The Effect of Stereotype Threat on the Solving of Quantitative GRE Problems: a Mere Effort Interpretation
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Pers Soc Psychol Bull OnlineFirst, published on May 6, 2009 as doi:10.1177/0146167209335165 The Effect of Stereotype Threat on the Solving of Quantitative GRE Problems: A Mere Effort Interpretation Jeremy P. Jamieson Stephen G. Harkins Northeastern University The mere effort account argues that stereotype threat ways—cognitively, affectively, and motivationally” (p. 397). motivates participants to want to perform well, which Consistent with this view, Schmader, Johns, and Forbes potentiates prepotent responses. If the prepotent response (2008) have identified working memory “as a core cog- is correct, performance is facilitated. If incorrect and nitive faculty that is implicated in cognitive and social participants do not know, or lack the knowledge or time stereotype threat effects” (p. 337). Research has also required for correction, performance is debilitated. The demonstrated the role of affective processes (e.g., anxi- Graduate Record Examinations (GRE) quantitative test ety; Bosson, Haymovitz, & Pinel 2004). In the current is made up of two problem types: (a) solve problems, work, we focus on the contribution of motivation to which require the solution of an equation, and (b) com- threat effects, specifically on Jamieson and Harkins’s parison problems, which require the use of logic and esti- (2007) mere effort account. mation. Previous research shows that the prepotent The mere effort account was suggested by Harkins’s tendency is to attempt to solve the equations. Consistent (2006) analysis of the effect of evaluation on performance. with mere effort predictions, Experiment 1 demonstrates This account argues that evaluation motivates partici- that threatened participants perform better than con- pants to want to perform well, which potentiates whatever trols on solve problems (prepotent response correct) but response is prepotent, or most likely to be produced in a worse than controls on comparison problems (prepotent given situation. If the prepotent response is correct, the response incorrect). Experiment 2 shows that a simple potential for evaluation facilitates performance. If the pre- instruction as to the correct solution approach elimi- potent response is incorrect and participants do not know, nates the performance deficit on comparison problems. or lack the knowledge or time required for correction, performance is debilitated. However, if participants are Keywords: stereotype threat; motivation; mere effort; math; able to recognize that their prepotent tendencies are incor- GRE rect and are given the opportunity to correct, performance will be facilitated. Harkins and his colleagues have found support for the mere effort account of the effect of evalua- tereotype threat refers to the concern that is experi- tion on performance on the Remote Associates Task Senced when one feels “at risk of confirming, as self- (Harkins, 2006), anagrams (McFall, Jamieson, & Harkins, characteristic, a negative stereotype about one’s group” 2009, Experiment 1), the Stroop task (McFall et al., 2009, (Steele & Aronson, 1995, p. 797). A wide range of stere- Experiments 2 and 3), and the antisaccade task (McFall otypes have been tested (e.g., women’s lack of ability in et al., 2009, Experiment 4). math and science: O’Brien & Crandall, 2003; African Americans’ underperformance on standardized tests: Steele Authors’ Note: Correspondence concerning this article should be & Aronson, 1995; White males’ athletic inferiority: Stone, addressed to Jeremy P. Jamieson, Department of Psychology, 125 2002). In each case, concern about confirming the rele- Nightingale Hall, Northeastern University, 360 Huntington Avenue, vant negative stereotype has been shown to negatively Boston, MA 02115-5000; e-mail: [email protected]. affect the performance of the stigmatized individuals. PSPB, Vol. XX No. X, Month XXXX xx-xx Steele, Spencer, and Aronson (2002) have argued DOI: 10.1177/0146167209335165 that these effects “are likely to be mediated in multiple © 2009 by the Society for Personality and Social Psychology, Inc. 1 2 PERSONALITY AND SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGY BULLETIN Jamieson and Harkins (2007) argued that stereotype task, the antisaccade task (Hallett, 1978). This task threat, like the potential for evaluation, can motivate requires participants to respond to a target presented participants, which may bring into play the same proc- randomly on one or the other side of the display. Before ess that Harkins and his colleagues (Harkins, 2006; the target appears, a cue is presented on the opposite side McFall et al., 2009) implicate in the evaluation–per- of the display. Participants are explicitly instructed to formance relationship. Of course, other stereotype not look at this cue but rather to look to the opposite threat research has also argued that the participants side of the display where the target will appear. However, subject to threat are motivated to perform well. For a reflexive-like prepotent tendency to look at the cue must instance, Steele and Aronson (1995) suggest that the be inhibited or corrected to optimize performance. performance of threat participants may suffer because The mere effort account predicts that because the they alternate their attention between trying to answer motivation potentiates the prepotent response, partici- the items and trying to assess the self-significance of pants under stereotype threat will look the wrong direc- their frustration. That is, according to this account, they tion, toward the cue, more often than controls. However, are indeed motivated to solve the problems. However, it because this response is obviously incorrect and partici- is not this motivation in and of itself that affects their pants have the time required for correction, those sub- performance but rather the time spent assessing their ject to threat would also be motivated to launch correct frustration. In contrast, the mere effort account argues saccades (saccades launched toward the target following that motivation plays a direct role in producing the successful inhibition of the reflexive saccade) and cor- effects of threat on performance. rective saccades (saccades launched toward the target Mere effort shares the notion that stereotype threat following reflexive saccades) faster than controls. Once energizes prepotent or dominant responses with the the participants’ eyes arrive at the target area, they must arousal/drive explanations proposed by O’Brien and then determine the target’s orientation and press the Crandall (2003) and Ben-Zeev, Fein, and Inzlicht (2005). appropriate response key. The motivation to perform For example, O’Brien and Crandall argue that the arousal well would make stereotype threat participants try to produced by stereotype threat “is non-specific and serves respond as quickly as possible. Thus, when the partici- to energize behavior in a nondirective way. For this rea- pants see the target, participants subject to threat should son, arousal enhances the emission of dominant responses” respond more quickly than controls. Jamieson and Harkins (p. 783). However, as is also the case for the arousal/ (2007, Experiment 3) found support for each of these drive explanations for social facilitation (e.g., Cottrell, predictions, which taken together, produced faster over- 1972), these accounts do not incorporate the correction all reaction times for participants subject to stereotype process proposed by Harkins and his colleagues (Harkins, threat than for no threat participants with no difference 2006; McFall et al., 2009). in accuracy.1 In addition, it should be noted that the mere effort Jamieson and Harkins’s (2007) research supports the account does not argue that stigmatized individuals are mere effort account of performance on the antisac- motivated to seek out situations to demonstrate their cade task, an inhibition task framed as a measure of proficiency in stereotyped domains. In fact, research has visuospatial capacity. However, most stereotype threat shown that participants subject to threat take advantage research that has focused on the female math-ability of explanations that allow them to deflect responsibility stereotype has used problems taken from standardized for their performance (e.g., Ben-Zeev et al., 2005; Johns, tests, such as the quantitative section of the Graduate Schmader, & Martens, 2005; Keller, 2002; Steele & Record Examinations (GRE) general test (e.g., Ben-Zeev Aronson, 1995; Stone, 2002). Consistent with this view, et al., 2005; Inzlicht & Ben-Zeev, 2003; Schmader & Harkins and his colleagues have demonstrated that Johns, 2003; Spencer, Steele, & Quinn, 1999). On this although participants are more motivated to perform task, like the Remote Associates Test (RAT) and ana- well when subject to experimenter evaluation than when grams but unlike inhibition tasks, such as the Stroop they are not (e.g., Harkins & Szymanski, 1988; McFall and the antisaccade tasks, the correct answer is not appar- et al., 2009; White, Kjelgaard, & Harkins, 1995), when ent. The present research tests the contribution of mere given a choice, participants avoid subjecting themselves effort to performance on this task. to the scrutiny of the experimenter (Szymanski & Harkins, The GRE quantitative test is primarily made up of 1993). So, the mere effort account applies to situations two types of problems: solve problems and comparison that do not provide stigmatized individuals with the problems, which differ in the solution approach that opportunity to avoid judgment in the context of the tends to be