COASTAL ARCHAEOLOGY IN PART 2: ADAPTATION TECHNOLOGY & VOLCANISM

By P. J. F. C outts

Victoria Archaeological Survey Victoria Avenue, Albert Park 3206

INTRODUCTION major vegetation change 3000 BP must have affected In Part 1 of this paper the morphology of coastal a r­ coastal Aboriginal economy in that area. chaeological sites in Victoria was described. M uch as it is Aboriginals periodically set fire to coastal vegeta tion desirable to place coastal sites in a rigorous cultural along other parts of the Victorian coastline during the fram ework, the present state of knowledge of coasta l ar­ Late Prehistoric period, but the antiquity of this practice chaeology in Victoria does not permit this. Instead we is not known (e.g. —observations by Kn op- can do little more than review some of the more in­ wood (Nicholls 1977: 35, 37, 39)). Thus patterns of teresting aspects of coastal archaeology. Topical issues coastal vegetation have varied from time to time an d that could be discussed are: the relationship throu gh resulting changes in Aboriginal economy can be ex­ time between resources orientated and generalised pected in archaeological records. economic strategies; the relationship between the level of stone technology, coastal economies and produc­ COASTLINE CHANGES tivity; the im portance of fishing in local economie s; the relative importance of sandy beach and estuarine Changes in the coastline induced changes in coastal habitats and their degree of exposure to ocean swell; ecology, which in turn affected Aboriginal settleme nt changes in coastline and marine habitats induced by patterns (Lampert & Hughes 1974), and possibly social fluctuations in sea level; and changes in sea water and economic patterns, and material culture. During the temperatures and their effect on abundance and variety past 20 000 years the Victorian coastline has reced ed of marine fauna. (Fig. 1) as the sea-level rose after the last glacial period. In this paper problems relating to the technology o f The coastline stabilised about 6000 BP, which is th e flint, interpreting various archaeological sites, a nd m an’s oldest dating for most archaeological sites along the pre­ need to adapt to a changing coastal environment are sent coastline. However, in several coastal areas, Cape discussed. Adaptations of particular interest are those Nelson, Cape W oolamai, the southern tip of Wilsons arising from natural processes (e.g. rises in sea level and Promontory, Point Hicks and , where the volcanism) or from the actions of man himself (e.g. inshore submarine profiles are steep, sites having ar­ fire). chaeological records older than 6000 BP may be foun d. Indeed if the interstadial high of circa 35 000 BP CHANGES IN COASTAL VEGETATION reached minus 10 m then these areas may still have the In evaluating the economic potential of coastal are as only examples of littoral exploitation dating from those at any prehistoric time the resources of the sea an d the periods. immediate hinterland must be assessed in concert. Port Phillip probably began to fill about 9000 BP a nd Vegetation is a key factor as it largely determines the its com paratively flat floor would have precluded e xten­ range of animal and vegetable foods available. Chan ges sive occupation anywhere as sea-level rose. Thus mo st in vegetation patterns almost certainly precipitate d middens around Port Phillip are likely to post-date 6000 adaptation. It is likely that coastal vegetation ha s chan­ BP. W estern Port began to fill around 8000 BP when the ged during the past 30 000 years, as sea-level rose and western margins were inundated. The islands in W estern fell. Analyses of pollen from south-eastern South Port would not have been formed until the sea-level was , from Wilsons Promontory and from Lake very close to its present height about 6000 BP. Evidence Keilambete suggest that fluctuations in climate dur ing of slightly older littoral exploitation may also be found the past 10 000 years have not been severe enough to on the western fringes of the two largest islands in modify the main floral associations to any great ex tent W estern Port and on the m ainland between Flinders a nd (Dodson 1974a, 1974b, Dodson & Wilson 1975, Hope Hastings. The only other area that may have ar­ 1974, Yezdani 1970). chaeological littoral sites pre-dating 6000 BP is the However, in , using pollen data that span coastal strip along the eastern edge of Cape Otway, the last 7000 years Hooley, Southern and Kershaw where the underwater terrain is steeper than in mos t (1980) dem onstrated a dram atic shift from Casuarina to other coastal areas. Even there the sites are unlik ely to Eucalyptus woodland about 3000 years before the pre­ be much more than 500-1000 years older than those in sent (BP) and a further decline in Casuarina about 200 other coastal areas in Victoria. BP. Both periods of change are associated with peak s in If the sea-level circa 6000 BP (see Gill & Hopley 1972, charcoal debris in soil profiles, which suggests th at the Thom, Hails & Martin 1969, Thom, Hails, Martin & changes were fire initiated, and probably by man. T he Phipps 1972) was 2-3 m higher than at present, the man-

B 16 P. J. F. COUTTS

made littoral deposits in the relatively flat zones of in material culture seem to have been widespread W estern Port, Corner Inlet and the Gippsland Lakes throughout Victoria (Coutts & W itter 1977, Hope & would have been inundated and covered by sediments. Coutts 1971) and cannot be explained in this way. Aboriginal sites formed then would be further inlan d FLINT AND COASTAL RESOURCES USAGE than the present shoreline. Large quantities of flint are found in many Victorian As the sea rose to its present level, areas rich in food coastal archaeological sites. It derives from Gambier resources were created (Bowdler 1977: 213). Such areas limestone (Gill 1957) and has been washed in from include , Port Phillip, M allacoota Inle t offshore, often buoyed by kelp (Fig. 2, Boutakoff 1 963, and the Gippsland Lakes. However, it is not clear y et Hossfeld 1966, M itchell 1949). Gill (1957) suggeste d that whether the prehistoric inhabitants living in these areas Aboriginals obtained flint from caves, sink holes a nd re- had the required technologies to exploit the resources emerged Pleistocene strand lines along the coast ne ar the effectively (Lam pert & Hughes 1974). South Australian/Victorian border. Although similar One of the most important events affecting coastal flint can be obtained from inland areas of south an d ecology and therefore hum an settlement was the inun da­ north-eastern South Australia (W right 1971) and fro m tion of the land bridge joining Tasmania and mainla nd isolated localities in western Victoria (Hossfeld 1 966, P. Australia. Unfortunately the impact of these change s on Kenley pers. comm.) it is considered unlikely that the Aboriginal communities, occupying the Victorian flint nodules found along the Victorian coast came from coastline has not yet been docum ented archaeologica lly. any of these sources. M uch of the present Victorian coastline is eroding to­ The following observations are pertinent to the day and there is increasing evidence that many site s less distribution of flint on the Victorian coast and its use by than 500 years old that are or were situated in the vicin­ Aboriginals: ity of the foredunes or on low cliff tops, are bein g eroded away or have disappeared already. Other periods of ac­ (1) Flint occurs in coastal archaeological sites an d tive erosion may have occurred over the past few th ou­ on beaches between Wilsons Promontory and sand years, initiated by minor fluctuations in sea-level. the South Australian border, increasing in fre­ So far there is only one published instance of a ch anging quency from east to west. coastal geomorphology affecting prehistoric human s et­ (2) Flint implements are rarely found in ar­ tlement in Victoria (Coutts 1967, Hope & Coutts 1971). chaeological sites east of W ilsons Prom ontory. On the west coast of Yanakie Isthmus, Wilsons Pro­ (3) Flint was used by Victorian Aboriginals at montory, there are two dune systems associated with Wilsons Promontory around 5000 BP (Coutts two series of sites ‘A’ and ‘B’ (Coutts 1970, 1981). 1970) and at Thunder Point near W arrnam bool, Because ‘A’ series middens are exposed in the erode d around 4300 BP (Coutts 1978). In western Vic­ cliffs along the beach they must have once extended fur­ toria, so called Gambieran implements made ther out onto the beach and consequently, when thes e from flint have been found in unstratified con­ sites were occupied the coastline must have been fu rther text (Mitchell 1949). The flint is thought to seaward than it is today. derive from local outcrops rather than from ‘A’ series sites are found on the summits of coastal beaches (Clark 1979). In South Australia Pleistocene dunes which run alm ost at right angles to the none of the implements from Devon Downs or present coastline. Peat deposits which outcrop on the From m ’s Landing (sites less than 5000 years old beach between these dunes can be linked stratigraph ic- and little m ore than 200 km from the coast) were ally with soils containing the ‘A’ series middens. made from flint (Hale & Tindale 1930, M ulvaney Radiocarbon dating of the latter indicate that they were 1960, M ulvaney, Lawson & Twidale 1964), but a formed about 3000-6500 years ago and a single date few fragments of dark blue-grey flint have been (6010 ±110 BP) from the peat deposit confirms the excavated at Roonka, a site which dates from stratigraphic relationships (Coutts 1967). The peat con­ about 7000 BP (Pretty 1977). In the central tains freshwater gastropods and was probably landlo ck­ Western District of Victoria, flint has been ed at one time, presumably by a foredune further to the found in sites which date to less than 3000 BP. west. Results of analyses of the midden materials in­ No flint artefacts have been found at Keilor, dicate that nearly all the shellfish in the ‘A’ series sites Green Gully or Cloggs Cave (Flood 1974, were collected from rock platforms; others were fro m M ulvaney 1970, W right 1970), sites which have a estuaries and sandy beaches. The present coastline fron­ much greater antiquity than those mentioned ting the dunes is sandy beach, almost totally devoid of above, and which are no more than 30 km from intertidal rock platforms. the present coastline. Some evidence from the later ‘B’ series dunes (dating However, it should be remembered that from 3000 BP) suggests that Aboriginal economy may 15 000 years ago, the coastline was some hun­ have diversified towards the end of the prehistoric dreds of kilometres further south, and the pros­ period and that the preferences also changed for th e pects for collecting flint from beach sources and stone materials used. W hilst the change in the meth ods conveying it to these sites are unknown. of collecting shellfish may be seen as an adaptive (4) Flint and quartz are the two most common types response to a changing coastal environm ent, the cha nges of stone materials found in recent coastal ar- MELBOURNE, TAL ARCHAEOLOGY I VICTORIA A I R O T C I V IN Y G O L O E A H C R A L A ST A O C

Fig. 1—Approxim ate shoreline positions in du ring the post-glacial sea-level rise. 18 P. J. F. COUTTS

chaeological sites and in general, retouch is rare, find its way onto the beaches of Victoria in suffic ient there is little deliberate shaping of the flakes, a nd quantities to be regularly exploited. By 14 000 BP (Jen­ blade m anufacture is minimal (Coutts 1970). At nings 1971) the Bassian depression had been inundated, earlier sites a wide variety of implements were though Tasm ania and mainland Australia were still c on­ made from flint including most types of backed nected by a land bridge through Wilsons Promontory blade, bifacial choppers, and scrapers (Camp­ and Flinders Island and the shoreline was within se veral bell & Noone 1941-43, Mitchell 1949). kilometres of its present position. (5) Inland, flint artefacts are found at Penola in Between 14 000 and 6000 BP the coastline stabilised . South Australia; Willaura, Glen Thompson, By at least 5000 BP flint had been washed up onto the Murtoa, Condah Swamp, Dooen Swamp, In- beaches of Wilsons Promontory and was used by verleigh, Lake Bolac and at sites in the Gram­ Aboriginals. If the frequency with which it was use d at pians in western Victoria (Campbell & Walsh the Prom ontory is any indication of its local availability , 1952, Coutts & Lorblanchet 1981, Mitchell it was not com m on 5000 years ago. However, 4000 yea rs 1949). later it was a dominant material at coastal arch­ (6) On the shingle beaches at Port Macdonald in aeological sites. During the late Pleistocene perio d it South Australia are large quantities of black might be assumed that population levels in Victoria , as rather brittle flint. Grey flints are often the mos t elsewhere in Australia, were increasing (Birdsell 1 977) com mon com ponents (being used extensively for and that tribal and linguistic boundaries were cont inual­ backed blades) of flint assemblages on the Vic­ ly adapting to changing environm ents and in respons e to torian coastline. M ulvaney (1962), in discussing changing population pressures. This period might be his basically unretouched flint and bone regarded as one of experimentation when Aboriginals assemblages from Glen Aire has noted that were still discovering suitable outcrops for stone tool finely produced stone implements appear to be manufacture. It appears that they concentrated on e x­ absent from late Victorian assemblages and he ploiting sources of quartz, silcretes and quartzite s, and suggests that ‘the basic industrial m aterials of re ­ to a much lesser degree, various other types of che rt. cent Victorian prehistory were of organic A fter the close of the Pleistocene period, the Aboriginal origin’, as opposed to stone. population tended to increase or possibly stabilise , and Finely produced implements, such as backed blades, pressure on stone resources would have increased. were no longer being m ade in any quantity at the en d of M oreover it is likely that the most visible and des irable the prehistoric period (Coutts 1981). However this does sources of stone gradually became the property of small not necessarily mean that Aboriginals at any other time groups of Aboriginals. in prehistory were any less dependent on organic At the end of the prehistoric period for example materials. As Mulvaney (1962) observed, ‘these (about 1840 in Victoria) seven out of 35 Victorian tribes materials could not be expected to survive for ar­ (Tindale 1974) had control of major ‘flint catchmen t chaeological discovery’; and it is this fact that m akes it areas’ along the coast. Five out of the seven tribe s shared difficult to argue either way. The presence of certain the Kulinic group of languages and distribution of flint classes of stone tools in more ancient Victorian sites, implements tends to fall within the boundaries of the suggests that organic materials were being worked w ith Drual sub-group of languages (Fig. 2, Oates & Oates them. There has also been a long tradition of working 1970). Trade and exchange networks existed in the c en­ with bone in Victoria. At least one bone implement tral W estern District at the end of the prehistoric period similar to those which were made several thousand y ears and these could have sponsored the trading of flint be­ later at Glen Aire, has been found at Cloggs Cave in tween coastal and inland areas (Lourandos 1977, eastern Victoria (Flood 1974). It is not certain th at a lack M cBryde 1977, Mulvaney 1976). of retouch on tools —such as at Glen Aire—or the " Following Hayden’s thesis (1977), there could hav e absence of finely worked implements, means that the re been a period of rationalisation as the value of so me was a reduction in the degree of stone tool use. Th e types of stone material increased. This period peak ed crux of the problem is an inability to recognise wh en a after the introduction of a blade technology and th e pro­ flake (retouched or otherwise) has been used. duction of finely made implements such as backed No attem pt will be made to resolve this dilemma here. blades. Since blade production can be inherently However, a working hypothesis is proposed to explain wasteful of materials, economy was achieved by utilising why finely worked tools were abandoned in some parts waste products to make utilitarian implements (W ats on of Victoria. It is based on premises of increasing popula­ 1968). In South Australia and south-west Victoria the tion pressure and changing availability of raw mate rials, blade technology was applied to flint which became in particular, flint. Rising sea-level following th e last available about the time of the peak of the period. glaciation, caused erosion of the Tertiary limeston e out­ However sources of chert, jasper and other fine gra ined crops, now below water, carrying quantities of flin t materials became less accessible to many Aboriginals nodules onto the shorelines of south-eastern South and available sources of these materials probably d im in­ Australia and western Victoria where it was collected ished. As a result a much more utilitarian approach to and used by Aboriginals. the use of stone was adopted inland, leading to the It is not known how long it might take for the flin t to demise of finely made tools, essentially because th eir Source o f flin t Kulinic group of languages

Tribal boundaries after Kurnic group of languages Tindale (1974)

Drual subgroup

Distribution of flint implem ents in archaeological sites

M ajor flint catchment

Port _ M acdonnell

Cape Bridgewater

SCALE

BASS STRAIT ^5 0 30 60 kilometres

Fig. 2 Distribution of flint and flint implements in Victoria . 20 P. J. F. COUTTS manufacture was uneconomic and wasteful of stone calcrete underlying the tuff at Thunder and Pickering resources. This trend spread to the coast where abu n­ Points. dant flint materials were available and a ‘throw aw ay’ Two suites of dates are available for midden deposits technology developed. which clearly postdate the eruption: one from midde ns These changes would not have happened everywhere found within soil horizons associated with mobile d une simultaneously, but would have depended upon such systems at Armstrong Bay and the other from middens factors as the availability of raw materials and th e overlying the tuffs at Thunder Point. strength of local traditions pertaining to the manu fac­ The earliest C 14 date for Arm strong Bay is 5680 BP ture of stone tools. (Campbell 1967) and is similar to Gill’s earliest d ate of To test this theory and its variations more data ar e re­ 5120 BP (Gill 1967). However our investigations (Co utts quired on flint implements from coastal and inland sites, 1977, 1978) and those of Campbell (1967) failed to on the sources of flint, and on ways of assessing ‘stone locate tuffs (which outcrop on the beach) underneath the economy’. dunes and the middens at the eastern end of Arm stro ng Bay. Gill (1953, 1955, 1967, 1971) on the other han d has found the tuff under the dunes on the western side of the VOLCANISM AND COASTAL ADAPTATION Bay, near Gormans Lane, but this is well away from Tower Hill, situated near the coast at Koroit in where the archaeological work has been conducted. western Victoria, erupted during the Holocene perio d Thus the relationships between the dunes, the midde ns and had a pronounced effect on local physiography. The and the tuff remain unclear in the eastern area, although explosive eruption covered the landscape with ash Gill is certainly correct in concluding that the tu ff is which varied in thickness (Gill 1947, 1967). M oreov er, older than the dunes. A radiocarbon date from ar­ the concom m itant intense heat and bushfires would h ave chaeological deposits a little above stratified tuf f killed off and burnt back the vegetation in the sur roun­ deposits at Thunder Point is 4130 ± 200 BP (Coutts ding areas, and would have had dram atic effects on local 1977), and it can safely be assumed that the Tower Hill wildlife. Consequently the eruption of this volcano pro­ volcano erupted some time before this. bably precipitated a disjunction in social and econ omic Some disagreement between Gill and the author per­ patterns of Aboriginal groups. Ideally a range of a r­ sists over the interpretation of a date obtained fr om chaeological materials need to be located above, be low shells from Pickering Point. In 1972, Gill claimed to and within the ejectamenta so that cultural adaptations have found shells ‘within the Tower Hill tuff which dated can be monitored. to 7300 ± 150 BP’ (Gill 1972). The photographic rec ord (Gill 1972), Gill’s brief description of the site f rom which

D ate of the T ow er H il l eruption the C 14 sam ple was taken, the results of the later textural analysis of the sediments plus archaeological excav a­ The Tower Hill eruption and deposition of tuff is tions at Pickering Point to determine the stratigra phic presumed to have been a rapid event on the basis of the context of the archaeological debris, suggest that what type of volcanism involved (Gill 1967) and the whole was dated were shells from dispersed archaeological event may have taken place in something less than 50 debris recemented into tuff rich sediments sometime years. Such a time span is not normally measureable in after the eruption. Hence the significance of the the archaeological record, though the effects of th e erup­ 7300 ± 150 BP date in the context of dating the Tow er tion are manifested in all subsequent local records in the guise of tuff enriched sediments. If the date of th e erup­ Hill eruption is unclear. tion can be established, the Tower Hill tuffs can b e used M ore recently M ortlock (1977) has attem pted to date as a chronological marker for the W arnam bool district. the Tower Hill ejectamenta directly by thermolu­ Gill (1953, 1955, 1967, 1972) has several dates fro m minescence dating; but as this results in the scoria archaeological and geological deposits above, below and predating the tuff, which is inconsistent with the within the ejectam enta and the author has several f rom geological evidence, these dates must be regarded a s archaeological deposits above them (Coutts 1981). unreliable. These dates need to be scrutinised carefully. On evidence available at present, the Tower Hill The date from Bushfield (Gill 1967), said to come volcano erupted between about 6600 and 8700 BP. from an archaeological horizon below the tuff (Coutts EVIDENCE FOR CULTURAL CHANGES 1981: Table 7), can be excluded because it was obta ined ‘from the C 02 fraction, and the provenance of the There are no reliable archaeological data from the mineralisation is uncertain’ (Gill 1967: 358). Howe ver, period before the eruption of Tower Hill (Coutts 19 76). Gill (1978) considers that the dates of 6500 ± 200 BP For the post-eruption period, there are copious dat a (Gill 1967) obtained from marine shells from the Me rri from surface collections and from excavations at canal, and 6570 ±115 BP (E. D. Gill pers. comm.) an d Thunder Point and Armstrong Bay. 5850 ±320 BP (Gill 1967) from marine shells of the Per- Unfortunately stratigraphic and cultural evidence tobe Coquina, which overlies the tuff, are reliable . A from Arm strong Bay is confused. Investigations by G ill date of 8700 BP (E. D. Gill pers. comm.) has been o b­ have suggested that there are at least two soil hor izons tained from a laminated mammillary calcrete at Den- associated with the post-eruption coastal dune system nington which is presumed to be the same age as the and which are connected with Aboriginal occupation. COASTAL ARCHAEOLOGY IN VICTORIA 21

Gill (1955) dated occupational debris, which includ ed evidence that the coastline itself in the vicinity of W arr- large numbers of bone points from the latest of the two nambool has undergone significant changes over this soils as 1750 ±20 BP. M ore recently he reported tha t the period. Clearly one or more of the occupation phase s at bone industry was associated with the older soil ho rizon Arm strong Bay was associated with the manufacture o f (Gill 1967). In contrast Kenyon (1912) and Mahony bone points, spatulates etc., (Coutts et al. 1976), and (1912) claimed that the bone points at Armstrong Ba y from -at least 3000 BP Aboriginals utilised coastal flint, came from the surface (confirmed later by Mitchell making a variety of tools including backed blades. They 1958), and Mahony went so far as to say that no hunted a wide range of terrestrial animals but evid ence Aboriginal material could be found in the oldest of fishing is minimal. A t Thunder Point, there is b arely horizons of the deeper blowouts. Campbell (1967) co n­ any material culture evidence as the site was assoc iated cluded that there has been one period of soil develop­ alm ost exclusively with shellfish gathering. ment at Armstrong Bay. However his evidence is con­ CONCLUDING REMARKS fusing because he obtained very different radiocarb on dates, 5680 BP and 1280 BP for two different exposu res In these two papers discussion has been limited to of this soil. aspects of coastal archaeology in Victoria. It is a pparent M ore recent archaeological work in this area (autho r), that there are many varieties of coastal middens an d that has revealed the presence of one soil horizon at th e their interpretation has and will prove to be difficult. In­ western end of the beach. A single radiocarbon date of deed coastal archaeology in V ictoria is still in its infancy. 2450 BP for the upper part of the soil places it in the The need for intensive, long term regional and loca l middle of the present sequence of radiocarbon dates for studies cannot be over-stressed. Some of the most in­ this area (Coutts 1981: Table 1). At the eastern en d of teresting areas will be adjacent to Port Phillip, W estern the beach there is evidence for at least two closely spaced Port, Tower Hill, the Gippsland Lakes, and M allacoo ta soils containing archaeologiQal materials, within the Inlet. beach face of the leading dune system, and dating f rom ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS 570 ± 80 BP to 610 ± 110 BP and 2685 ± 110 to 2925 ± 95 BP respectively. My sincere thanks to Edm und Gill for his advice and Judged on the dates alone, Aboriginals were ex­ for reading and commenting on this manuscript durin g ploiting the coastal resources at Armstrong Bay som e its preparation. 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