THE ECONOMIC WEEKLY May 22, 1965

conclusion that emerges is that it is not 2 The lead of the Opposition can­ 4 See the "Bye-Elections Committee issues but the organisational compe­ didates over the Congress: 50,454 Report", All-India Congress Com­ tence of a political party in mobilising in Amroha; 57,588 in Farrukhabad; mittee, New Delhi, a wide range of support that is the 14,151 in Rajkot. critical factor in electoral behaviour. In 3 Of the 10 bye-elections held to 5 For a theoretical interpretation of India, the conclusion is important for the Lok Sabha since the third the Congress dominance system, both the Congress and the Opposition. general elections upto July, 1963, which was also used as a point of the Congress won in 4 as against departure for the bye-election 8 in the general elections. Of 49 studies, see Rajni Kothari, The Notes bye-elections to the Legislative Party System, 'The Economic 1 Amroha: 19 May, 1963; Farrukha- Assemblies, the Congress won in Weekly, June 3. 1961; and "The bad: 19 May 1963; Rajkot: 26 28 as against 26 in the general Congress 'System' in India,'' Asian May '63. elections. Survey, December 1964,

THREE BYE-ELECTIONS-I Congress Defeat in Amroha A Case Study in One Party Dominance Bashir Ahmed Considering the various factors that operated during the Amroha bye-election. Acharya Kripalani's victory hardly appears to have been a verdict for or against the policies or record of the Congress, For, not only did an issue like the Chinese aggression fail to evoke much interest among the majority of voters but even those policies and actions of the Congress Government that adversely affected the interests of the people failed to have a bear­ ing on the way they finally voted. Even communalism with all its psychological and emotional overtones played no more than an accentuating role in the elections inasmuch as it merely reinforced the existing opposition to the Congress. For the Congress it­ self however, it did bring in more votes from the Muslims but this accretion of electoral support was not of material importance to the outcome of the election. The outcome was decided, if anything, by the opposition the Congress had been facing over the years from the influential elements in the social structure whom it has failed to accommodate in the organisation, The vote against the Congress in the bye-election was, therefore, no more than another expression of the struggle against the incumbent leadership in the Congress that these influential elements have been waging at successive elections in the district. The Congress continues to be the focal point of political power in the district and its reverse in Amroha underlines precisely this dominant position in district politics, [The study of the Farrukhabad bye-election by Ramashray Roy will appear next week and that of the Rajkot bye-election by Rushikesh Maru the week after.] THE selection of the Congress can- three of the five other Independents minute choice of such a senior leader didate and the struggle for posi­ who had also filed their nominations and the keenness shown by Menon and tions within the Congress party from Amroha, The Congress party, his close ideological associate Malaviya, dominated the bye-election in Amroha, however, took, a long time choosing Union Minister for Mines and Fuel, one of the two parliamentary consti­ its own nominee. who after Menon's departure from the tuencies in the Moradabad District of Government had become a major tar­ Uttar Pradesh. The election was held Finally on April 7, the Central Parli­ get of opposition attack, save a new in May 1963 following the death of amentary Board of the Congress pick­ significance to the Amroha bye-election the sitting Congress M P Maulana ed Ram Saran, a local leader, whose and turned it into a prestige contest Hifzur Rehman. One of the first to name had been recommended by both for the Congress. announce his candidature for the elec­ the DCC and the PCC as its candidate. tion was Acharya J B Kripalani who But it changed its mind on the day the Apparently the Congress chose Am­ defeated in the 1962 General Elections nominations were to close and re­ roha for a major trial of strength be­ by V K Krishna Menon in the well- placed him with Hafiz Mohammed cause Acharya Kripalani, one of the known North Bombay contest, WAS in Ibrahim, a member of the Union Cabi­ most prominent of its critics, had de­ search of a seat in Parliament; Though net and the Central Parliamentary cided to contest the seat. It was pro­ contesting the election as an indepen­ Board. Lest delay or irregularity be bably believed that his defeat, at a dent, Acharya Kripalani had the sup­ committed in the filing of the papers time when the opposition was subject­ port of all the opposition parties ex­ leading to their possible rejection, the ing the Government to the most severe cept the Communist party. The Repub­ responsibility for completing this for­ kind of criticism, would silence such lican party, which had earlier entered mality was taken upon themselves by criticism or at least make it less effec­ the contest, retired from it in favour Krishna Menon and K D Malaviya both tive. Conversely, the Congress victory of Acharya Kripalani after the last of whom personally went from Delhi to against Acharya Kripalani would vir­ date for withdrawals was over, as did Moradabad for this purpose. The last tually amount to a popular vindication May 22, 1965 THE ECONOMIC WEEKLY

of their stand and policies. At least, For this purpose we selected some of Similarly the Gold Control policy of this was how Mrs Indira Gandhi posed the major planks of Congress policy the Government of India which had the matter before the electors. Addres­ and record that had constituted the provoked one of the major controver­ sing a public meeting on the eve of main focus of attack from the Opposi­ sies of the period hardly evoked much elections in Moradabad, she said the tion both inside and outside Parliament concern among the voters. In the rural Congress believes that Hafiz Mohamm­ immediately preceding the election, and areas the issues failed 'to have an im­ ed Ibrahim's success was necessary for had been brought before the electorate pact on a majority of the voters for re­ India's political future, its domestic in Amroha during the course of the asons which were best summed up by and foreign policies and for democracy, election campaign. We then interview­ a voter in Deeppur village when he said: while Acharya Kripalani's victory would ed voters in towns and the rural areas ''How does it matter to us whether mean upsetting of everything for which to see how and to what extent policy there is gold control or not In the the nation and Congress had stood and issues and the record of the Govern­ first place we could never buy gold striven for so far. ment became part of the frame of re­ even when it was available in 'pure' ference within which they made up form. But when in the past some of The opposition also formulated the their mind to vote the way they did- us could and did buy it, we were al­ issue in similar terms. Two of its We present below the evidence we col­ ways cheated by the goldsmith. Now spokesmen issued a statement in which lected as also an analysis of the factors at least with 'impure gold in the mar­ they argued that the "enthusiasm that influenced the outcome of the ket none of us will be tempted to buy shown by Mr Krishna Menon and Mr elections. it and will be saved from being cheat­ K D Malaviya in sponsoring the candi­ ed.' In the urban areas again neither dature of Hafiz Mohammed Ibrahim is II the reaction nor the reasons for it were proof that it is not really the Congress very different. Deep resentment ever that is contesting the election but Mr Issues Affecting the People the Gold Control Policy was found Menon and his group . . . Our retreat Considering the severity of criticism only among the goldsmiths concentrat­ during the Chinese invasion was the that Nehru Government's failure to ed in some of the towns but forming result of the policies of Mr Menon. secure the country's frontiers against on the whole an infinitesimal part of Every vote for Hafiz Mohammed the Chinese had provoked from the the electorate in Amroha. Ibrahim will, therefore, be a vote for Opposition and Menon's association Mr Krishna Menon's policies'. By with the policy leading to it, we assum­ The rise in prices and the shortage approaching the Amroha election in ed that much of the vote against the of food and other commodities, how­ this manner both the Congress and Congress would reflect the peoples re­ ever, had a more widespread impact the Opposition, therefore, chose to fight action in this regard, particularly since particularly since its consequences were it on the basis of the Government's re­ Menon had also chosen to identify him­ felt directly by the people in their day cord and national policies. self so closely with the Congress candi­ to day existence. Most adversely affect- date in Amroha. But we found that ed were the people in towns who form Consistent with such an approach only the educated in the Constituency 21.5 per cent of the population in the towards the election, Acharya Kripa- were agitated about the military de­ Constituency, while for the 78.5 per ianfs impressive victory over Hafiz bacle on our North Eastern borders in cent of the population in rural areas Mohammed Ibrahim by a margin of 1962 while the event failed to figure as the ill effects were somewhat mitigated 50,454 votes, in what was virtually a one of the important considerations in by their ability to produce part of straight tight (see Table I), came to be the voting decision of the other voters. what they required. The consumption interpreted by the Opposition as an ex­ pression of the peoples lack of con­ fidence in Nehru's Government and led Table 1 : Amroha Parliamentary Constituency—Votes Polled by Candidates in to the demand on their part that fresh 1963 Bye-Election elections be held throughout the coun­ try. Even some of the newspapers saw in the Congress defeat in Amroha an expression of popular disapproval of the Government's policies and perform­ ance, particularly of its "failures on the food and planning fronts and laxity in the maintenance of standards of public life . . . (Editorial, Hindustan Times, May 23, 1963; also see Editorial, Indian Express, Delhi, May 22, 1963.)

Was such an interpretation of the election warranted? Was the Amroha bye-election a verdict of the people on the policies, programme and perform­ Source: Table compiled from the boothwise returns supplied by the District ance of the Congress Party? With a Election Office. Same source was used for all voting data appearing view to answering these questions, our in the subsequent tables. study in Amroha began with an in­ Identifies candidates who retired from the election. Of the two quiry into the extent to which policy Independents who remained in the contest Ali Bahadur was new issues and the record of the party in to the constituency having come recently from Delhi. Zabar Singh power figured in the voting decision of also is little known in the constituency his influence being confined the adult citizens in the Constituency. primarily to the Hassanpur North and South Constituencies,

848 THE ECONOMIC WEEKLY May 22, 1965 pattern of village Dhakia1 (See Tables kinds of complaints, the resentment from what we had noticed it to be in 2-A and 2-B), which is more or less among the people was fairly strong Amroha. A Hindustan Times Corres­ the pattern in other villages in this even when the specific and immediate pondent visiting the rural areas in constituency, shows that 54.8 per cent complaints were in themselves negligi­ Jaunpur found, for instance, that the of the food was produced by the ble. people were unhappy about the emer­ households, where they had to buy the gency surcharge on land revenue and remaining 45.2 per cent of their total Do these grievances among the other rural imports as they were about food requirement spending Rs 1202 for people ever find an expression in their the rising prices and shortage of ker­ the purpose. In contrast to the quanti­ votes? Did they find such an expres­ osene and sugar. He also reported that ty of food they purchased from out­ sion in Amroha? The electoral re­ the Jan Sangh which was opposing the side, their purchases of non-food arti­ cord of Madala Fatehpur and Magla, Congress here in a straight fight was cles was only 40,60 per cent of their the villages referred to above, shows fully exploiting the situation. (Hindus­ total requirements. Interestingly how­ that at least in their case the vote did tan Times, May 4, 1963). In several ever, the money spent on non-food not reflect such a relationship. Form­ respects in fact the situation here was items was only slightly more than ing between the two of them the poll­ much less favourable to the Congress half the amount they had spent on the ing booth No 35 in the Sambhal As­ than it was in Amroha. purchase of food items. Thus the tab­ sembly Constituency, Madala Fatehpur les show that the villages were far from and Nagla gave the Congress a major­ For one thing, the Congress was self-sufficient either in the matter of ity in both the 1962 election and the contesting here for a seat it had lost food or non-food articles. Their posi­ 1963 bye-elections to the Parliament, in 1962. For another, its candidate tion, though better than that of the notwithstanding the grievances the vill­ was a local leader while his rival was urban population, did not really re­ agers had against the Government and no less a person than the General main unaffected by the rise in prices the Congress. Secretary of the Bharatiya Jan Sangh, and the shortage of food and other which has its major base in U P. commodities. Taking the Constituency as a whole, Organisationally also while twenty the position does not seem to be any Central and State Ministers camped different in this regard. An analysis of in Amroha for the election and ample Factors Affecting an Election votes polled by the Congress and the funds were poured into the campaign Perhaps the greatest concern and agi­ Opposition at the Third General Elec­ there, in Jaunpur the campaign machi­ tation among the people was over mat­ tions and the 1963 bye-elections shows nery lacked adequate resources. On ters that were primarily administrative that in towns where the people were the other hand, the Jan Sangh had in nature. For instance there was wide­ adversely affected by the rise in prices an elaborate set up with a fleet of cars, spread complaint against the manner and shortage of food and other com­ in which the National Defence Fund modities, Congress actually polled was collected in the District. While 15,067 votes more in 1963 than it had Table 2 A : Consumption Pattern no one ever questioned the need for polled in 1962. In the rural areas where —Village Dhakia such a contribution being collected too the people did not escape the ad­ Value of weekly consumption of food from the people, they all objected to verse affects of increasing prices and articles by Households in rupees its being taken at several points and shortages and had in addition a host All Households Food through several agencies. Likewise they of specific grievances against the gov­ resented the pressure and the force ernment Congress only lost: a negligible Home that was sometimes used in the process. 802 votes from what it had polled in Purchased Produced In Amroha and part of the Hasanpur 1962. On the other hand, the Opposi­ Cereals 476 1150 Tehsil there were additional complaints tion, to which should have logically relating to the extortion of bribes by gone the advantages of rising prices, (29.3%) (70.7%) officers in charge of the land consolida­ food shortages and all the other griev­ Total food 1202 1455 tion proceedings that were under way in ances among the people, actually lost (45.2%) (54.8%) these areas during the period imme­ 9,763 votes in towns and 1,517 in the Table 2 B : Consumption Pattern diately before the election. More loca­ rural areas. In terms of the overall —Village Dhakia lised and specific were the complaints position also, the Congress fared much Value of weekly expenditure on non- in some of the villages we visited. In better this time than it had done in food articles and total weekly expen­ the Sambhal Assembly Constituency 1962. For while the Congress added diture in rupees 14.265 votes to its 1962 figure, the which forms part of the Amroha Par­ All Households liamentary Constituency, we found Opposition actually dropped 11,280 voters in Madala Fatehpur and Nagla votes from its previous total Home villages exercised over the non-fulhl- Purchased Produced ment of the promise made by leaders The assumption, therefore, seems well and officers alike to complete the work warranted that the way people vote is Non-Food started in 1957 on the Sambhal-Amro- determined by factors other than the Articles 696 1023 ha road that passes very close to their policies and performance of the Gov­ (40.00%) (60.00%) villages. Similar grievances were voiced ernment. Additional support for such Total number of Households in in the other villages we visited in the an assumption comes from Congress Dhakia is 191. Constituency, Very often these were victory in a bye-election in Jaunpur, a Source: "Continuous Village Survey: mentioned along with complaints about parliamentary constituency in U P Dhakia Village, U P", Agro- corrupt, unjust and high-handed be­ where elections were held at the same Economic Research Centre, haviour of government officials and time as the bye-elections in Amroha. Delhi University, The Sur­ politicians in the past. As a conse­ The Party's position in terms of poli­ vey has not been published quence of such a linking of these two cies and record here was no different yet.

849 May 22, 1965 THE ECONOMIC WEEKLY

cycle squads, host of speakers and ing from the accommodation of the economically powerful caste, and from canvassers to conduct the campaign most influential individuals in the dis­ the less prosperous and small but high since Jaunpur was a prestige contest trict and the resulting aggregation of caste of Tiyagis. From the big and for it just as Amroha was for the Con­ the most vital elements of the electo­ perhaps economically the most well-off gress. But despite what were by all rate in the area within the Party fold. caste of Jats in the district as from standards considerable odds against And it is precisely in this respect that the equally rich but small caste of the it, the Congress won by a handsome the Congress in Moradabad District, Thakur, no one of significance could margin of 8,000 votes, thus regaining of which the Amroha Parliamentary ever be attracted into its ranks. This the seat it had lost to the Jan Sangh Constituency forms a part,2 appears to was probably because both the Jats in 1962. have been particularly defecient. and the Thakurs who held most of the "Zamindaris" in the area regard­ What caused the Congress victory ed causes espoused by the Congress Ill in Jaunpur? Our inquiry shows that in this period as opposed to their in­ the most important factor was the The Support Base of the Congress terests. Rather than join the Congress, latter-day patching up of differences almost all the Jat and Thakur notables in the ranks of the influential Thakurs in Moradabad District joined the Agriculturist Party that who control the DCC Considering The total population of Moradabad was formed in the thirties to repre­ the otherwise unfavourable situation district according to the 3 961 Census sent the interests of the Zamindars for the Party, this development proved is 19,73,530, 23,58 per cent of which and the rich peasants in UP. Even of critical importance to the successful lives in the 14 towns in the district, after independence the relations bet­ outcome of the bye-election. For the while the remaining 76.42 per cent ween them and the Congress did not Thakurs forming a numerically large is spread over the rural parts of the change. On the contrary, they became, group and possessing considerable district.-1 Among the numerically im­ if anything, a little more hostile in economic power and high social status, portant communities1 living in the their attitude towards the Congress, have virtually controlled the political rural areas are the Scheduled Castes, particularly since measures like the life of the District through their in­ the Chauhans, Jats, Ahirs and Kahars, Zamindari Abolition Act sponsored by fluence in the rural areas. Although while between 60 to 65 per cent of it affected their interests adversely. they are not the only element of the the large Muslim community and about district population represented in the the same proportion of Vaishyas and Although the Congress failed with DCC, agreements and disagreements Brahmans live in towns. Besides these the Jats and the Thakurs, it was able among them have always proved to numerically large communities, there to attract a few leaders from among be crucial to the performance of the are the other agricultural castes of the Ahirs and from some of the Sche­ Party in the elections. The Congress Thakurs, Bishnois and Tiyagis, which duled Castes into its ranks. In fact, defeat in the Third General Elections though small in number are important by 1938 the rural element in the Con­ in Jaunpur had followed differences elements in the area because of the gress was so large that it was possible among the influential Thakurs in the high degree of social and political for Shiv Swarup Singh, a Chauhan, Constituency. Likewise a rapproach- articulation they possess. and Muni Dev, a Tiyagi, to become ment between them had enabled it to the President and General Secretary of win nine of the ten positions of Block Of all these elements it was the the DCC, respectively. They remained Pramukhs in the Jaunpur Parliament­ urban-middle class individuals belong­ in virtually complete control of the ary area in the elections held just ing to the Vaishya, Brahmin and Mus­ organisation till 1949 when differences prior to the 1963 parliamentary con­ lim communities who originally esta­ between them, arising mainly out of test. Seen in this context, therefore, blished and ran the Congress in Mora­ personal ambitions, allowed others like the Congress victory in Jaunpur ap­ dabad till 1938, The organisation did, Ram Saran, Dau Dayal Khanna and pears to have been less a function of however, manage to gain, by the early Jagdish Prasad, who belonged to the popular policies or a satisfactory re­ thirties, the support of influential indi­ group of urban-middle class indivi­ cord of the Congress Government, and viduals from among the Chauhans, a duals that ran the Congress originally more of organisational cohesion result­ numerically large, ritually high and to stage a come back. By 1951 the

Table 3: Congress and Non-Congress Share of the Rural and Urban Votes Polled In Amroha Parliamentary Elections, 1962 and 1963 1962 General Election 1963 Bye-Election

The Nori-Congress votes for 1962 include votes polled by the candidates of the Socialist Party, the Jan Sangh, the PSP and four Independents. Non-Omgress votes for 1963 include the votes for the Republican Party nominee, who later withdrew from the contest and of six Independent candidates including Acharya Kripalani. THE ECONOMIC WEEKLY May 22, 1965 leadership passed into their hands. Thakur, Tiyagi, Bishnoi, Brahmin, from some of the politically import- That year Ram Saran was elected Pre­ Jatav, Sunnar and Muslim communi­ ant castes like the Chauhans, Ahirs sident of the DCC while Jagdish ties. Similarly of the 73 others in the and Tiyagis, the present leadership of Prasad became its General Secretary. General Body of the DCC, besides the DCC has, therefore, only augment­ In the factional struggle that led to those already mentioned, 70 are Vai­ ed the opposition the party was al­ their success and in the steps they sub­ shyas, while seven of the fifteen PCC ready facing from the Jats and the sequently took to consolidate their members from the District also belong Thakurs. The consequences of this position, a large number of influential to this caste. development for the Party have been rural leaders belonging to different most inopportune, as is clearly notice­ castes were pushed out of important This failure of the Party in Morada­ able in the increasing losses the Con­ positions in the party and in some bad to accommodate effectively the gress has suffered at successive elec- cases sent out of the organization other communities is particularly pre­ lions in both the Assembly and Par­ itself. In a few instances individuals judicial to the interests of the Con­ liamentary Constituencies in the Dis­ even left the Party on their own. gress party, in view of the political trict. influence some of these appear to wield As a consequence of these develop­ in the rural areas. Some idea of the IV ments, the Congress in Moradabad once extent of this influence is provided by again reached very nearly the position an analysis of the caste affiliations of Congress Position Till 1962 from which it had originally started. the 19 Pramukhs and ?9 Representa­ Moradabad district has two Parlia­ Today almost all the important offices tives that each Block Samithi sent to mentary and eleven Assembly Consti­ and positions in the DCC are held by the Zila Parishad in 1961. tuencies. Moradabad Pailiamentary Vaishyas while the representation of Constituency, known after the district other communities in the organisation As Table 4 shows, while only 3 of itself, covers the six Assembly Cons­ seems at best to have become merely the 38 of the Pramukhs and Repre­ tituencies of Moradabad (City), Mora­ nominal in character. Of the nine sentatives from the Block Samithis dabad (Rural), Thakurdwara, Chan- office-bearers, for instance, 5, including were Vaishya, 23 of them came from dausi, Bhaijoi and Bellary, while the the President and the General Secre­ the three economically powerful castes Amroha Parliamentary Constituency is tary, are Vaishya, while 2 are Chau­ of Jats, Chauhans and Thakurs in the made up of the remaining five Assem­ hans, 1 a Brahmin and 1 a Muslim. District, while 7 belonged to the less bly Constituencies of Hasan pur North, Again, in the 20-man Executive, there rich but landowning Ahir and Tiyagi Hasanpur South, Amroha, Kanth and are 9 Vaishyas, 2 Chauhans and one Castes. By alienating over the years Sambhal. In the First General Flec­ each from among the Jar, Ahir, the sympathies of heading individuals tions the Congress was able to cap-

Table 4 : Caste Affiliations of the Block Pramukhs and Representatives in the Moradabad Zilla Parishad

851 May 22, 1965 THE ECONOMIC WEEKLY

lure both the Parliamentary and all lost the contest in the Moradabad Sabha seat in the Amroha Parliamen­ the eleven Assembly seats in the Dis­ Parliamentary Constituency where it tary area. trict At the Second General Elections also dropped another Assembly seat But even in Amroha, the Congress it retained both the Parliamentary while its position remained unchanged was not able to draw adequate sup­ seats but lost four of the Assembly in Amroha. Therefore by 1962 the port from the 4,18,384 voters, 78.5 seats in the Moradabad Parliamentary Congress was left in the District with per cent of whom are in rural areas Constituency and two in the Amroha only one Assembly seat in the Mora­ while the remaining 21.5 per cent are Parliamentary Constituency. In the dabad Parliamentary Constituency and in the seven towns in the Constitu­ 1962 General Elections, however, it three Assembly seats and the Lok ency. In the 1962 elections to the Par-

852 THE ECONOMIC WEEKLY May 22, 1965 liament, the Congress polled 63,975 or for we notice that the differences be­ is the position in Amroha and in Mor- only 15.32 per cent of these votes. tween his votes and those polled by adabad. Many of the locally influential Between urban and rural parts of the Shri Sukhanlal increase as the Muslim individuals who have contested against constituency, its percentage share of vote falls. Even so a substantial part the Congress candidates in Moradabad, votes polled was higher in the former of the Congress support in both the sometimes as independents and some­ than in the latter (see Table 5). In Assembly and the Parliamentary con­ times under the label of one or the the urban areas the bulk of the Mus­ stituencies could only have come from other of the opposition parties, seem lims, who constitute between 35 to 37 the Muslims since the Congress share to have done so more out of a desire per cent of the electorate, are con­ of the vote falls as the percentage of to pressurise the local leadership into centrated. As Table 6 shows, Muslims non-Muslim voters and of total voters taking them into the Congress fold constitute from 60 to 70 per cent of in the constituency increases. Thus by than with the desire of ousting the the population in the three large towns 1962 the Congress support was not Party out of power. And very often of Hassanpur, Amroha and Sambhal only confined to a rather restricted geo­ they seem to have succeeded, in the and the two small towns of Bachraon graphical area but also to a narrow realisation of this aim. In 1962, for and Naugaon. In the two other small social base in the district. instance, Haith Ram and Bishan Singh towns of Kanth and Dhanaura, they of the PSP and Kunwar Narendar- constitute half the population in the The foregoing analysis of the Con­ singh, a locally influential former former and 35 per cent in the latter. gress position prior to the 1963 bye- zamindar, and a non-party man, were election should not, however, lead us taken into the Congress. Their ad­ The larger share of the urban votes to the conclusion that the Party is on mission, however, followed their suc­ that the Congress got in the 1962 its way out in the district To do so, cess at the Third General Elections elections was, we suspect, due to the we believe, will be to ignore one very against Congress candidates in the As­ Muslim support for it in the towns. important factor in the situation, name­ sembly Constituencies of Bellary, Bhai- And it is also from the Muslims that ly the position and role of the Con­ joi and Chandausi, respectively. The a substantial part of the Congress gress Party in local, state and national D C C leaders were obviously compell­ support was probably drawn even in politics. Holding immense patronage ed to bring them in since the election the rural part of the constituency. and vast resources through its control of these individuals had the effect of of Government in the State and the Although it is not possible to esta­ wiping out the Congress from the country as a whole, the Congress has Moradabad Parliamentary area. This blish this fact satisfactorily due to the become the focus of all political acti­ move of the Party, not only tilted, the nature of data available, a booth-wise vities in the district. Those out of it balance in its favour but also as a analysis of votes polled by the Con­ wish to come into its fold, while those corollary rendered the opposition's gress candidate for the Assembly, Sri within it but not in positions of leader­ success a temporary achievement. In Sukhanlal, and the Congress candidate ship want to attain these positions. It the long run, the overall effect of the for Parliament, Maulana Hifzur Reh- is in this context, therefore, that the Congress policy to absorb influential man, in the Hassanpur South (Reserve) opposition to the Congress, both from opponents when really pressed to the Assembly Constituency in 1962 pro­ outside and from within its own ranks, wall has been to prevent the crystalli­ vides us with some empirical basis, should be viewed. That at any rate sation and institutionalisation of op- for making such an assumption. Hassanpur South is a completely rural constituency with a Hindu majo­ rity and a fairly large Scheduled Caste population. Muslims spread all over the constituency have a majority only at six of the seventysevon of the poll­ ing booths while at 39 others their minimum number is at least 100, An analysis of the poll at the 77 polling booths in the constituency reveals a close relationship between Congress votes and the number of Muslim voters (see Table 7). The Table shows that Congress vote increases, both in the case of Sukhanlal a Hindu, and Maulana Hifzur Rehman, a Muslim, as the number of Muslim voters at the polling booths goes up, although the percentage of votes polled by the two is not always the same. There is a variation of approximately 4½ to 5½ per cent in the votes polled by them in the first two categories of polling booths, while in the three that follow, it ranges from 1 per cent to nearly 2½ per cent (see the Table) One of the main reasons for these variations could have been the inability of Maulana Hifzur Rehman to attract Hindu votes, 853 May 22, 1965 THE ECONOMIC WEEKLY position in the district. Even the PSP above.' Individuals from within the in the Congress, for instance, have (now SSP) which had been the most Congress, particularly those belonging supported in the past both independ­ successful of the opposition parties in to the 'out-group in the DCC have ents and opposition party candidates the area with two electoral victories in also contributed to the rather impres­ contesting against the nominees of their 1957 and three in 1962 to its credit sive though ephemeral strength the own party. Their main idea in doing for instance has failed to acquire a per­ Opposition has exhibited at the suc­ so has apparently been to secure the manent support base and establish a cessive elections in the area. Chaud- defeat of as many Congress candidates regular organisation in Moradabad, hury Shiv Swarup Singh and Muni as possible so that the dominant group There is a corollary to what is said Deo pushed out of positions of power in the district organisation is discredit-

854 THE ECONOMIC WEEKLY May 22, 1965 ed and the Congress leaders in the tion was the latent feeling, particularly time of elections. In deciding on elec­ State are forced to acknowledge their in the articulate sections of the Hindu tion strategy, however, great care is influence, placing the control of the community that the Muslims have a needed in the handling of prevailing DCC once more into their hands. disproportionately large representation sentiments and climate of opinion. By from the District than their numbers choosing in such a crude and trans­ V warranted. This feeling was based on parent fashion a Muslim as its candi­ the fact that unlike in the past when date in an area where communalism The Significance of the a Hindu and a Muslim were returned was lying, as it were, near the surface, Bye-Election from the two parliamentary constitu­ the Congress, wittingly or unwittingly, encies in Moradabad District, both the turned it into an active element in the AH of this provides the overall con­ successful candidates at the 1962 elec­ constituency. If it was the expectation text against which the Amroha bye- tions were Muslims, although one was of the Congress that Acharya Kripalani election has to be seen. The bye-elec­ returned on Congress ticket and the will ignore the resentment that its own tion provided Chaudhury Shiv Swamp other on that of the Republican Parly. action produced in the majority com­ and all the others in the district orga­ Ram Saran's replacement by Hafiz munity then it must have been dis­ nisation who were opposed to the pre­ Mohammed Ibrahim, therefore, instant­ appointed. For Acharya Kripalani, as sent DCC leadership with an excellent ly produced resentment in certain sec­ keen on winning the election as the opportunity to pursue the strategy tions of the Hindu community against Congress itself, not only took cogniz­ they had been following in the past and the Congress and made communalism ance of the sentiments of the majority possibly invite intervention this time into a major election issue in Amroha. community but also fully exploited from the highest quarters in their fav­ No party can in reality ignore the them. our. The importance the Prime Mini­ ethnic and caste composition of a con­ Throughout his campaign great ster himself appeared to attach to the stituency in making its choices at the stress was placed on the motives of the outcome of what: had become a prestige contest for the Congress seemed to in­ dicate the seriousness with which the Congress High Command could be ex­ pected to view the defeat of its nominee on this occasion. Regarding this as a rare chance, what could be called the 'out-group in Moradabad Congress, did all it could to secure the defeat of Hafiz Mohammed Ibrahim. It was greatly helped in its efforts in this direction by the attitude the 'domin­ ant-group' adopted towards the out­ come of the elections. Piqued at the last minute replacement of its own man, Ram Saran, the 'dominant-group', which was entrusted with the task of organising the campaign, showed little interest in working for Hafiz Mohamm­ ed Ibrahim. Both, the dominant- group's indifference and the out-group's work against their own Party's nominee, could not but have favoured Acharya Kripalani. Looked at in this back­ ground, the vote against Congress in Amroha, therefore, appears not as an expression of opposition to the Party as such but a reflection of the struggle of different elements in the district to get access to positions of control in the Party.

Communalism as an Issue It was perhaps such an awareness of internal struggle and of a generally weak support base of the Congress in the district which impelled the Con­ gress High Command to choose Hafiz Mohammed Ibrahim, a Muslim, rather than a senior Congress leader belong­ ing to some other community when it decided to make Amroha into a prestige *The' analysis of Hindu-Muslim votes in the table was done on the basis contest. But what the Congress leaders of the electoral rolls for the constituency. Booth-wise returns were taken apparently did not take into considera­ from the District Election Office. 855 May 22, 1965 THE ECONOMIC WEEKLY

Congress leadership in replacing Saran own number to the Parliament! In the were activated and references were by Hafiz Mohammed Ibrahim. To the rural areas the matter was posed more made to real of imaginary instances in more sophisticated audiences in towns directly though perhaps a little crudely which Muslims supposed to have been the change was represented as a kind by Acharya Kripalani's workers who with the Congress had in reality joined of challenge to the Hindu community. had gone and settled down in the vill­ hands with other members of their com­ It was argued that if 37 per cent of ages several days before the poll was munity and had by acting secretly as a the Muslim voters in the Constituency held. The choice before them, the vill­ group, brought about the defeat of can be expected to elect a Muslim agers were told, was whether they will Congress Hindu candidates in the past. candidate, then surely 63 per cent vote for Choti or for iBoti',5 All kinds Such arguments and stories received Hindus can also return one of their of deep prejudices against the Muslims greater credence among the people due

856 THE ECONOMIC WEEKLY May 22, 1965

to the way Hafiz Mohammed Ibrahim's its size/ It is, therefore, arguable that continuous decline in its vote at suc­ campaign was conducted With it were even if the communal factor had not cessive elections had made Amroha into associated local Muslims who had al­ operated in the bye-election in the a marginal constituency for the Con­ ways opposed the Congress in the past. manner it did, the vote against the gress. Its percentage share of the votes A man like Nawab Yusuf Ali Khan who Congress would have perhaps remain­ polled which was 47.60 in 1952 went had opposed the Congress candidate ed the same. It is doubtful, though, if down to 39.17 in 1957 and fell even Jaydish Prasad in the Hassanpur North the same could be said of the support further in 1962 to a mere 27 per cent. Assembly contest at the Third General received by the Congress. For at this All through, its successes were possible Election was now, for instance, playing election the way the campaigns of both due to the multiplicity of candidates an important role in organising support the candidates were conducted created opposing it. At the First General Elec­ for Hafizji. Then there were the in the minority community of Muslims tion the 52.40 per cent non-Congress Muslim divines from the shrines of which is peculiarly sensitive and self- vote was, for instance, shared by the Ajmer and other religious places who conscious, a frame of mind in which candidates of the Socialist, Jan Sangh virtually turned the campaign into holy Acharya Kripalani's election came to and Kisan Mazdoor Praja Parties, in crusade by the kind of speeches they symbolise a threat to its vital interests 1957 over 60 per cent of the votes reli­ delivered. Wherever they spoke they in the District. With this kind of per­ ed were shared by the candidates of referred to the past greatness of the ception, the Muslim community which two opposition parties, namely, the Jan Muslims, their present 'plight' and the had remained divided due to sectional, Sangh and the Praja Socialist and one need to defend their religious, cultural personal and political differences in the Independent, while in 1962, 73 per cent and political rights which, the Muslims past, closed its ranks, turned out in of the votes polled were distributed were informed, were in jeopardy due great numbers and polled heavily for among four candidates of the opposi­ to the rise of Hindu communalism that Hafiz Mohammed Ibrahim, thus enabl­ tion parties (S P, Jan Sangh, PSP, Re­ Acharya Kripalani's campaign repre­ ing Congress to register an increase of publican) and four independents (see sented. 22 per cent over the votes it had polled Table 8). The decision of all the opposi­ at the 1962 General Elections. All the tion parties which had candidates in additional 14,265 votes the Congress the previous election, to back Acharya How important in fact was the im- received this time came, as Table 5 Kripalani in the bye-election, therefore, pact of this 'communalism on the dis­ shows, entirely from the towns where proved decisive. Though two of the tribution of the vote? In its total Muslims are in a majority. In both five independents who had entered the effect the communal atmosphere pro Amroha and Sambhai its urban vote contest remained in the held while the duced by the two sides appears to have increased by 6,000 each. In Hassanpur others withdrew, they never really were only reinforced the Opposition to the North it increased by a little over 2,300 in the picture because of the limited Congress that had been growing over while in Kanth it went up by 300 votes influence they had in the area. Con­ the years with the alienation of in­ only. In terms of percentage, the Con­ sequently, the election virtually turned fluential leaders from the organisation, gress urban vote, not surprisingly, rose into a straight fight between the Con­ for the non-Congress vote in the Con­ from 37.6 per cent in 1962 to 59 per gress and the opposition with the for­ stituency did not either increase or de­ cent in 1963 (see Table 3). mer losing for the. first time in the crease substantially. Although the non- Constituency, Congress vote did fall from 1,71,396 in 1962 to 1,60,116 in 1963 the loss of But even the 14,265 extra votes it vote in terms of percentage was too polled were not enough to enable the In light of the foregoing analysis of small to signify any major alteration in Congress to win this time. For the long-term trends, it is not difficult to

Table 8 : Distribution of Votes in Four Parliamentary Elections in Amroha

* In Col 6 the votes in the top are those polled by the Socialist Party before in tranformed itself into the PSP. For 1957 the votes are PSP votes. In the split that occured after me Second General Liections Lets a dad his followers left the PSP and formed their own party called the Socialist Party. For 1962 General Flections, therefore, the first figure indicates the votes polled by the PSP (after the split) while the second indicates the votes polled by the new Socialist Party. † In Col 7 the votes for 1952 were polled by the Kisan Mazdoor Praja Party. Vote for the Third General Elections and by the Bye-election in this Col were polled by the Republican Party. ** There was one Independent candidate in 1957, four in 1962 and six in 1963. Of the 1,59,041 votes polled by the Independents in the bye-election, 1,28,694 were secured by Acharya Kripalani and the remaining 30,347 vote were shared by five other Inde­ pendents.

857 May 22, 1965 THE ECONOMIC WEEKLY

see why the Congress leadership was Congress. For the Congress itself, how­ applies equally to the Amroha Con­ so nervous about the Amroha bye-elec­ ever, it did bring in more votes from stituency, tion. To retrieve itself from such a the Muslims but even this accretion difficult situation, however, the party of electoral support for it was not: of 3 Census of India, Paper No 1, 1962. had to fulfil three conditions: material importance to the outcome of election. 4 Community-wise break-up of the (1) It should have won back into its population is not available for 1962 camp those sections of leader­ The outcome was determined if any­ except for the Scheduled Castes. ship that it had alienated during thing by the opposition the Congress According to the District Election the past few years; has been facing over the years from Office the latest figure is 3.17,730. (2) It should have widened its social the influential elements in the social Some idea of the size of the other base; and structure that it has failed to accom­ communities is available from the modate in the organisation. The vote 1961 Census. The total population (3) It should have widened its geo­ against the Congress in the bye-elec­ of the District in 1961 was 1, 28, graphical base, especially adding tions, therefore, was no more than an­ 4,108, of these 7, 45, 669 were substantial rural support to the other expression of the struggle against Hindus and 4, 78, 847 were Mus­ already available urban support. the incumbent leadership in the Con­ lims. The numerically large Hindu gress, that these elements have been It is now clear that the Congress failed Caste in the district were Chamar waging at successive elections in the to fulfil any of these conditions, and 1,73,907; Chauhan — 47.312; Brah­ district as a whole. The Congress thus lost the bye-election min — 39,751; Kahar — 33,887; continues to be the focal point of poli­ Ahir — 33,235; Jat — 30,204 and However, there is no reason to be­ tical power in the district and its re­ Vaishya — 27,574. lieve that the Constituency is lost to verse in Amroha underlines precisely this dominant position of the Congress the Congress forever. So long as those The expression Choti refers to the in district politics. opposing it remain primarily interest­ tuft of hair worn by orthodox Hin­ ed in gaining positions of importance dus at the back of their head. within its organisation so as to be able Boti' is a colloquial expression for to share the benefits of power and Notes beef and refers here to the Mus­ patronage that it alone seems to offer, 1 Village Dhakia forms part of poll­ lims who are beef-eaters. The ex­ any reverse for the Congress is likely ing station No 41 in the Kanth pression boti' also has an emotive, to be temporary, and hence possible Assembly Constituency which is significance for the Hindus who to arrest. The only thing that could one of the five Constituencies revere the cow and have been suc­ stop the position from changing favour­ forming the Amroha Parliamentary cessful in securing a ban on cow ably for the Congress in the future Consruency, slaughter in some of the States, would be the refusal of the incumbent including U P. leadership in the DCC to recognise the 2 In the following section we ciscuss realities of the situation and let in the social basis of the Congress sup­ 6 The 11,280 votes dropped by Oppo­ the elements who were responsible for port in Moradabad district. What is sition amount to only 6.58 per Congress defeat in Amroha. But past said there in respect of Moradabad cent of its vote in 1962. experience shows that the leadership may not adopt such an obdurate at­ titude but instead accommodate with­ in the Party its most influential rivals Irrigation Target for 1965-66 as it had done in the case of the Mora- dabad Parliamentary Constituency. THE Ministry of Irrigation and being taken by the Ministry of Irriga­ Power has set up a Reviewing Com­ tion and Power for close liaison with mittee of officials to examine the pro­ State Governments in achieving this VI gress of works on certain irrigation target. The Committee will review projects which are in an advanced the progress of works in the following Conclusions stage of construction and to remove, nine Stales; Andhra Pradesh, Bihar, Considering all the factors that have as far as possible, the difficulties ex­ Gujarat, Madhya Pradesh, Maharash­ operated during the Amroha bye-elec­ perienced in their execution Irriga­ tra, Orissa, Rajasthan, Uttar Pradesh tion, Acharya Kripalani's victory ap­ tion and multi-purpose, projects taken and West Bengal. pears hardly to have been a verdict up during the First, Second and Third for or against the policies or record Plans are expected to create an i'riga- of the Congress. For not only did an tion potential of 19.4 million acres by The Reviewing Committee is presid­ issue like the Chinese aggression fail March 1966. The potential attained ed over by the Chairman of the Cen­ to evoke much interest among the ma­ by March last year is about 16 million tral Water and Power Commission, jority of voters but even these policies across. The remaining potential has M, R Chopra. The Members of the and actions of the Congress government to be achieved during the current Committee are D B Anand and A R that adversely affected the interests year, the last year of the Third Plan. Venkataraman, both Members of the of the people failed to have a bearing Central Water and Power Commission, on the way they finally voted. Even The average rate of creation of irri­ and G R Iyer, Joint Secretary and communalism with all its psychological gation potential has so far been of K S S Murthy, Deputy Secretary, and emotional overtones played no the order of one million acres a year. Ministry of Irrigation and Power. more than an accentuating role in the The current year's target is three times K V Krishnamurthy, a Director in the election in as much as it merely rein­ the yearly average. The setting up of Central Water and Power Commission, forced the existing opposition to the the Committee is one of the steps is the Committee Member-Secretary. 858