an uphill battle with Covid-19. China emerged first from lockdown, and its economy rapidly entered a V-shaped recovery. As in 2008, China is driving the global recovery and will derive strategic gains from this role. However, China's relations with advanced economies and some emerging markets have further deteriorated during the pandemic, as its aggressive foreign policy posture has triggered pushback. This has created a more hostile environment for China's economic development and has had a negative impact on China's hitherto almost unconstrained access to these economies. The need to make the Chinese economy more resilient against external shocks and the intention to tap into the unexploited potential of China's huge domestic market in order to realise the nation's ambitions of becoming a global leader in cutting-edge technologies have prompted the Chinese leadership to launch a new economic development paradigm for China. The 'dual circulation development model' still lacks specifics but is expected to be a key theme in China's 14th Five-Year Plan (2021-2025) to be officially approved in March 2021. The concept suggests that, in future, priority will be given to 'domestic circulation' over 'international circulation'. China's more inward-looking development strategy geared towards greater self-reliance in strategic sectors requires major domestic structural reform and investment to unleash the purchasing power of China's low-end consumers and the indigenous innovation efforts to achieve the technological breakthroughs needed. -
The New Silk Road, Part II: Implications for Europe
The New Silk Road, part II: implications for Europe Through the New Silk Road (NSR) initiative, China increasingly invests in building and modernizing Stephan Barisitz, overland and maritime infrastructures with a view to enhancing the overall connectivity between Alice Radzyner1 China and Europe. The NSR runs through a number of Eurasian emerging markets and extends out to Southeastern Europe (SEE), where Chinese investments include the modernization of ports and highspeed rail and road projects to speed up the transport of goods between China and Europe (e.g. port of Piraeus, rail connection to Budapest). Participation in the NSR will probably stimulate SEE’s economic expansion and may even contribute to overcoming its traditional peripheral position in Europe. Ideally, SEE will play a role in catalyzing a deepening of China-EU economic relations, e.g. by facilitating European exports to China and other countries along NSR trajectories, which would boost growth in Europe more widely. In the long run, these developments might also influence the EU’s political and economic positioning on a global scale. JEL classification: F15, F34, N75, R12, R42 Keywords: New Silk Road, One Belt, One Road, connectivity, trade infrastructure, economic corridors, regional policy, Southeastern Europe (SEE), China, EU-China relations, China-EU relations, China-EU trade, EU-China trade, EU candidate countries Introduction This paper is the second of a set of twin studies on the New Silk Road (NSR).2 While part I shows how the NSR is developing through the growing number of Chinese projects in several Eurasian and Asian emerging markets, part II focuses on Southeastern Europe (SEE), where Chinese investments seem to be paving the way toward the heart of the continent. -
China's Dual-Circulation Model Is a Plan for a Hostile World but A
China’s dual-circulation model is a plan for a hostile world but a catchable US Domestic production gets priority in a strategy that seeks to boost China’s ‘soft power’. Sir Arthur Lewis (1915-1991) was an economist to 2035 and to ensure its global influence? A “dual circulation” strategy, which marries the ‘external circulation’ of global from Saint Lucia in the Caribbean who was demand with the ‘internal circulation’ of domestic demand.[3] awarded the Nobel Prize in Economics in 1979 The split-economy strategy emerged from a Politburo meeting for his theories on development. His ‘dual in May last year and appears deliberately ambiguous.[4] Official sector model’ suggested that economies pronouncements since indicate the plan aims to reduce China’s can modernise without triggering inflation reliance on other countries for national-security reasons while boosting the country’s ‘soft’ global power to approach (thus because the growing industrial sector can nullify) that of the US. While the previous rebalancing aimed rely on a large supply of farm workers to to lessen China’s dependence on exports, the dual-circulation work for low, but not subsistence, wages. strategy seeks to limit China’s reliance on imports and the US- dominated global financial and trading system. The strategy’s This allows industry to earn, then reinvest, essence is prioritising domestic production, innovation and excessive profits. But one day the stream self-sufficiency. It is a call to turn China into a sophisticated of peasants dries up. When a developing manufacturing hub, form China-centred global production economy reaches this ‘Lewis turning networks that multinationals come to rely on, develop a yuan- based international financial network, and possibly turn China point’, wages growth exceeds productivity, into a military-technological complex. -
C 367 Jornal Oficial
Jornal Oficial C 367 da União Europeia 57.º ano Edição em língua portuguesa Comunicações e Informações 16 de outubro de 2014 Índice IV Informações INFORMAÇÕES DAS INSTITUIÇÕES, ÓRGÃOS E ORGANISMOS DA UNIÃO EUROPEIA Parlamento Europeu PERGUNTAS ESCRITAS E SUA RESPOSTA 2014/C 367/01 Perguntas escritas apresentadas por deputados ao Parlamento Europeu e respetiva resposta dada por uma instituição da União Europeia ......................................................................................................................... 1 (Ver nota ao leitor) PT Nota ao leitor A presente publicação contém perguntas escritas apresentadas por deputados ao Parlamento Europeu e a respetiva resposta dada por uma instituição da União Europeia. Para cada pergunta e resposta é apresentada, antes de uma eventual tradução, a versão na língua original. Por vezes, a resposta pode ser dada numa língua que não seja a da pergunta. Isto depende da língua de trabalho da comissão a quem é requerida a resposta. Estas perguntas e respostas são publicadas nos termos dos artigos 117.º e 118.º do Regimento do Parlamento Europeu. Todas as perguntas e respostas são acessíveis através do website do Parlamento Europeu (Europarl) na rubrica «Perguntas parlamentares»: http://www.europarl.europa.eu/plenary/pt/parliamentary-questions.html SIGNIFICADO DAS SIGLAS DOS GRUPOS POLÍTICOS PPE Grupo do Partido Popular Europeu (Democratas-Cristãos) S&D Grupo da Aliança Progressista dos Socialistas e Democratas no Parlamento Europeu ALDE Grupo da Aliança dos Democratas e Liberais pela -
ESS9 Appendix A3 Political Parties Ed
APPENDIX A3 POLITICAL PARTIES, ESS9 - 2018 ed. 3.0 Austria 2 Belgium 4 Bulgaria 7 Croatia 8 Cyprus 10 Czechia 12 Denmark 14 Estonia 15 Finland 17 France 19 Germany 20 Hungary 21 Iceland 23 Ireland 25 Italy 26 Latvia 28 Lithuania 31 Montenegro 34 Netherlands 36 Norway 38 Poland 40 Portugal 44 Serbia 47 Slovakia 52 Slovenia 53 Spain 54 Sweden 57 Switzerland 58 United Kingdom 61 Version Notes, ESS9 Appendix A3 POLITICAL PARTIES ESS9 edition 3.0 (published 10.12.20): Changes from previous edition: Additional countries: Denmark, Iceland. ESS9 edition 2.0 (published 15.06.20): Changes from previous edition: Additional countries: Croatia, Latvia, Lithuania, Montenegro, Portugal, Slovakia, Spain, Sweden. Austria 1. Political parties Language used in data file: German Year of last election: 2017 Official party names, English 1. Sozialdemokratische Partei Österreichs (SPÖ) - Social Democratic Party of Austria - 26.9 % names/translation, and size in last 2. Österreichische Volkspartei (ÖVP) - Austrian People's Party - 31.5 % election: 3. Freiheitliche Partei Österreichs (FPÖ) - Freedom Party of Austria - 26.0 % 4. Liste Peter Pilz (PILZ) - PILZ - 4.4 % 5. Die Grünen – Die Grüne Alternative (Grüne) - The Greens – The Green Alternative - 3.8 % 6. Kommunistische Partei Österreichs (KPÖ) - Communist Party of Austria - 0.8 % 7. NEOS – Das Neue Österreich und Liberales Forum (NEOS) - NEOS – The New Austria and Liberal Forum - 5.3 % 8. G!LT - Verein zur Förderung der Offenen Demokratie (GILT) - My Vote Counts! - 1.0 % Description of political parties listed 1. The Social Democratic Party (Sozialdemokratische Partei Österreichs, or SPÖ) is a social above democratic/center-left political party that was founded in 1888 as the Social Democratic Worker's Party (Sozialdemokratische Arbeiterpartei, or SDAP), when Victor Adler managed to unite the various opposing factions. -
The Impact of China's Rise on Eu Foreign Policy Cohesion
THE IMPACT OF CHINA’S RISE ON EU FOREIGN POLICY COHESION By Dominik Hertlik Submitted to Central European University Department of International Relations In partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in International Relations Supervisor: Dr. Daniel Izsak CEU eTD Collection Budapest, Hungary Word count: 14.299 2020 Abstract China’s rise and the consequences resulting from it have an effect on countries around the world. Its increasingly close cooperation with countries in Central and Eastern Europe (as well as Greece) has led to numerous EU member states (EUMS) pursuing foreign policies that are oftentimes more aligned with the interests of the Chinese leadership than the overall EU’s interests and values. The Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP) of the EU is susceptible to such interference as its decisions are based on unanimity. Building up on this, this thesis argues that even though previous literature suggests that normative socialisation processes within CFSP policymaking and the consequent primacy of consensus seeking during negotiations have made the use of vetoes virtually insignificant, due to the increasing political and economic influence of China on some EUMS the importance of vetoes is rising again. Benefits of maintaining amicable relations to China might appear so attractive to some EUMS that in the light of China’s rise they are once again more prone to vetoing certain EU-level decisions critical of Beijing. The benefits held out in prospect vary and can be mostly economic, but also of political or ideological use. Costs of vetoing (besides from the reputational loss) seem to be virtually non-existent. -
UVOD.Doc Layout 1
See discussions, stats, and author profiles for this publication at: https://www.researchgate.net/publication/323857923 Dunavska strategija EU u 21. veku (European Union’s Strategy for the Danube Region in the 21st century) Book · September 2015 CITATIONS READS 0 226 2 authors, including: Duško Dimitrijević Institute of International Politics and Economics 191 PUBLICATIONS 31 CITATIONS SEE PROFILE Some of the authors of this publication are also working on these related projects: Serbia in contemporary international relations: Strategic directions of development and strengthening the position of Serbia in international integrative processes – foreign affairs, international economic, legal and security aspects View project All content following this page was uploaded by Duško Dimitrijević on 19 March 2018. The user has requested enhancement of the downloaded file. DUNAVSKA STRATEGIJA EVROPSKE UNIJE U 21. VEKU Priređivači: Duško Dimitrijević, Milovan Radaković Institut za međunarodnu politiku i privredu DUNAVSKA STRATEGIJA EVROPSKE UNIJE U 21. VEKU Priređivači: Duško Dimitrijević, Milovan Radaković Beograd, 2016. DUNAVSKA STRATEGIJA EVROPSKE UNIJE U 21. VEKU Izdavač: Institut za međunarodnu politiku i privredu, Makedonska br. 25, Beograd Za izdavača: Prof. dr Branislav ĐORĐEVIĆ DIREKTOR Priređivači: Dr Duško DIMITRIJEVIĆ Dr Milovan RADAKOVIĆ Recenzenti Prof. dr Joachim BECKER, Institute for International Economics and Development, Vienna University, Austria Dr Edita STOJIĆ KARANOVIĆ, Predsednica međunarodnog naučnog foruma „Dunav – reka saradnje”, Beograd, Srbija Prof. dr Blagoje BABIĆ Kompjuterska obrada Sanja BALOVIĆ ISBN 978-86-7067-223-9 Zbornik radova je rezultat rada na projektu Ministarstva prosvete, nauke i tehnoloskog razvoja: „Srbija u savremenim međunarodnim odnosima: Strateški pravci razvoja i učvršćivanja položaja Srbije i međunarodnim integrativnim procesima – spoljnopolitički, međunarodni ekonomski, pravni i bezbednosni aspekti, iz programa osnovnih istraživanja kod Ministarstva prosvete, nauke i tehnološkog razvoja Republike Srbije“ (evidencioni br. -
Corruption Perceptions Index 2020
CORRUPTION PERCEPTIONS INDEX 2020 Transparency International is a global movement with one vision: a world in which government, business, civil society and the daily lives of people are free of corruption. With more than 100 chapters worldwide and an international secretariat in Berlin, we are leading the fight against corruption to turn this vision into reality. #cpi2020 www.transparency.org/cpi Every effort has been made to verify the accuracy of the information contained in this report. All information was believed to be correct as of January 2021. Nevertheless, Transparency International cannot accept responsibility for the consequences of its use for other purposes or in other contexts. ISBN: 978-3-96076-157-0 2021 Transparency International. Except where otherwise noted, this work is licensed under CC BY-ND 4.0 DE. Quotation permitted. Please contact Transparency International – [email protected] – regarding derivatives requests. CORRUPTION PERCEPTIONS INDEX 2020 2-3 12-13 20-21 Map and results Americas Sub-Saharan Africa Peru Malawi 4-5 Honduras Zambia Executive summary Recommendations 14-15 22-23 Asia Pacific Western Europe and TABLE OF CONTENTS TABLE European Union 6-7 Vanuatu Myanmar Malta Global highlights Poland 8-10 16-17 Eastern Europe & 24 COVID-19 and Central Asia Methodology corruption Serbia Health expenditure Belarus Democratic backsliding 25 Endnotes 11 18-19 Middle East & North Regional highlights Africa Lebanon Morocco TRANSPARENCY INTERNATIONAL 180 COUNTRIES. 180 SCORES. HOW DOES YOUR COUNTRY MEASURE UP? -
Chinese Presence in the Western Balkans
Xavier Richet Professor Emeritus of Economics, University of the Sorbonne Nouvelle, Paris, Jean Monnet Chair ad personam, e-mail: [email protected] Jovan Zafiroski Associate professor, ss. Cyril and Methodius University, Faculty of law “Iustinianus primus” in Skopje, e-mail: [email protected], [email protected] Chinese presence in the region LSEE - CEFTA Academic Network on International Trade, 2nd Network Workshop, Skopje, 13-14 September 2019 2 Three Players WB6: Disintegration, nationalisation, reintegration: BiH, Kosovo*, MNE, NMK, RS 2 External built states (BiH, Kosovo*) Political instability, corruption, rule of law, authoritarian Adjustment, catching up. In the orbit of the EU: trade, FDI, accession programmes but waiting for Godot? EU: Upcoming integration: strict conditionalities The Balkan Common Market: a stepping stone, an airlock, a quarantine? Numerous programs :Western Balkan Investment network, *This designation is without prejudice to positions on status, and is in line with limited financial means UNSCR 1244 and the ICJ Opinion on the Kosovo Declaration of Independence LSEE - CEFTA Academic Network on International Trade, 2nd Network Workshop, Skopje, 13-14 September 2019 3 Three Players China: Why the WB matters? A subset of a regional strategy: 17+1 within the New Silk Road. New markets, building regional value chains? Services providing: building infrastructures through loans Looking for influence? A real economic impact? Strong asymmetries Trade offs Complementarity with Chinese presence -
The State of Human Rights and Political Freedoms in Belarus: Was the Crisis Inevitable?
DOI: https://doi.org/10.47669/PSPRP-4-2020 The State of Human Rights and Political Freedoms in Belarus: Was the Crisis Inevitable? Nina Kolarzik and Aram Terzyan Center for East European and Russian Studies Post-Soviet Politics Research Papers 4/2020 Nina Kolarzik and Aram Terzyan Abstract The rule of Alexander Lukashenko in Belarus has created one of the most resilient authoritarian regimes in post-communist Europe. Meanwhile, the turmoil triggered by the 2020 presidential election has put in the spotlight the mounting challenges facing Lukashenko’s authoritarian rule. This paper investigates the state of human rights and political freedoms in Belarus, focusing on the main rationale behind the turmoil surrounding the 2020 presidential election. It concludes that the political crisis following the elections is the unsurprising consequence of Lukashenko’s diminishing ability to maintain power or concentrate political control by preserving elite unity, controlling elections, and/or using force against opponents. Keywords: Belarus, human rights, authoritarian rule, elections, civil society. Introduction Situated in the European Union - Russia shared neighborhood, Belarus has been characterized by ‘Soviet nostalgia’ rather than European aspirations. Politically, Belarus shows more similarities with the republics of post-Soviet Central Asia than with its neighbors in Europe. Since the collapse of the Soviet Union Belarus has gone from being a new and fragile democracy to a pariah state, largely regarded as “the last dictatorship in Europe” (Rudling 2008). Nevertheless, the anti-government protests following the 2020 presidential election show that despite the administrative, police and propaganda measures the Belarusian opposition and civil society managed to produce a real challenge to the existing status quo. -
Securing the Belt and Road Initiative: China's Evolving Military
the national bureau of asian research nbr special report #80 | september 2019 securing the belt and road initiative China’s Evolving Military Engagement Along the Silk Roads Edited by Nadège Rolland cover 2 NBR Board of Directors John V. Rindlaub Kurt Glaubitz Matt Salmon (Chairman) Global Media Relations Manager Vice President of Government Affairs Senior Managing Director and Chevron Corporation Arizona State University Head of Pacific Northwest Market East West Bank Mark Jones Scott Stoll Co-head of Macro, Corporate & (Treasurer) Thomas W. Albrecht Investment Bank, Wells Fargo Securities Partner (Ret.) Partner (Ret.) Wells Fargo & Company Ernst & Young LLP Sidley Austin LLP Ryo Kubota Mitchell B. Waldman Dennis Blair Chairman, President, and CEO Executive Vice President, Government Chairman Acucela Inc. and Customer Relations Sasakawa Peace Foundation USA Huntington Ingalls Industries, Inc. U.S. Navy (Ret.) Quentin W. Kuhrau Chief Executive Officer Charles W. Brady Unico Properties LLC Honorary Directors Chairman Emeritus Lawrence W. Clarkson Melody Meyer Invesco LLC Senior Vice President (Ret.) President The Boeing Company Maria Livanos Cattaui Melody Meyer Energy LLC Secretary General (Ret.) Thomas E. Fisher Long Nguyen International Chamber of Commerce Senior Vice President (Ret.) Chairman, President, and CEO Unocal Corporation George Davidson Pragmatics, Inc. (Vice Chairman) Joachim Kempin Kenneth B. Pyle Vice Chairman, M&A, Asia-Pacific (Ret.) Senior Vice President (Ret.) Professor, University of Washington HSBC Holdings plc Microsoft Corporation Founding President, NBR Norman D. Dicks Clark S. Kinlin Jonathan Roberts Senior Policy Advisor President and Chief Executive Officer Founder and Partner Van Ness Feldman LLP Corning Cable Systems Ignition Partners Corning Incorporated Richard J. -
Economic Sanctions and Anti-Money Laundering Developments 2020 YEAR in REVIEW
Economic Sanctions and Anti-Money Laundering Developments 2020 YEAR IN REVIEW February 22, 2021 © 2021 Paul, Weiss, Rifkind, Wharton & Garrison LLP. In some jurisdictions, this publication may be considered attorney advertising. Past representations are no guarantee of future outcomes. Client Memorandum February 22, 2021 Economic Sanctions and Anti-Money Laundering Developments Table of Contents Executive Summary ................................................................................................................................................................................................... 3 Treasury’s Office of Foreign Assets Control..................................................................................................................................................... 4 Changes in OFAC Sanctions Programs ......................................................................................................................................................... 5 Guidance ................................................................................................................................................................................................................ 10 Enforcement Actions......................................................................................................................................................................................... 13 Treasury’s Financial Crimes Enforcement Network...................................................................................................................................