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Imperative Negatives in Earlier and their Later Development

Chinfa LIEN*

INTRODUCTION: THE FORMATION OF IMPERATIVE NEGATIVES Plain negation cannot take a phrase to form imperative negatives as negation lacks the illocutionary force of imperatives and only operates on the propositional content of a sentence (Frege 1970). Thus, in the formation of imperative negatives a plain negative adverb cannot be immediately followed by a verb and must be mediated by modals.1

We will first introduce types of negative before touching on types of imperative negatives. Then we will examine imperative negatives in earlier and modern Southern Min texts. We will further dwell on competing candidates for the source of the fusional negative mai3 殰 exclusively used in imperatives before concluding the .

The structure of the paper is organized as follows. Between the introduction and the conclusion there are five sections: 1. types of negative words, 2. types of imperative negatives, 3. imperative negatives in Ming and Qing texts, 4. imperative negatives in modern Southern Min texts, and 5. competing candidates of the source for mai3 殰.

1. TYPES OF NEGATIVE WORDS There are four types of negative words in Southern Min: (1) m7 伓, (2) bo5 無, (3) be7 袂, and (4) ber7 未 in present-day Southern Min. M7 伓 is a negative with an optional sense of volitionality.2 Bo5 無 is believed to be a fusional

* National Tsinghua University, . * National Tsinghua University, Taiwan. Email: [email protected] 1 It is surely no accident that the functional word do as a kind of modal elements has to appear in the formation of imperative negatives in English. Likewise, in Romance languages like Spanish a negative word cannot co-occur with the imperative form of a verb to yield imperative negatives. Rather, the verb has to take on the subjunctive mood to be fit for the formation of imperative negatives. (Zanuttini 1997) 2 The spelling of Southern Min in this paper is based on the Church codified in Douglas (1873). Some adjustments have been made. In particular, the diacritic marks have been superseded by numerical superscripts. The superscripts 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 7 and 8 stand for the tone categories: yin-ping, yin-shang, yin-qu, yin-ru, -ping,

Downloaded from Brill.com09/28/2021 04:53:56PM via free access 188 Chinfa Lien word comprising negation and u7 有 ‘have’ (Norman 1995, Yang 1971, Lien 2015). So is be7 袂 resulting from conflating the negative element of m7 and 解 ue7/e7 with a voiced velar initial in .3 Ber7 未 means ‘not yet’.

Modals such as tit4 得, eng7用, sai2使, thang1通, and ho2 好 can co-occur with the preceding negatives to form imperative negatives. By contrast, kann2 敢, kheng2 肯, kam1 甘, beh4 卜, tioh8 著 and ai3 愛 in co-occurrence with the preceding negatives cannot yield a sentence with an imperative force.

2. TYPES OF IMPERATIVE NEGATIVES There are three types of negatives used in imperatives in Southern Min: (1) non-fusional types, (3) true fusional types, and (3) spurious fusional types.

2.1. Non-fusional types The negative m7 伓+ sai2使/ eng7用/ thang1通/ ai3愛 The first non-fusional type of imperative negatives is a sequence of the negative 伓 m7 followed by modals like thang1通 and ai3 愛 and like sai2 使 and eng7用 bearing the function of deontic modals.4 m7-thang1伓通 + VP m7-ai3 伓愛 + VP m7-sai2伓使 + VP m7-eng7 伓用 + VP yang-qu and yang-ru respectively. Ch and ts and chh and tsh have been merged into ch and chh respectively as each pair shows allophonic alternation and does not involve phonemic contrast in modern Southern Min. (Tung 1957) Open o and closed o are represented as oo and o, as in bo5無 ‘have not’ and boo5 模 ‘model’. Vocalic is indicated by a double n. The rendition of earlier Southern Min sounds is based on the modern pronunciation as a way to approximate the original sound values of earlier Southern Min. Diacritics as tone categories in religious texts (see 4.2.) have been converted into numerical superscripts. 3 *Ɣ is the reconstructed Middle Chinese (MC) sound value of the 匣 initial of the modal解. There are three reflexes of this initial in modern Southern Min: (1) the zero form, as in紅, 胡, 活, 黃, 下, 湖, 盒, 解, 鞋, 旱, 學, 餡 and 何, (2) h-, as in 會, 魂, 系, 戶, 現, 杏, 幸, 蟹, 惠, 賢, 巷 and 項, and (3) k-, as in厚, 喉, 寒, 懸 and 汗. The modal 解 belongs to the first category. There is a pair of morphologically related words 解1/解2 with the alternation of voiced and voiceless initial (*Ɣ vs *k). Both forms bear MC tone II. It shows a morphological relation of plain verb and causative verb. (Chou 1972: 86) That is, the causativity is synthetically expressed by the voicing of the onset of a (v.i., *Ɣ for plain verb vs *k for its causative counterpart), presumably a relic of once productive morphological process in Proto-Chinese. The modern reflex of the plain verb is 解 oe7, whereas the modern reflex of its causative counterpart is koe2. See Lien (1999) for more discussions on the cases of voicing distinction as a synthetic way of showing the plain and causative relationship and Yang (2001) for shedding light on the grammaticalization of 解。. 4 Here I will temporarily include m7-ai3 伓愛 as one of the candidates for negative modals.

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The negative be7袂 + sai2使/ eng7用 + tit4 得 The second non-fusional type comprises the verb sai2使 or eng7用 sandwiched in between the circumfix be7---tit4 袂 --- (得) where 得 is optional. Be7 袂 is a fusional modal comprising m7 伓 and e7 解, the latter featuring a voiced fricative velar initial 匣 *Ɣ. be7-sai2-tit4 袂使(得) + VP be7-eng7-tit4 袂用(得) + VP This type also dubbed preverbal compound modals featuring deontic use did not appear until modern times (Lien 2011).

2.2. True fusional types The true fusional types are words which can factorize as a sequence of a common negative element m7伓 and ai3 愛, sai2 使, thang1 通 and ho2 好, as shown below:

Fusional words Negative elements modals a mai3 嘪/殰 < m7 伓 ai3 愛 a’ mai3 嘪/殰 < m7 伓 sai2 使 b bang3 莽/邙 < m7 伓 thang1 通 c mo2 孬 < m7 伓 ho2 好

All of the fusional negative words listed above are used exclusively in imperatives and carry the illocutionary force of prohibition. Both (a) m7伓 + ai3 愛 and (a’) m7 伓 + sai2 使 could be the source for the fusional negative word mai3 嘪/殰. Bang3 莽/邙 is given as being a unique form in the dialect. ( 2006: 449). The same form is also found in (2007: 64), a dictionary of the Zhangzhou dialect. Mo2 孬 is given in daxue zhongwenxi yuyanxue jiaoyanshi (1995: 608) as a fusional word in the dialect. We will leave the issue concerning the validity of both bang3 莽/邙 and mo2 孬 as cases of fusional words for future research since the data are hard to come by.

2.3. Spurious fusional types

In addition to non-fusional and true fusional types of imperative negatives there is still another type, viz., the spurious ones where the source of fusional elements is not recoverable, even though they still involve the semantics of negation and modality. They are exemplified by boh4莫 and bien2免. 莫 is used as a negative adverb or a negative pronoun and may arguably be a lexicalized functional word consisting of a negative element and the indefinite pronoun 或 in one of its uses in . (cf. nobody as a fusion of not + anybody in English) (Mulder 1959) The use of 莫 as a marker of the prohibitive mood did not come about until the Middle Chinese (MC) period or even earlier. ( 2004: 381-382, Ōta 1988: 76, Ōta 1991: 53) It is noteworthy that 勿 and 莫 were

Downloaded from Brill.com09/28/2021 04:53:56PM via free access 190 Chinfa Lien often confused in the MC texts. Bien2 免 with the original meaning ‘be exempt from’ does not necessarily occur in imperatives, as shown below.

(1) 老伙仔人免車票 Lau7-her2-a2 lang5 mien2 chhia1-phio3 Old person be.exempt.from car ticket ‘Old people will not be charged with bus fare.’

It can be grammaticalized as a suppletive negative counterpart of the deontic modal 著 tioh8 ‘must, should’, even though it occurs in the embedded clause.

(2) 著行囉免得與人等 Tioh8 kiann5 loo0 bien2 tit4 hoo7 lang5 tan2 Should go particle avoid should let people wait ‘We must depart now lest they should wait for us.’

Its modal use can be extended to imperative negatives:

(3) 免細膩 Bien2 soe3-ji7 Don’t polite ‘Please don’t stand on ceremony.’

Nevertheless, it is not a fusional word, since it cannot be factorized as a sequence of a negative element + a modal, even though it carries a logical sense of ‘not necessary, no need’.

3. IMPERATIVE NEGATIVES IN EARLIER SOUTHERN MIN TEXTS

There will be two types of earlier Southern Min texts to be examined for imperative negatives: playscripts (3.1) and religious texts (3.2).

3.1. Imperative negatives in playscripts

There are two sets of playscripts to be looked into: (1) four versions of the Legend of the Litchi Mirror alternatively dubbed 荔鏡記/荔枝記, and (2) other types of playscripts. Let’s examine the first type of playscripts. We consider true fusional negatives such as mai3勿, mai3-tit4勿得, and mai3殰, spurious ones such as boh8莫 and boh8-tit4莫得, as well as non-fusional ones such as m7 eng7伓用, m7 ai3伓愛, m7 sai2伓使, and m7 thang1 伓通,5 exemplified in the earlier Southern Min texts JWSG, and in four editions of the Legend of Litchi Mirror.6

5 The Romanization of is due to our understanding of Southern Min attested in the documented evidence. We rely heavily on Douglas (1873) for the information on the phonetic values of negatives. For example, m7-sai2 as well as boh8-tit4 can be found in Douglas (1873:407, 25). Mai3 is not recorded. But it appears in Barclay (1923:154). 6 JWSG stands for Jia Jing 嘉靖 (1522-1566 C..), Wanli 萬曆 (1573-1619 C.E.), Shunzhi 順治 (1644-1661 C.E.) and Guangxu 光緒 (1875-1908 C.E.) edition of the Legend of Litchi Mirror荔鏡記/荔枝記. ( 2001abcd).

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(4) 你勿掛意(15.534 荔枝記--順治) Li2 mai3 koa3-i3 You don’t worry ‘Don’t worry.’

(5) 閑言語萬勿提起(53.036 荔鏡記--嘉靖) Eng5-gen5-gu2 ban7 mai3 theh8 khi2 Idle.language by.no.means don’t mention ‘Don’t gossip by any means.’

(6) 莫來相纏(4.558 荔枝記--順治) Boh8 lai5 sann1 tinn5 Don’t come mutually pester ‘Don’t pester me.’

(7) 莫得三心共二意(21.075荔枝記--萬曆) Boh8 tit4 sam1-sim1-liong2-i3 Don’t three.heart and two.sense ‘Don’t shilly-shally.’

(8) 不用你捧(26.195荔鏡記--嘉靖) M7-eng7 li2 phang5 Not use you carry ‘You need not take it.’

(9) 不愛人褒獎(10.145 荔枝記--順治) M7-ai3 lang5 po1-chiong2 Not love people praise ‘I don’t like being praised.’

(10) 不使青面 (27.104 荔枝記--順治) M7-sai2 chhinn1-bin7 Not cause blue.face ‘Don’t be angry.’

(11) 不通騙我(18.378 荔枝記--光緒) M7-thang1 phien3 goa2 Not permissible cheat me ‘Don’t cheat me.’

Table 1 shows the distribution of negatives in JWSGs. We can see immediately that the occurrence of fusional/spurious fusional negatives (1ab, 2ab &3) is far more frequent than that of the non-fusional negatives (4abcd), but the non-fusional negative m7-thang1 also show signs of increase along the time axis.7

7 I leave out examples of 不可 as they have nothing to with the modal use of imperative force.

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Table 1 The distribution of negative adverbs in JWSGs 嘉靖 % 萬曆 % 順治 % 光緒 % 1a 勿 mai3 64 5 358322513 1b 勿得 00 1 039211910 mai3-tit4 2a 莫 boh8 78 52 68 43 23 13 59 31 2b 莫得 32 21 17 11 4 2 21 11 boh8-tit4 3 殰 mai3 0 0 58 36 0 0 0 0 4a 伓用 53 3 28 4179 m7-eng7 4b 伓愛 11 7 0 0 12 7 7 4 m7-ai3 4c 伓使 53 1 06 353 m7-sai2 4d 伓通 14 9 7 4 32 18 37 19 m7-thang1 Total 151 100 160 100 182 100 190 100

The same kind of contrast in the frequency of the occurrence of fusional/spurious fusional and non-fusional words can be observed in another set of Ming and Qing playscripts, as in Table 2.8

Table 2 The distribution of negative adverbs in JSTQs Negative types 金 % 蘇 % 同 % 泉 % 1a 勿 mai3 12 18 14 0 0 4 3 1b 勿得 mai3-tit4 3 5 0 0 0 0 0 0 2a 莫 boh8 13 20 1139 30 55 69 58 2b 莫得 boh8-tit4 7 11 5 18 12 22 13 11 3 嘪 mai3 16 24 1036 0 0 0 0 3a 伓用m7-eng7 9 14 0 0 3 5 3 3 3b 伓愛 m7-ai3 0 0 0 0 1 2 9 8 3c 伓使 m7-sai2 1 2 0 0 0 0 3 3 3d 伓可 m7-thang1 1 2 0 0 0 0 15 13 3e 伓通 m7-thang1 4 6 1 4 9 16 4 3 Total 66 100 28 100 55 100 120 100

3.2. Imperative negatives in religious texts

Since Ming and Qing playscripts were written in Chinese characters, we do not know for sure the exact sound value of words. The rendition of the Chinese texts is based on our understanding of present-day Southern Min as the descendant of the earlier Southern Min. Fortunately we have romanized Southern Min texts

8 JSTQ stand for a series of Ming and Qing playscripts such as Hua Nü 金花女 (early 17th century), Liu Niang 蘇六娘 (early 17th century), Tong Chuang Ji 同窗琴書記 (1782 C.E.) (Wu 2002ab, 2003) as well as some Ming playcripts (Loon 1992).

Downloaded from Brill.com09/28/2021 04:53:56PM via free access Imperative negatives in Early Southern Min 193 compiled by Spanish of the dating back to the early part of the seventeenth century. The important texts in question are Arte de la Lengua Chiochiu (1620 CE) and Doctrina Christina (1607 CE). (Anonymous 1620, van der Loon 1966 & 1967 ; see also Peyraube 1999, Chappell 2000, Chappell & Peyraube 2006). For example, as shown below, we know that the fusional word 莫 has the sound value of boh8, and 不可 as a semantic loan was employed to render m7-thang1 伓通.9

(12) 莫打蕳仔 (A: 8a)10 Boh8 phah8 kin3 nia2 ‘No des al muchacho.’ ‘Don’t beat the kid.’

(13) 不可亂咀誓 (L: 151: 4) (D: 5a: 3) M7 thang1 loan7 chiu3 chua7 No puede jurar desordenadamente. ‘Thou shalt not swear.’

4. IMPERATIVE NEGATIVES IN MODERN SOUTHERN MIN TEXTS Imperative negatives in modern Southern Min texts include religious texts, Taiwanese primers, and folktales. As shown in the following examples, m7- sai2伓使 and boh8-tit4莫得 were still very much in evidence in some religious texts and language primers toward the end of the nineteenth century and the first part of the twentieth century during the Japanese period.

伓使 m7-sai2

(14) 白話字不止少，亦伓使另外解說 Beh8-oe7 ji7 put4-chi2 chio2 ia7 m7-sai2 leng7-goa7 kai2-seh4 Colloquial character very few also need.not additional explain ‘The Romanized letters are quite scanty. There is no need for additional explanation either.’ (1885 Taiwan Church News P. 1-3 &7)

(15) 感謝上帝! 伓使失望(1913新聞ê 雜錄) Kam2-sia7 siong7-te3 m7-sai2 sit4-bong7 Thank god need.not disappointed ‘Be grateful to God. Don’t be disappointed.’

(16) 你通安心， 伓使驚 (1925孝女Tē-cha) Li2 thang2 an1-sim1 m7-sai2 kiann1 You can be.relieved need.not scared ‘Be at ease. Don’t be scared.’

9 Doctrina Christina is a Chinese-character text with no title based on the Southern Min dialect. The corresponding Romanized transliteration of a large portion of the Chinese text can be found in van der Loon (1967). See Goya and Dominguez (1951) for the Spanish equivalents. A stands for Arte de la Lengua Chiochiu and L van der Loon (1967). c 10 The original versions of (12) and (13) are Boh p ah kin nia and m̃ t’ loan chiu chua.

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(17) 凡事相幫助得料理，也伓使煩惱食穿 hoan5-su7 sann1 pang1-choo7 teh4 liau7-li2, ia7 m7-sai2 hoan5-lo2 chiah8-chhing7 Everything mutually help at deal.with also need.not worry eat wear(clothes) ‘There will be mutual assistance for everything. Don’t worry about your livelihood.’ (1940 用尻脊向上帝, Taiwan Church News no. 653-656)

莫得 boh8-tit4

(18) 請俺兄莫得受氣(1898 天路歷程下本 Pilgrim’s Progress) Chiann2 an2-hiann1 boh8-tit4 siu7-khi3 Pray brother don’t angry ‘Please don’t be upset, my brother.’

(19) 應該謹慎，莫得袂記得(1897 天路歷程第一本) Ieng1-kai1 kin2-sin7 boh8-tit4 boe7-ki3-tit0 Should careful don’t not remember ‘Be careful. Don’t forget it.’

(20) 向望你莫得見怪(1925 孝女 Tē-cha) Ng3-bang7 li2 boh8-tit4 ken3-kuai3 Wish you don’t mind ‘I hope that you don’t mind it.’

(21) 恁著謹慎，莫得看輕因(1933 平民e5基督傳) Li2 tioh8 kin2-sin7 boh8-tit4 khoann3-khin1 in1 You () should careful don’t belittle they ‘Be careful. Don’t look down on them.’

8 莫 boh (22) 你莫得放蕩 (Iwasaki 1921: 223) Li2 boh8 tit4 hong3 tong7 You don’t dissipated ‘You shouldn’t lead a dissipated life.’

(23) 你莫得創治伊 (Iwasaki 1921: 224) Li2 boh8 tit4 chhong3 ti7 i1 You don’t tease ‘You should not tease him.’

(24) 莫得講彼污穢的話 (Kumagai 1931 : 676) Boh8 tit4 kong2 lah4-sap4 e5 oe7 Don’t speak that dirty genitive.marker word ‘Don’t use obscene words.’

(25) 莫得講我有來 (Kumagai 1931: 676) Boh8 tit4 kong2 goa2 u7 lai5 Don’t say I have come ‘Don’t say that I came.’

Let’s now consider imperative negatives in the folktales collected during the latter part of 20th century. If we classify the negative words in terms of the type of

Downloaded from Brill.com09/28/2021 04:53:56PM via free access Imperative negatives in Early Southern Min 195 the onset of a syllable, we can arrive at two groups of negative words: (1) the negative words with the m7- 伓 onset (1ab, 2, 3ab, 4ab, & 5), and (2) the negative words with the be7- 袂 onset (6&7). M7-ho2毋好, m7-bien2, 毋免and m7- thang1毋通 show an ascending scale of high frequency in the first group of robust negative words, whereas the second group of negative words is a set of the newly arising markers that have come to be increasingly accepted as markers of prohibitive mood.

Table 3 Distribution of negative words in modern SM folktales

m- 毋 Tokens % % 1a m7-thang1 毋通 253 32 24.9 1b bang3 12 1 1 2 m7-ho2 毋好 107 13 10.5 3a mai3 勿愛 57 7 5.6 3b mai3 殰 83 10 8 4a bien2 免 83 10 8 4b m7-bien2 毋免 188 23 18.5 5 boh8 莫 19 2 1.9 Total 802 100 79 be7- 袂 Tokens % % 6 be7-sai2-tit4 袂使(得) 142 67 14 7 be7-eng7-tit4 袂用(得) 71 33 7 Total 213 100 21 Total for both categories 1015 100

3 5. COMPETING CANDIDATES OF THE SOURCE FOR MAI 殰

There are two candidates for the source of the fusional negative word mai3 殰: (1) m7伓 + ai3 愛 and (2) m7伓 + sai2使. The first possibility is furnished in Beijing daxue Zhongwenxi yuyanxue jiaoyanshi (1995: 608) without the support of an argument. One can derive mai3 from m7 伓 + ai3 愛 by reinterpreting the first syllable as the onset of the fusional word while shedding its tone and the second syllable as its final and tone. This is a phonologically plausible derivation. But one runs into difficulty when considering it in the perspective of semantics. To be more clear about the situation let’s consider the use of ai3 愛 in JWSG. As shown below, ai3 愛 functions as a verb or desiderative modal meaning ‘like, love’ rather than a deontic modal in affirmative or negative contexts.

(26) 伊愛打我(23.121荔枝記--順治) I1 ai3 phah4 goa2 He love beat I ‘He likes to beat me.’

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(27) 愛卜使小七送去 (30.057 荔枝記--順治) Ai3 beh4 sai2 sio2-chhit4 sang3 khi3 Love want order Little.seven deliver go ‘I would like to have Little Seven deliver it.’

(28) 不愛人白賊 (26.144 荔鏡記--嘉靖) M7 ai3 lang5 beh8-chhat8 Not like people tell.lies ‘I don’t like people to tell lies.’

A cursory survey of all the examples involving ai3 愛 turns up Table 4 where m7-ai3不愛in comparison with its positive counterpart ai3愛shows a low percentage of occurrence and only takes overt or covert first person subjects. This fact coupled with its desiderative sense indicates to us that it is not ready to become a marker of prohibitive mood despite the phonological plausibility of contracting m7-ai3不愛 as mai3.

Table 4 The distribution of ai3 愛 in JWSG 嘉靖 % 萬曆 % 順治 % 光緒 % 愛 60 85 4 100 81 87 97 93 不愛 11 15 0 0 12 13 7 7 Total 71 100 4 100 93 100 104 100 愛卜 5 7 0 14 15 16 15

If m7-ai3不愛 does not work out as the source for the fusional word mai3, let’s consider m7-sai2伓使 as another candidate and see how it fares. Phonologically it is equally plausible to derive mai3 from m7sai2 不使in two steps by first shedding the onset of the second syllable and merging the remnant parts m7–ai2 and then tone 7 (low level as a combination tone) and tone 2 (high falling as an isolation tone) merge into Tone 3 (high falling as a combination tone). Sai2 使 is glossed as ‘to use’ and m7-sai2不使 as ‘no need, need not’ in Douglas (1873: 407). Likewise, m7-sai2不使as shown in the following earlier Southern Min playscripts can also be interpreted as ‘need not’ or ‘does not need to’. Let’s examine the examples for the meaning it takes on.

(29) 不使假小心 (19.254 荔枝記--順治) M7-sai2 ke2 sio2-sim1 Not permit false careful ‘Don’t pretend to be careful.’

(30) 啞娘有銀乞小七，不使 (49.150荔鏡記--嘉靖) a1-niu5 u7 gun5 khit4 sio2 chhit7, m7-sai2 Lady have silver give Little.seven not.necessary ‘The lady has given me money. You don’t need to.’

(31) 不使汝共人做對頭 (20.179 荔枝記--光緒) M7-sai2 lu2 kang7 lang7 choe3 tui3-thau5 Need.not you with people enemy ‘Don’t be an adversary of others.’

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M7-sai2不使 as a real marker of imperative negatives in earlier Southern Min has developed into a strong marker of imperative negatives in folktales of modern Southern Min as shown below. (see 1998. Hu, Wang & 1998, Hu & Chen 1999).

(32) 你[勿愛]合伊計較 (136.130 外埔鄉)11 Li2 mai3 kah4 i1 ke3-kau3 You don’t with him quarrel ‘Don’t be picky with him.’

(33) 你[勿愛]共我問(138.01大安鄉) Li2 mai3 ka7 goa2 mng7 You don’t with I ask ‘Don’t ask me about it.’

(34) [勿愛]共煩惱(160.12雲林縣二) Mai3 ka7 hoan5-lo2 Don’t with worry

‘Don’t worry about it.’ That the fusional word is rendered as a single character [勿愛] shows the folk 3 7勿 3 愛 belief that mai results from the fusion of m and ai . Another piece of evidence in support of our proposal that mai3 comes from m7不 (also written as 伓) and sai2 使 rather than m7勿 and ai3 愛 is that dialects like , and -xian dialects like 莆田 also use 伓使 as imperative negatives. Northern Min dialects such as Jian-ou 建甌 also employ a similar type of imperative negatives as 伓用. Such a strengthening of illocutionary force seems to be fully justified. Thus, m7-sai2 不使 seems to be a better candidate for the fusional word mai3. If our hypothesis is on the right track, then m7-sai2 不使 can be counted as a common innovative grammatical feature shared by Southern Min, Eastern Min and -Xianyou Min. We can see some differences in non-fusional, spurious fusional and fusional imperative negatives. First, fusional negative words always occur in imperatives, whereas the other two types do not necessarily do, as exemplified by bien2 免, as in lau7 lang5 che7 chhia1 bien2 chinn5 老人坐車免錢 ‘Senior citizens need not pay bus fare’. The second difference between them is that for some fusional negative words, mai3 殰 in particular, modality always scopes over negation. Thus, when m7-sai2伓使 has undergone fusion and emerged as a fusional word mai3 殰, a semantic change has also taken place turning a weak marker of prohibitive mood to a strong one, viz., from the sense of ‘does not need to’ to ‘must not’.12 The phonological operation of fusion seems to be the formal measure to signal movement of a modal to a position higher than the negative element in the hierarchy of functional categories. Rizzi (1997) presents an articulated fine structure of functional categories: verbal phrase (VP), inflectional

11 The square brackets in [勿愛] mean that勿愛 is a single character rather than two separate ones. 12 Compare Palmer (1995) dwells on the irregularity of the form-meaning correspondence in the contracted forms of modals and negation sequence in English.

Downloaded from Brill.com09/28/2021 04:53:56PM via free access 198 Chinfa Lien phrase (IP) and complementation phrase (CP) to pin down the structural properties of any functional word. Negatives can occur in VP, IP and CP and interact with other functional elements, but when they occur in the imperative mood, they can only occur in CP or rather in Force in split CP. The Force that hosts the imperative projection as a kind of mood occurs above or below Topic within CP.

6. CONCLUDING REMARKS A bare negative element without being followed by modals can not occur with a verb phrase to form imperative negatives. They have to be mediated by modals to yield negative imperatives. In contrast, fusional negative words can produce negative imperatives coupled with plain verb phrases, since they have incorporated modals. The older fusional negative for imperatives like 莫 was attested as early as mid-sixteenth century, and it survives to the present-day Southern Min, but its range has been gradually eclipsed by the newly arising fusional mai3 殰 and the preverbal complex negative modals such as be7-sai2-tit4 袂使得 and be7-eng7-tit4袂用得. I also discuss the formation of the fusional word mai3 殰 by examining two candidates for the source of this portmanteau word and suggest that m7-sai2 伓使rather than m7-ai3 伓愛 may be a more likely source of the fusional word in question in terms of phonological and semantic criteria and comparative evidence.

The true fusional type of negatives as an indicator of imperatives, a quite wide- spread phenomenon in modern Chinese, deserves special attention. Take mai3 殰. As argued at length in this paper, I consider it to be a fusion of the negative element m7 不and sai2 使. The non-fusional m7 sai2 不使 means ‘no need, need not’, which can, but need not necessarily, occur in imperatives. Sai2 使 is a weak form of a deontic modal found in the scope of negation. When m7 sai2 不使 re- emerges as a fusional word mai3 殰, there is a concomitant semantic and syntactic change. The fusion signals a change of weak modal to strong modal, and the negation falls within the scope of the modal. Thus, mai3 殰 means ‘necessary to not Verb’ rather than ‘does not need’, as in mai3 chiah8 hun1! 殰食薰 ‘Don’t smoke!’ literally ‘It is necessary that you not smoke’. In other words, we can postulate an imperative operator in the position of force in split CP that triggers the movement of the deontic modal across negation to establish a link with the imperative force. Beng2 甭 as a fusion of bu2 不 and yong4 用 in seems to be amenable to the same analysis. To summarize, fusion of negative elements and modals may be a measure in linguistic systems to attract the modal to Force in a higher structural position of the hierarchy of functional categories hosting various kinds of mood (Rizzi 1997).

BIBLIOGPRAHIE Anonymous, 1620, Arte de la Lengua Chio chiu, Ms. 1027, Biblioteca de la Unversidad de Barcelona.

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