June 2018

This publication is also available online at: www.plan-international.org First published 2018 – Text and photos  Plan International 2018 All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying or otherwise, without the prior permission of Plan International.

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Acknowledgements

The needs assessment was led by Plan International Lebanon, in partnership with War Child Lebanon, who conducted the data collection. Substantial support was provided by The Consultation and Research Institute (CRI) in the desk review, development of tools, analysis of findings, and report writing.

The authors gratefully acknowledge the contribution of the following Plan International Offices: Plan International United Kingdom, Plan International Netherlands, Plan International Sweden. Thanks also to Elissa Al Hassrouny and Keren Simons for managing the process. In addition, the authors would like to thank War Child Lebanon for data collection. Finally, the authors would like to thank adolescent girls and boys and their parents/caregivers, who participated in the research. Without their contributions, this assessment would not have been possible.

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CONTENTS

CONTENTS ...... 4 EXECUTIVE SUMMARY ...... 6 I. INTRODUCTION ...... 6 II. METHODOLOGY ...... 6 III. MAIN FINDINGS ...... 7 1. PROTECTION ...... 7 2. CHILD LABOUR ...... 8 3. CHILD MARRIAGE ...... 10 4. SEXUAL AND REPRODUCTIVE HEALTH AND RIGHTS (SRHR) ...... 11 5. EDUCATION ...... 11 OBJECTIVES AND METHODOLOGY ...... 13 I. OBJECTIVES ...... 13 II. METHODOLOGY ...... 14 III. LIMITATIONS ...... 14 FINDINGS ...... 16 I. CONTEXT OF THE ASSESSMENT ...... 16 II. HOUSEHOLD CHARACTERISTICS ...... 19 1. Household Size ...... 19 2. Household Structure ...... 20 3. Working Household Members ...... 21 4. Disability ...... 21 5. Household characteristics - Main Results ...... 23 III. EDUCATION ...... 25 1. Attitudes about Education ...... 25 2. School Attendance ...... 26 3. Type of Education ...... 26 4. School Drop-Out ...... 27 5. Reasons for School Drop-Out ...... 27 6. Caregivers’ Perceptions towards Education...... 29 7. Decision Makers ...... 30 8. Back to School ...... 31 9. Education Support Needs ...... 32 10. Education - Main Results ...... 34 IV. CHILD LABOUR ...... 35 1. Working Children ...... 35 2. Domain and Sector of Work: ...... 37 3. Entry into Labour Market ...... 40 4. Work Permanence ...... 41 5. Work Status ...... 42 6. Work Hours ...... 43 7. Earnings ...... 45 8. Working Adolescent Siblings and Friends ...... 47

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9. Reducing Work Risks and Combating WFCL - Needs Assessment ...... 48 10. Child Labour - Main Results ...... 49 V. CHILD MARRIAGE ...... 50 1. Marital Status ...... 50 2. Perceptions of & Contributing Factors to Child Marriage ...... 50 3. Age at Marriage (Married Adolescents) ...... 52 4. Spouses (Married Adolescents) ...... 53 5. Offspring (Married Adolescents) ...... 54 6. Marriage Arrangements (Married Adolescents) ...... 55 7. Social Activities (Married Adolescents) ...... 56 8. Marriage Plans (Unmarried Adolescents) ...... 56 9. Perception of Right Age for Marriage ...... 56 10. Preventing Early Marriage ...... 57 11. Child Marriage – Main Results ...... 58 VI. SEXUAL AND REPRODUCTIVE HEALTH AND RIGHTS...... 60 1. Awareness of SRHR Information, Services and Facilities ...... 60 2. Level of Comfort Accessing SRH Services ...... 60 3. Awareness of Contraceptive Means ...... 61 4. Females’ School Attendance while Having Period ...... 62 5. SRHR – Main Results ...... 64 VII. CHILD PROTECTION & SAFETY ...... 65 1. Prominent Risks and Environment ...... 65 2. Behavior in Case of Violence or Abuse ...... 66 3. Child Protection & Safety – Main Results ...... 68 PROGRAMMATIC RECOMMENDATIONS ...... 69 ANNEXES ...... 74

ANNEX I: TABLES ...... 74 ANNEX II: BIBLIOGRAPHY: ...... 83

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EXECUTIVE SUMMARY

I. INTRODUCTION

This Adolescent Girls and Boys Needs Assessment was conducted between November 2017 and February 2018 to assess the prevalence and dynamics of protection concerns affecting adolescent girls and boys, particularly child labour and child marriage, in Plan International’s programme areas in Lebanon and to develop programmatic recommendations.

The assessment revealed the scale and nature of child protection and GBV risks for adolescent girls and boys as well as examined the support for adolescents in Lebanese host communities and Syrian refugee communities across North Lebanon (Tripoli and Akkar) and North Bekaa regions.

II. METHODOLOGY

 521 individual survey-based interviews with adolescents, including: 259 younger adolescents between 12 and 14 years old (129 girls, 130 boys) and 262 older adolescents between 15 and 17 years old (129 girls, 133 boys).  23 Focus Group Discussion (FGD) with a total of 217 adolescents including: 112 younger adolescents between 12 and 14 years old (56 girls, 56 boys) and 105 adolescents between 15 and 17 years old (49 girls, 56 boys), in addition to 63 caregivers (35 females and 28 males)

The interviews and focus group discussions included adolescent girls and boys from Syria (59.1%) and from Lebanon (40.9%), currently living in Akkar (45.3%), Northern Bekaa (32.1%) and Tripoli 32.6%). Most of the 521 interviewed adolescents live in vulnerable and large households, with an average household size of 6.81 members. The highest average number of family members was found in Akkar (7.26) and the lowest in the city of Tripoli (6.35), both surpassed the national average in North Lebanon Governorate1 at 4.74 members per HH; also, in Northern Bekaa (Baalback District), the average HH size of 6.78 registered much higher than that of Bekaa region2 at 4.58 members/HH.

1 Source: CAS, MoSA and UNDP. 2004. “Living Conditions of Households – The National Survey of Household Living Conditions - 2004”. 2 Ibid.

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III. MAIN FINDINGS 1. PROTECTION

The assessment revealed high perceived prevalence of protection risks for adolescent girls and boys, both among refugee and host populations. Emotional abuse, physical violence and sexual violence risks were identified. Most risks were identified in the community (64%), particularly outside camps; while lower risks were identified in the family (9%), at work (9%) or in schools (5%).

One-third of all adolescent girls and boys identify emotional abuse as a key risk in their community

A third of all adolescents (33% of boys and 35% of girls) reports to have witnessed emotional violence. Syrian refugee girls and boys experience discrimination, are approached by gangsters, subject to crime, violence and harassment, report car accidents, drugs and alcoholism abuse in their environment, and all kinds of physical and verbal abuses. For some refugees, lack of proper documentation puts them at risk of arrest (especially at checkpoints) and imprisonment. This also makes it difficult for many Syrian refugees to commute freely, to report complaints at police station (if needed), refer to their embassy, etc.

A quarter of all adolescent girls and boys report physical violence in their community

Physical violence was mentioned as a risk by 25% of adolescent girls and 24% of adolescent boys.

16% of all adolescent girls think of sexual violence as a prominent risk to them

Sexual violence was mostly identified as a risk by female adolescents (16%); whereas, a mere 1% of males considered it to a prominent risk to them. When asked what survivors of sexual violence, including rape, would likely do, nearly half of the adolescents thought that survivors of rape would disclose the incident and inform somebody about what happened (49%). This was mostly the case among those from Lebanon (58%), female and older adolescents (53%). 64% of adolescents thought that survivors of sexual violence including rape would seek help. While older adolescent girls, particularly those from Lebanon, were most likely to seek help, older adolescent boys, particularly those from Syria were least likely to seek help.

Parents and caregivers seen as main providers of support, particularly for younger adolescent girls

The most important providers of support identified by adolescents included:

 Parents and/or other family members (80%), especially for younger adolescents (83%) and females (81%). In Lebanon this is most often the mother (84%, compared to 69% among Syrian adolescents).  Friends (16%), mostly among older and male adolescents (17% and 22% respectively).  Law enforcement bodies, such as the police (14%). These were rated higher by adolescents from Lebanon (21%).

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2. CHILD LABOUR

In Lebanon, the minimum working age is 14 years, while engagement in the worst forms of child labor including hazardous labor are prohibited for any child below the age of 18 years, as stated by Decree No. 8987. Education is compulsory until 15 years. Work performed above the minimum working age that interferes with a child’s compulsory education or results in long and heavy days is considered child labour.

Syrian older adolescent boys are most vulnerable to child labour

The results of the quantitative research illustrate that one-third of adolescents in vulnerable communities are currently working (33%). Working children are mostly Syrian, older adolescent boys between 15 and 17 years old.

 48% of adolescent boys are working, against 17% of the girls and mostly among older adolescents (42% of older adolescents are working compared to 24% of younger adolescents).  42% of older adolescents (15-17 years) are working, against 24% of younger adolescents 12-14 years.  Working adolescents are more often from Syria (41%) than from Lebanon (21%).

Most working adolescents are engaged in the worst forms of child labour

Whilst the sample size of this study was too small to generate reliable child labor statistics, the types of work and the hours and conditions under which most surveyed adolescents work, can be considered child labor.

Whilst the majority of working adolescents are engaged in agricultural work, others work in shops or restaurants, mechanic shops, construction sites or in factories. Girls are mostly working alongside family members, often in agricultural work. Adolescents from Syria commonly perform low-skilled jobs on a temporary basis. Based on analysis of the types of work performed by adolescents, it can be concluded that most are engaging in worst forms of child labour, particularly hazardous types of work that involve physical or psychological hazards and carry high risks to harm. These types of work are prohibited for all children below the age of 18 in Lebanon.

One-third of the working adolescents says to have entered the labour market before the age of 12 years, particularly boys from Syria and those living in the largely agricultural area of Baalback. While adolescent boys more often combine work with education, most working adolescent girls are not in school. Similarly, most Syrian working adolescents did not attend school while working. Almost half of the working adolescents only work on circumstantial basis (47%).

One of the major reasons for adolescent to work is to supplement family income in order to meet basic needs (69%) as they live in poor socio-economic conditions. Main reasons for children to work were high unemployment of caregivers, absence of breadwinners in the family, or lack of documentation of adults family members pushing children into child labour.

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Children working on the streets said that they and their peers were prone to learning bad habits and behaviors such as smoking, drinking alcohol and drugs, and that they were at higher risk of getting into criminal gangs and in contact with the law.

Adolescent girls and boys in agriculture are exposed to dangerous hazards and abuse

Through the focus group discussions, adolescents identified serious risks associated with work in agriculture. Girls and boys report to work in extreme weather conditions, in the sun during hot summers, and inside overheated greenhouses. Adolescents work long hours, some (6%) work night shifts or combine irregular hours during day and night (15%).

Several agricultural activities expose adolescents to physical hazards such as:

 Potato picking requires bending for a long period of time which leads to back pain.  Picking olives increases the risk to skin allergies.  Eggplant picking exposes children to mosquitoes.  Tobacco plantains exposes children to lung diseases and dyspnoea which in some cases leads to hospitalization.  Girls and boys are exposed to chemicals and pesticides as some landowners do not provide children with masks for protection.

Working children are exposed to verbal and physical abuse.

Adolescent girls and boys both report to be exposed to verbal and physical abuse and some report to have been hit by their employers by with hard objects and tools as a punishment. Some girls report that they are always yelled at work, in order to work faster. Some working children complain that employers do not pay them on time or do not pay their full wages. Many adolescents are suspicious of their employers and do not trust them. As a result of abuse and violence in the work place, girls and boys experience distress, and experience feelings of sadness, anxiety and depression.

Refugee children in rural areas at risk of forced labour

A quarter of working adolescents reported that they were recruited by “Shawish” brokers in agricultural areas (31% in Akkar, and 30% in Baalback). This was particularly the case for adolescents from Syria (29%) living in informal tented settlements including many of the working adolescent girls. Working under a shawish was in some cases marked as ‘forced labour’ as adolescents have to work in order to earn the ‘right’ for their family to live on the shawish’s land or property.

Adolescents working in agriculture report to earn about 1,500 LBP (1 USD) per hour, of which 500 LBP (0,33 USD) is to be paid to the shawish. The highest share of working adolescents (almost 35%) recorded weekly earnings to range from a minimum of 21 thousand LBP (approx. 14 USD), to a maximum of 50 thousand LBP (approx. 33 USD).

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3. CHILD MARRIAGE

No less than 9% of adolescents are married, and Syrian girls are marrying younger

At present, there is no minimum age for marriage in Lebanon. Instead, local and religious laws determine the age based on personal status laws which in some cases allow girls younger than 15 years to marry. In Syria, the legal minimum age of marriage is 17 years for girls and 18 for males; however, local and religious courts can allow girls as young as thirteen to get married.

Out of 521 interviewed adolescent girls and boys between 12 and 17 years:

 25 adolescents (21 girls, 4 boys) were married, 22 of them are Syrian and 3 are Lebanese  20 adolescents (15 girls, 5 boys) were engaged, 14 of them are Syrian and 6 are Lebanese.  One Syrian adolescent girl who had been married and was now divorced.

The average age of marriage was 16 years; however, Syrian girls were more likely to get married at an earlier age.

 Married at 16 years: 39% of married adolescents  Married at 15 years: 42% of married adolescents, mainly Syrian girls  Married at 14 years: 15% of married adolescents, only Syrian girls  Married at 13 years: one Syrian adolescent girl

One-quarter of married adolescents from Syria were married to spouses who were also under 18.

Almost every married adolescent had dropped-out of school, except for one female adolescent. Two-thirds of adolescents who are engaged, had dropped-out of school.

When married adolescents were asked why they got married, 46% said they got married out of love. About 35% said their marriage had been an arrangement between families, which is considered as a traditional mode of marriage to “sustain the honor of adolescent girls” used as a key justification also used for early marriages. Some adolescent girls and boys reported that the marriage had been arranged to relieve the financial burden on their families or ensure their own future security. Some adolescent girls report to have been forced to marry early.

This was confirmed by many of the caregivers, who, despite not being in favor of early marriage, had approved the marriages of their daughters out of financial desperation or security concerns, particularly those living in informal tent settlements.

60% of married adolescent girls have their first child before the age of 18 years

14 married adolescent girls confirmed that they already have children, and one older Syrian adolescent boy expected his first child at the time of the interview.

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4. SEXUAL AND REPRODUCTIVE HEALTH AND RIGHTS (SRHR)

Married adolescents were asked if they are aware of where and how to access information or services related to Sexual and Reproductive Health and Rights (SRHR) in their community, in particular:

 Education and counselling regarding SRH: about 50% of married adolescents (53% Syrian, 100% Lebanese) was aware of such services. Higher share of awareness was recorded in Baalback District (63%); whereas, higher shares of unfamiliarity were found among married adolescents living in Akkar and Tripoli (56%).  Voluntary Counselling and Testing for HIV: only 15% of married adolescents (13% Syrian and 33% Lebanese) was aware of the availability of this type of services, and mostly adolescents from cities and towns.  Miscarriage/Post-abortion care services: only 31% of married adolescents (26% Syrian and 67% Lebanese) was aware of the availability of this type of services, particularly adolescents from Tripoli.  Family planning services: only 15% of married adolescents (4% Syrian and 100% Lebanese) were aware of the availability of this type of services.  Periods and menstruation: around 73% of married adolescents (70% Syrian and 100% Lebanese) were aware of the availability of this type of services; especially in Akkar (89%), followed distantly by Tripoli (67%) and Baalback District (63%).  Pregnancy care and delivery: around 73% of married adolescents (70% Syrian and 100% Lebanese) were aware of the availability of this type of services; especially in Akkar (89%), followed distantly by Tripoli (67%) and Baalback District (63%).

Some 19% of married adolescents did not feel comfortable visiting SRH services facilities due to two reasons: they did not feel comfortable due to the fact that some services like contraception were a taboo, or they had concerns over the privacy and confidentiality of these services.

50% of married adolescents are not aware of contraceptives

When married adolescents were asked if they knew the ways to prevent pregnancy, 50% were not aware of contraception. This is likely related to high socio-cultural and religious barriers to discuss bodily changes and sexual and reproductive health, particularly in Baalback (63%).

5. EDUCATION

Syrian, older adolescent boys are least likely to pursue education

Education enrollment rates were highest among Lebanese adolescents (79%) and lowest among Syrian adolescents (47%). Younger adolescents are more likely to be in school than older adolescents and slightly more girls than boys continue secondary education after completing primary school. Remarkably, 17% of interviewed adolescents from Syria were illiterate and 30% of all adolescent girls and boys interviewed in Tripoli have never benefitted from any kind of formal education. Most adolescents were enrolled formal education, particularly those living in Tripoli (81%), those from Lebanon (78%) and the younger

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adolescents (70%). A smaller group attends technical and vocational training institutions (21% of those attending school), particularly older adolescents (25%).

Main barriers to education include: high costs of education, financial barriers, lack of availability of schools in vicinity of the community, large learning gaps, violence and harassment in schools by teachers or peers, lack of opportunities to accelerate learning, lack of motivation or confidence to pursue education, differences in curricula (between Syrian and Lebanese schools). Syrian children also mentioned discrimination as a reason to stop going to school. Socio-economic problems, such as parental distress, unemployment or illness, was a common reason, particularly for Syrian children, to stop school and start working or take care of family members.

Girls’ education widely supported; yet, only 64% continues learning

Education was highly valued by both caregivers and adolescent girls and boys themselves; however, only 64% of all adolescent girls and only 56% of all adolescent boys transitions from primary into secondary education. Particularly Syrian adolescent girls and boys were less likely to pursue secondary education.

At the same time, adolescent girls had predominantly positive attitudes about their education; it was seen as essential for girls to strengthen their personalities and gain self-confidence, and to “defend themselves” in their communities. Education was also seen as an important way to find a good job and become financially independent. Girls themselves saw education as a way to become socially involved in society to fulfil their future dreams. Adolescent girls from more conservative families thought that education would help them prepare for their marital lives and assist them in establishing healthy and supportive family relations.

Nearly half of all adolescent boys drop out of school

The study revealed that that only 56% of male adolescents continued learning, in many cases due to financial barriers such as payment of the transportation fees, stationary, school bags and other expenses: “the bus fee is LBP 25 thousand per month (equivalent to around $16.67); when I don’t pay, I have to go to school walking”. Some boys dropped out to seek work while others remained at home, assisting in house chores, or spending the days outdoors.

When asked if they wanted to go to school only 39% said that they would like to go back to school. Two-thirds of drop-outs are interested in apprenticeship or technical vocational training programs (67%); those were mainly from Baalback (85%), females (72%), older adolescents (71%) and from Syria (68%).

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OBJECTIVES AND

METHODOLOGY

Founded in 1937 during the Spanish civil war, Plan International is an independent development and humanitarian organization that advances children’s rights and equality for girls so that they can live free of poverty, violence and injustice. We strive for a just world, working together with children, young people, our supporters and partners. Our Global Strategy is aimed at transforming the lives of vulnerable children, especially girls, so that they can learn, lead, decide and thrive. Plan International has been building powerful partnerships for children for more than 80 years, and is active in over 70 countries across the world. We have a long standing presence in the MENA region, with the Plan Egypt office having been operational since 1981.

Since 2014, Plan International has been implementing programmes to support Syrian refugee children and adolescents in Egypt. Plan International’s operational office in Lebanon was established in 2016. Plan International Lebanon implements programmes with and for children and adolescents throughout the country, including in Beirut, Mount Lebanon, the South, the North and the Beqaa. Plan International works in partnership with communities and local, national and international organisations to address the needs of refugee and host communities in Lebanon.

I. OBJECTIVES

The objective of this assessment was to assess the specific needs of adolescent girls and boys, with focus on child labour and child marriage, in Lebanese host communities and Syrian refugee communities across North Lebanon (Tripoli and Akkar) and North Bekaa regions. The purpose of the assessment was to set geographic and programmatic priorities for Plan International’s programmes in Lebanon.

In this context, Plan International assigned the Consultation and Research Institute (CRI) to conduct an assessment on the needs of adolescent girls and boys in designated areas in Lebanon.

The study was funded by Plan International UK, Plan International Netherlands and Plan International Sweden. In addition, the study was supported by War Child Lebanon by providing all the needed data by conducting 521 surveys and 23 Focus Group Discussions.

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II. METHODOLOGY The assessment methodology included:  521 individual survey-based interviews with adolescents, including: 259 younger adolescents between 12 and 14 years old (129 girls, 130 boys) and 262 older adolescents between 15 and 17 years old (129 girls, 133 boys).  23 Focus Groups Discussions (FGD) with a total of 217 adolescents including: 112 younger adolescents between 12 and 14 years old (56 girls, 56 boys) and 105 adolescents between 15 and 17 years old (49 girls, 56 boys), in addition to 63 caregivers (35 females and 28 males)

The interviews and focus group discussions included adolescent girls and boys from Syria (59.1%) and from Lebanon (40.9%), currently living in Akkar (45.3%), Northern Bekaa (32.1%) and Tripoli 32.6%). Most of the 521 interviewed adolescents live in vulnerable and large households, with an average household size of 6.81 members. The highest average number of family members was found in Akkar (7.26) and the lowest in the city of Tripoli (6.35), both surpassed the national average in North Lebanon Governorate3 at 4.74 members per HH; also, in Northern Bekaa (Baalback District), the average HH size of 6.78 registered much higher than that of Bekaa region4 at 4.58 members/HH.

Data collection: CRI designed a data entry program using ODK Kobo Toolbox software, while War Child Holland (WCH) provided the tablet computers to facilitate immediate data entry.

III. LIMITATIONS The main limitation of this assessment is that as a result of the chose sampling methodologies, results cannot be generalised to the wider population in the targeted areas. The needs assessment was carried out among a targeted 500 vulnerable adolescent girls and boys. The proposed sample was distributed using several factors: region, gender, nationality and age. The standard sampling methodology requires to randomly select the respondents from a sampling base, i.e. a list of all eligible individuals (as defined in the statistical unit: the vulnerable children located in the selected regions, from both nationalities (Lebanese and Syrians) and aging between 12 and 17 years old. Unfortunately, such a list does not exist. Hence, a “convenient” sample was used. The assessment team used the contacts of different NGOs working in the selected regions in order to identify the respondents. These NGOs are already providing various services to vulnerable children. The sample was largely drawn from these beneficiaries. In addition, surveyors used a “snowball sampling” methodology to reach respondents outside the direct beneficiary community. Assessment participants selected other participants in the surrounding area (neighbourhoods) to participate in the assessment.

In conclusion, the sample of this assessment is, statistically speaking, not representative of the total population”.

3 Source: CAS, MoSA and UNDP. 2004. “Living Conditions of Households – The National Survey of Household Living Conditions - 2004”. 4 Ibid.

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FINDINGS

I. CONTEXT OF THE ASSESSMENT

The quantitative research face-to-face interviews targeted adolescents (12-17 years old) who are residing in vulnerable communities located in three major areas in Lebanon, namely those of Tripoli, Akkar and Northern Bekaa. It should be noted that these geographical areas comprise of vast regions, which contain a variety of localities and social spheres (the map below shows the location of conducted interviews across the three designated regions).

For instance, Tripoli area includes a major urban pole such as the city of Tripoli (the second largest city in Lebanon) that contains many poor neighbourhoods like Tebbene, Jabal Mohsen, Qobbeh, Al-Tal, etc.; in addition to the Bedawi Palestinian refugee camp. Moreover, this area extends widely from Qalamoun region to Minieh- Dannieh District (Caza) passing through few towns and villages within the District of Zgharta, where several peripheral urbans, semi-urban and rural localities exist.

On the other hand, North Bekaa region spreads widely across Baalback District, the biggest in Lebanon (2,278 Km2, more than a fifth of the total area of the country). The survey covered residential clusters ranging from Temnine, Bednayel, Hawsh El-Rafqah, Chmistar, Bouday, Shlifa, Deir Al-Ahmar, Aynata, Bishwet, Barqa, in one direction; Arsal, Labweh, Nabi Othman, Nabha, Shaath, to the North; passing through the central city of Baalback and its surroundings (Kfardan, Majdaloun, Doures, Brital, Talia and Nabi Chit, etc.).

In the same sense, Akkar, which became a separate Governorate5 (Mohafaza) in 2003 and previously known to be the second biggest district in Lebanon (776 Km2), covers an array of regions, from the coastal town of Abdeh upwards to the core city of Halba and its surroundings, and reaching Kherbet Dawoud; and from the southern regions of Bebnine, Wadi Al-Jamous and Berqayel, to the northern parts of Hissa, Tal-Abbas, Masoudiyeh and Bireh.

5 With Law 522 of July 16, 2003, the number of Lebanese governorates increased from six to eight. Two governorates were created, Baalbek-Hermel (formerly part of the Bekaa) and Aakkar Governorate (formerly part of North Lebanon). http://www.localiban.org/rubrique394.html

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Both Akkar and Northern Bekaa regions are characterized as being rural areas (mainly), and considered to acquire high poverty rates in Lebanon (especially Akkar)6. It should be also noticed that these two areas were affected most by the Syrian refugee crisis, as “North Lebanon” (including Akkar) and “Bekaa” (including Baalback) regions host 61.2% of registered Syrian refugees (out of around a total number of 997.5 thousand all over Lebanon)7 and still hold several refugee camps and tented settlements.

In addition to the regional level quota, several other factors were pre-selected to constitute the base for sample distribution, such as gender, Nationality and age group. The quantitative survey, of 521 F2F interviews, resulted in the following sample distribution:

Table 1: Sample Distribution, According to Gender, Age, Region, and Nationality

Akkar N. Bekaa Tripoli Sample Total Distribution From From From From From From Lebanon Syria Lebanon Syria Lebanon Syria 12 to 14 4.0% 4.8% 3.3% 4.8% 3.1% 5.0% 25.0% Male 15 to 17 3.3% 5.8% 3.3% 4.8% 3.8% 4.6% 25.5% 12 to 14 3.3% 5.4% 3.3% 4.8% 3.8% 4.2% 24.8% Female 15 to 17 3.3% 5.6% 3.1% 4.8% 3.5% 4.6% 24.8% Total 13.8% 21.5% 12.9% 19.2% 14.2% 18.4% 100.0%

In general, the gender and age distribution was almost equally divided between male and female respondents, and amongst the two age groups: 12 to 14 years and 15 to 17 years old adolescents. Similarly, those residing in the three coverage areas were almost equally represented (around one-third of total sample each), ranging from 32% in Northern Bekaa to 35% in Akkar.

It should be noted that the sample breakdown according to nationality leaned in favour of respondents who originated from Syria, including PRS (59%), on behalf of those who originated from Lebanon, including PRL (41%). This contributes more weight to the responses of Syrian refugees when presenting and analysing the overall results, which could be justified due to the fact that Syrian refugees – in general – live in extreme conditions and are subjected to higher risk of CP and GBV issues.

6 Source: UNDP. August 2008. “Poverty, Growth, and Income Distribution in Lebanon”. 7 Numbers of registered Syrian refugees in Lebanon were derived from UNHCR portal (last updated on the 31st of December 2017): http://data.unhcr.org/syrianrefugees/country.php?id=122

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Figure 1: Sample Distribution, According to Gender, Age, Region, and Nationality

59.1% 50.5% 50.3% 49.5% 49.7% 35.3% 40.9% 32.6% 32.1%

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II. HOUSEHOLD CHARACTERISTICS

1. Household Size

It was found that the total sample of 521 adolescents in vulnerable conditions live in households that comprise of 3,547 members, with an average household size of 6.81 members. This average size of household remarkably exceeded the national average of 4.27 members per household in Lebanon8 (prior to the Syrian crisis and refugee influx to Lebanon). Even, when taking into consideration the regional differences, the average household size recorded significantly higher scores than regional averages on the national level. The highest average was found in Akkar (7.26) and the lowest in Tripoli (6.35), both surpassed the national average in North Lebanon Governorate9 at 4.74 members per HH; also, in Northern Bekaa (Baalback District), the average HH size of 6.78 registered much higher than that of Bekaa region10 at 4.58 members/HH. The smallest HH size comprised of one person (the interviewed adolescent) and the largest HH unit consisted of 17 individuals living in one residential unit.

The exceptional living conditions of Syrian refugees have certainly impacted the large average HH size. Nonetheless, big households are attributed to the vulnerable social segments targeted by this research, especially those residing in rural areas, mainly relying on agricultural type of economic activities, where traditions are still predominant, and positioned in peripheral regions far away from the Capital city, excluded from the advantages of an extremely centralized country such as Lebanon. These kinds of vulnerability and social circumstances explain the reasons why household sizes tend to soundly overcome the national norms even among households of adolescents originated from Lebanon (6.19), slightly below the average registered by households of adolescents originated from Syria (7.23).

When comparing the average HH size between the different gender, age and nationality groups, these were found to be almost similar for each category within the total sample.

Table 2: Average HH size and Share, by Region, Nationality, Gender and Age

Average HH Size Share of HH Members Household Members (number of members) (%) Total 6.81 100.0% Akkar 7.26 37.6% N. Bekaa 6.78 31.9% Tripoli 6.35 30.4% From Lebanon 6.19 37.2% From Syria 7.23 62.8% Female 6.95 50.6% Male 6.67 49.4% 12-14 years 6.63 48.4% 15-17 years 6.99 51.6%

8 Source: CAS, MoSA and UNDP. 2004. “Living Conditions of Households – The National Survey of Household Living Conditions - 2004”. 9 Ibid. 10 Ibid.

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The majority of households comprised of an average household size of 5 to 6 members (38%), followed by households with 7 to 8 members (29%). When combined together, households with a size of 5 to 8 members constitute two-thirds of the total sample (66.4%). The lowest share of households constituting of less than 5 members was registered in Akkar (10%). On the other hand, the biggest households, containing more than 10 individuals, constituted almost 10% of the total sample. This category of large households registered its highest shares amongst those residing in rural Akkar and those who originated from Syria (14% for each segment); whereas, it recorded its lowest shares within those residing in an urban area (3% in Tripoli) and those who are originally from Lebanon (4%).

Figure 2: Share of HH Size, According to Region, Nationality, Gender and Age

1.7% 1.8% 3.5% 0.5% 2.6% 2.3% 1.2% 0.4% 3.1% 10% 13% 17% 11% 16% 10% 13% 13% 13% 12%

34% 33% 38% 31% 39% 36% 35% 45% 45% 44% 1 to 2 3 to 4 28% 34% 33% 25% 5 to 6 29% 26% 33% 26% 25% 31% 7 to 8 8% 13% 11% 10% 10% 11% 9% 9 to 10 12% 9% 10% 14% 11% 5% 14% 10% 9% 12% 3% 4% 7% + 11

2. Household Structure

a) Head of Household

More than three-quarters of the sample of adolescents from vulnerable communities have the father as head of the household (77%). This case is more prevalent among adolescents originated from Lebanon (84%), when compared to those from Syria (72%). A smaller share of respondents reported their mothers as head of household (12%). On the contrary, this case is more evident among adolescents originated from Syria (14%), compared to those from Lebanon (10%). Usually mothers are considered to be the head of households whenever the father is physically absent or otherwise not able to provide to carry out caretaker or breadwinner responsibilities. Married adolescents also reported their spouse as the head of household of the family (3%).

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b) Breadwinner

In the majority of families, the father is the breadwinner (69%), which is the case among almost 80% of households of adolescents from Lebanon, versus almost 62% of those from Syria. In fewer instances, the mother is the breadwinner of the household (9%). About 6.7% of adolescents see themselves as the main breadwinners (9.7% for those from Syria and 2.4% for those from Lebanon). Particularly older adolescent respondents (15 to 17 years old) provide financial support to the household (almost 7%). About 4.2% of adolescents (7.1% of Syrians) indicated that they did not have a family breadwinner. This is entirely the case of Syrian refugees who depend on aid packages provided by NGOs, INGOs, International Organizations, etc. and/or loans (refer to Table 5 in Annex I).

c) Caregiver

When asked about the main caregiver, three-quarters of adolescents mentioned their mother (75%), whereas, against 7% who identified the father as the main caregiver. Mothers – more often – played the major role in caregiving to adolescents from Lebanon (84%), as compared to those from Syria (69%). Mothers were more commonly seen as the main caregivers by younger adolescents between 12-14 years (83%) than by older adolescents (68%) (refer to Table 6 in Annex I).

Some adolescents consider themselves caregivers within the household (11.5% of total sample). Adolescent girls play the role of caregivers (15%) more frequently than boys (8%). Also, 17.6% of older adolescents bear the burden of caregiving, in comparison to only 5.4% of younger ones who stand for this responsibility. This is more common among adolescents who are from Syria (14.9%), than those from Lebanon (6.6%).

3. Working Household Members

Three-quarters of the households have a working father (75%), while mothers work in only 22% of the total households. Adult siblings are working in 24% of households, in addition to 14% of households where adolescent siblings work to support their families (refer to Table 7 in Annex I).

In general, the breadwinners are occupied in low added-value type of work, mainly being labourers in construction sites (18%) and farm work (14%), or having low-skilled jobs in services sector, such as working in a food outlet, café and restaurant (13%), in addition to those labourers in factories (9%).

In 5% of the households no family members are working. This is not unsurprising in the light of high unemployment rates in Lebanon (6.7% in 2017).

4. Disability

There are no official statistics on the number of adolescents with disabilities in Lebanon; however, the 2009 MICS figures reveal that 7.8% of children aged 2-9 years have at least one form of disability11. In this assessment 8.1% of adolescents living in vulnerable

11 The Multiple Indicators Cluster Survey- round 3 (MICS3) Tables (Percentage of children aged 2-9 years with disability reported by their mother or caretaker according to the type of disability, Lebanon, 2009): http://www.cas.gov.lb/index.php/mics3-tables-en

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conditions reported having a disability; 9.1% of Syrian adolescents and 6.6% of Lebanese adolescents. This share varies among regions, recording its highest levels among adolescents residing in N. Beqaa (12.6%). Younger adolescents recorded higher levels of disability (9.7%), compared to older adolescents (6.5%).

Figure 3: Share of Adolescents with Disability, by Region, Nationality, Gender and Age

12.6%

9.7% 9.1% 8.7% 8.1% 7.6% 7.4% 6.6% 6.5% 4.3%

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5. Household characteristics - Main Results

Adolescents in vulnerable communities live in households with an average HH size of 6.8 members. Around two-third of households constitute of 5 to 8 members. Some 10% of households have more than 10 individuals; particularly in Akkar and families from Syria (14% each).

Most households comprise of a traditional family composition (92.5%). Some 77% have the father as head of the household, especially in the case of those from Lebanon (84%); while mothers are considered as head of household in 12% of the cases; this is more prevalent in families originating from Syria (14%).

Overall, parents are the breadwinners for 78% of the total sample (90% for those from Lebanon and 70% for those from Syria). In 6.7% of the families, the adolescents themselves were the breadwinners, they were mostly older adolescents (7%). About 4.2% of adolescents reported having no breadwinner in the family; this was true for 7.1% of Syrian adolescents.

In general, the breadwinners are occupied in low added-value type of work and in low-skilled jobs, mainly being labourers in construction sites (18%), farm work (14%), working in a food outlet, café and restaurant (13%), and labourers in factories (9%). About 75% of all adolescents have a working father, while mothers work in only 22% of the households. Adolescent siblings were found to be working in 14% of the households.

75% of all adolescents sees their mother as the main caregiver. About 12% of all adolescents reported to be a caregiver, especially girls (15%) and older adolescents (17.6%).

Around 8% of adolescents report to have some kind of disability; the highest levels recorded in N. Bekaa (12.6%) and among adolescents from Syria (9.1%). Younger adolescents aged 12 to 14 also recorded higher levels of disability (9.7%).

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III. EDUCATION

1. Attitudes about Education

The focus groups revealed that the majority of adolescents do value education. Adolescents feel that education provides them with knowledge and useful information about life, including culture, morals, as well as hygiene practices and maintaining personal cleanliness. Through schooling they gain the ability to read and write and learn foreign languages. One of the Syrian male participants expressed his joy with acquiring the capability to read the signs on the streets and knowing the directions on his way. Some adolescents were encouraged to attend school in order to be able to use the communication technology and practice phone texting; other male and female Syrians found education to be important, as they can now read the Quran. Finally, some adolescents expressed that for them, going to school was merely an obligation from their parents, and that they saw school primarily as a place to meet friends and socialize.

The majority of adolescents consider education to be their pathway for a brighter future, better career and successful life. They aspire to graduate and become doctors, engineers, civil servants, or army officers. Adolescents generally preferred education over work. Partly for financial reasons, as a Syrian boy explained: “Instead of working as daily wage labourers and get paid LBP 10 thousand (equivalent to around $6.67), we can learn and become employed for higher salaries”, but also to gain a better position in society, as a Lebanese boys stated: “Education is very important to us, without education we are worth nothing in life”. Adolescent girls and boys also see education as a vehicle to serve their society and country: “Education can benefit others, for example: doctors can cure the sick”.

Adolescent girls feel that education is essential for them to strengthen their personalities and gain self-confidence, and to “defend themselves” in their communities. It offers them the means to find better jobs and become financially independent (“not depend on anyone”). For some girl’s education is an opening to become socially involved (“if we are not well educated we stay at home”) and participate in society. It helps them to fulfil their dreams and achieve their goals. Some girls felt that education could help them prepare for their marital lives, for example by establishing healthy family relations, being able to teach their own children in the future, or -in a worst case scenario- in case of divorce it could help them be more independent from their husband.

Despite their positive attitudes towards education, many adolescents struggle to enrol in school, often due to economic hardship. Adolescents who never enrolled in school, or dropped-out because of financial difficulties, report that this happened because their parents couldn’t afford the transportation fees, stationary, school bags and other expenses. Some adolescents reported that they started working at an early age to pay for their own education: “the bus monthly fee is LBP 25,000 for each child (equivalent to around $16.67); when I don’t pay, I have to go to school walking”.

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2. School Attendance

About 60% of all adolescents living in vulnerable conditions are enrolled in education; of which the vast majority are attending school on regular basis (91%). This is particularly true for Lebanese (79%) and younger adolescents (74%), while Syrian (47%) and older adolescents (47%) are less likely to attend school. Among older adolescents, boys are more likely to drop out early while girls are more likely to stay in school.

Figure 4: School Attendance, According to Region, Nationality, Gender and Age

47% 47% 64% 56% 61% 57% 62% 60% 79% 74%

53% 53% 36% 44% 39% 43% 38% 40% 21% 26%

Not Attending School Currently Attending School

3. Type of Education

The majority of adolescents who are attending school, are enrolled in formal education (68%). This is particularly true for adolescents living in the urban area of Tripoli (81%), from Lebanon (78%) and for younger adolescents (70%).

A smaller group of mostly older adolescents attends technical and vocational training institutions (21%), particularly common in Akkar Governorate (36%).

A relatively small group attends non-formal education (11%) particularly common among adolescents from Syria (23%).

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Figure 5: Type of Education for Adolescents Attending School, by Region, Nationality, Gender and age

60% 56% 68% 62% 68% 68% 70% 65% 81% 78%

4% 23% 11% 15% 10% 11% 1% 12% 11% 36% 21% 23% 14% 22% 21% 21% 22% 19% 25% 5%

Technical Vocational Training Non-formal education Formal education

4. School Drop-Out

40% of all surveyed adolescents reported to be out of school. The majority of this group had attended school in the past with only a small proportion that never attended school (15.9%). Among all nationalities, age groups and both among Lebanese and Syrian adolescents, the school drop-out in the past three years has been highest. Most younger adolescents dropped out in 2017 (30.9%) while most older adolescents reportedly dropped out in 2015 (27.9%); showing a clear risk for school drop-out for adolescents in the age range between 11 and 14 years old (refer to

Table 8 in Annex I).

5. Reasons for School Drop-Out

Adolescents report financial hardship as a primary reason for school drop-out (30%), which explains the fact that 25% of adolescents report that they work to support their families. Another 25% of adolescents reports that they did not want to go to school anymore. The discussions with adolescents presented a multitude of factors that contributed to this decision.

Below are the main reasons for school drop-out, as articulated during the focus groups sessions:

1. Poverty: Caregivers cannot afford to enrol their children in schools. Even though public schools do not charge school fees; other expenses, such as registration, stationary, school bags, clothes (especially for winter season), and transportation can be costly. One mother explained: “The school requests a medical analysis and report, in order to prove that my child is disease free, which costs LBP 10,000 (equivalent to $6.67); whereas, I work all day long pealing garlic for the same amount of LBP 10,000”. Moreover, many parents

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cannot afford private tutoring, as it costs around LBP 35,000 a month, which is equivalent to $23.33.

Financial hardship and adult unemployment force children to drop-out of school and seek for work, in order to support their families. One adolescent boy who manages to combine school and work stated that he is able to go to work three to four days a week only.

2. Limited access to quality education: Adolescents mentioned several factors related to the availability and quality of education that affect their attendance and eventually lead to drop-out:

a. Lack of schools in the vicinity of children’s homes is a key barrier to education. A lack of kindergartens leads children in some regions to start school at the age of 6 or 7 years, often with a delay in early learning. A lack of primary or secondary schools also often leads to early school drop-out.

b. Differences in school curricula between Lebanese and Syrian educational systems, pose several challenges to Syrian pupils when transitioning to Lebanese schools; especially learning foreign languages, repetition of classes, or registration in lower grades resulted for some children in a lower interest in school.

c. The afternoon shifts at public schools, designated for Syrian refugees, pose a challenge to both pupils and caregivers. Schools end in the late afternoon and as a result, children return home after dark, especially during winter and in locations where schools are far from children’s home. The commute to and from school is perceived by many parents as particularly risky for girls and younger children. Especially in regions that are insecure or where discrimination against Syrian refugees prevails, parents prefer to keep their children, particularly girls, at home.

d. Teachers’ behaviour and bad treatment by administrative staff, is another reason for school drop-out among adolescents, particularly Syrian girls and boys. Adolescents mention that teachers do not put any effort to teach; they do not explain the learning materials and seem to be in a hurry to finish work and leave early, while other teachers are reportedly busy on their phones during class. Demotivated teachers usually rely on harsh punishments, sometimes for no valid reason, including verbal and physical abuses. In some of the discussion groups, adolescents revealed that the janitors and bus drivers would hit the kids. One child was expelled from school because he hit back when his teacher slapped him. One of the mothers stated that the quality of the second shift education is so low, that her child is not learning anything at school: “Now, after two years, he still does not know how to write his name”.

e. Discrimination in schools is common, especially towards Syrian children or towards students with low school performance (“some teachers put a donkey ear and tail on the pupil who get bad grades or do not accomplish the homework”). Harassment, particularly of girls, is mentioned as a reason for girls to drop-out of school.

3. Social Issues: Many children drop-out of school affected by their social circumstances.

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a. Some children have to drop-out of school to support their families by taking over the role of a caregiver or breadwinner, particularly when one or both of the parents are absent or suffer a chronic disease. As one adolescent boy said: “I love education and I attended school until grade 8, but then my father left and we didn’t hear back from him. So I stopped school to find work and support my family”. One of the caregivers expressed that he has a back injury and is unemployed; therefore, he had to remove his three sons from school and send them to work, in order to provide income for the family.

b. Social stress, marital problems, intimate partner violence and divorce are key risk factors for school drop-out. The limited capacity of parents and caregivers commonly impacts school performance and in some cases also to lower attendance, and eventually to school drop-out.

c. Social norms and practices can be a key reason for drop-out among adolescent girls. Some more conservative communities are not supporting girls’ education, due to the strong gender roles assigned to girl, mostly in caretaking or other domestic roles. Any outside type of activity, even going to school, might affect the reputation of the family. Mixed girls/boys schools, long commutes to and from schools and risks of harassment on the streets are common reasons for caregivers to keep their girls home. In some families, girls are expected to stop school at the age of 13-14 years old to prepare for marriage.

6. Caregivers’ Perceptions towards Education

While 40% of all interviewed adolescents had dropped-out of school, almost 80% of the interviewed caregivers believed that education was important for their children. The positive attitude towards education was almost equally high among caregivers of adolescents who are from Syria (73%), who are older (77%) and male (79%) who typically have a greater responsibility in financially supporting their families. Most caregivers reported that: “education is the most important thing in life”. All parents, even the caregivers who were illiterate (including many female caregivers) or those with low school attainment levels, indicated that they wanted their children to be well-educated and become better-off than their parents. Some parents felt ashamed that they couldn’t tutoring their children or help them with their homework. Whilst caregivers expressed the wish for their children to be educated, not all parents have been able to enrol their children in school. Many caregivers expressed deep regret: “I feel sad and sorry for my children, because they are not attending school”.

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Figure 6: Share of Caregivers that Find Education to be Important, by Region, Nationality, Gender and Age

89% 84% 83% 80% 81% 79% Caregivers find education 79% 77% 73% 76% important Caregivers do not find education important

16% 14% 19% 15% No answer 15% 13% 15% 17%11% 9% 9% 6% 4% 7% 5% 7% 2% 8% 3% 4%

7. Decision Makers

Most adolescents saw themselves as the main decision makers about their education. 42% of all respondents reported that they decided for themselves whether to attend school or not. More than half (51%) of the out-of-school adolescents reported that they themselves took the decision to drop out of school.

Fathers made the decisions on behalf of 31% of adolescents who are attending school and for those who dropped-out alike. Mothers on the other hand, have a say in 22% of the cases. In most cases, mothers decide more frequently in favour of continuing learning (in 29% of the cases of adolescents who attend school, versus 12% of the cases of drop-outs).

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Figure 7: Main Decision Maker Concerning School Attendance, by Region, Nationality, Gender and Age

31% 34% 42% 39% 35% 51% 44% 44% 49% 50%

Myself 35% 35% 27% 37% Father 31% 32% 26% 33% 24% 27% Mother 28% 30% 27% Others 22% 19% 21% 17% 21% 23% 18% No Answer 4% 4% 2% 5% 3% 4% 4% 4% 5% 3% 1% 1% 1% 1% 1% 1% 1% 2%

8. Back to School

It was found that only 39% of adolescents who dropped-out of school would like to go back to school, if they could. This was particularly the case for younger adolescents (47%), those from Lebanon (46%), girls (42%) and those living in rural areas (42% in Akkar Governorate and 40% in Baalback District). Those interested in education, were mainly interested in attending an apprenticeship or technical vocational training program (67%). Many adolescents who missed years of education, prefer to keep working. As one male adolescent explains: “I had started working to support my mother, but now she has found a job and I work for my own good”.

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Figure 8: Share of Those who like to Go Back to School, by Region, Nationality, Gender and Age

33% 37% 36% 34% 39% 42% 40% 46% 42% 47%

45% 52% 54% 57% 51% 50% 56% 46% 46% 37%

19% 16% 10% 8% 4% 7% 11% 12% 9% 7% 1% 3% 2% 1% 2% 1%

No answer Do not know No, I do not like to go to school Yes, I would like to go to school

Figure 9: Share of Those who are Interested in Attending Apprenticeship or Technical Vocational Training Programs, by Region, Nationality, Gender and Age

48% 64% 60% 67% 67% 64% 68% 72% 71% 85%

27% 21% 18% 15% 18% 17% 18% 18% 16% 22% 14% 17% 13% 16% 13% 17% 19% 11% 3% 10% 1% 1% 3% 2% 1% 3% 2%

No answer Do not know No Yes

9. Education Support Needs

When the focus groups participants were asked: what type of support would you need to enrol in education and stay in school? The following needs were identified by adolescents and caregivers:

a) Financial support; including paper work required for registration (medical examination), transportation fees, stationary and other materials, school bags, uniforms / proper clothes (especially for winter season) and other expenses. In the case of working children, family financial support to replace the income from child labour is required.

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b) “caring” and fully dedicated teachers with adequate teaching skills, as well as teachers of the same nationality as the pupils. c) Prohibit severe punishments and hitting disciplines. d) Adapted curricula for Syrians and/or certain classes in Arabic. e) Availability of morning shifts to Syrian refugees. f) Availability of sufficient classes for different school grades and levels. g) Easy registration procedures. h) Support in the transition from early childhood education to registration at primary schools. i) Safe and reliable means of transportation. j) Adult education programs, to help caregivers tutor their children and assist them with their homework. k) Schooling programs inside the Syrian refugee camps. l) Special educational and recreational activities to children. m) Improved school facilities, such as classrooms and teaching materials / cleanliness and water, sanitation and hygiene measures (such as availability of clean toilets). n) Safety rules in and around the school premises (speed signs on the roads, separate entrances for vehicles, safe heating systems, proper ventilation, presence of guards, protection on windows, etc.). o) Separate classes for girls and boys.

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10. Education - Main Results

60% of all adolescents living in vulnerable conditions pursue some kind of education; of which 91% are attending school on regular basis. Male, older and Syrian adolescents are least likely to be in school.

Over two-thirds of adolescents who are in school, attend formal education (68%). Participation in formal education is mostly predominant in Tripoli (81%), among those from Lebanon (78%) and by the younger adolescents (70%).

A smaller portion attends technical and vocational training institutions (21% of those attending school). This type of education is especially evident in Akkar (36%) and among older adolescents (25%).

The non-formal education is the least common type of education (11% of those attending school). But, it is especially high among those from Syria (23%).

School drop-out was highest in the last one to three years, among younger and older adolescents respectively. This points at a critical age group between 11 to 14 years old which face high risks to drop-out. Main reasons for drop-out include financial hardship, family decisions to leave school for work or marriage, or as a result of limited availability and quality of educational opportunities.

Many adolescents believe that it is their own decision to attend school. Around 42% of adolescents in school felt this is their choice whether to attend school or not. More than half of out-of-school adolescents reported that dropping out of school had been their own decision (51%). Only in 31% of all cases, fathers made the decision and in 22% of the cases it was the mother’s decision.

Only 39% of adolescents who dropped-out of school would like to go back to school if they could. Whereas, two-third of out of school adolescents are interested in apprenticeship or technical vocational training programs (67%); those were mainly from Baalback (85%), females (72%), older adolescents (71%) and from Syria (68%).

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IV. CHILD LABOUR

1. Working Children

In Lebanon, the minimum working age is 14 years, while engagement in the worst forms of child labour including hazardous work, is prohibited for any child below the age of 18 years, as stated by Decree No. 8987. Education is compulsory until 15 years. Work performed above the minimum working age that interferes with a child’s compulsory education or that is harmful to a child’s physical, psychological or moral development is considered child labour.

One-third of all adolescents are working (33%). Particularly Syrian, older adolescent boys between 15 and 17 years old are most likely to work and most at-risk to engage in the worst forms of child labour.

Nearly half of interviewed adolescent boys are active in the labour market (48%), against only 17% of adolescent girls.

Although working adolescents include both nationalities, working is more common among adolescents from Syria (41%) than from Lebanon (21%). Work is also more prevalent in remote and rural areas (41% of adolescents in N. Bekaa and 30% in Akkar).

Figure 10: Working Children, According to Region, Nationality, Gender and Age

59% 59% 52% 58% 67% 70% 72% 79% 83% 76%

41% 41% 48% 42% 33% 30% 28% 21% 17% 24%

Yes, I do work No, I do not work

The assessment shows a strong correlation between school attendance and engagement in work; when adolescents are in school, they are unlikely to have a job. When adolescents are working, they are less likely to attend education.

The assessment findings show that very few adolescents combine school and work (7%). A quarter (26%) of adolescents are only engaged in work (mainly Syrian, older adolescent boys). The 14% of adolescents that are neither in school nor active in work, most of whom are Syrian, older adolescent girls between 15-17. It must be noted that whilst many girls report that they do not have a job, most of them are working domestically as caretakers for siblings or family

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members and in charge of household chores. While child labour data often does not include domestic work, it is a common form of child labour among adolescent girls.

Table 3: Education and Work Status

Education / Work Status Do not work Do work Total Do not attend school 14.0% 25.9% 39.9% Do attend school 53.2% 6.9% 60.1% Total 67.2% 32.8% 100.0%

The reported ages at which children dropped-out of school and started working suggest that many children have been engaged in child labour since a young age. One-third of working adolescents started work at an age below 12 years (33%); including some 7% who were below 9 years old when they started working. The work performed by adolescents within this segment can be categorised as child labour. This group includes many adolescents from Baalback District and those from Syria (37%). In addition, 15% of working adolescents from rural Akkar started working at the age of 8 years and below. This is particularly the case for adolescent boys (9%), and Syrian girls and boys (8%) - see figure 11 and 12 for more details.

Only 18% of working adolescents started work between 15 and 17 years; i.e. within the legal age frame for employment. Almost half of the working adolescents entered the labour market at the age of 12 to 14 years (49%); which is an age group permitted to be engaged in light work that is permissible by ILO standards. However, additional data collected in this assessment indicates that for many adolescents the standards for light work and permissible work are not met; indicating much higher percentages of children engaged in child labour including the worst forms of child labour.

Figure 11: The Period of Entering the Labour Market, According to Region, Nationality, Gender and Age

2% 12% 14% 9% 18% 21% 19%17% 26% 29% 18% 40%16% 17% 20% 18%21% 21% Less than a year 21% 24% 32% 29%27% 1 year 23% 20% 23% 23% 24% 13% 2 years 26% 13% 13%17% 18% 15% 14% 3 years 13%19% 24% 13%11% 9% 16% 20%13% 10% 4 years 20% 8% 8% 11% 4% 14%11% 4% 13% 12% 5 years and up 5% 7% 8% 2% 1% 4% 4% 1% 2% Other

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Figure 12: Age of Entering the Labour Market, According to Region, Nationality, Gender and Age

10% 18% 16%16% 15% 21% 24% 27%28% 40%

53% 46% 51% 49% 55% 47% 44% 15 to 17 years 58% 38% 61% 12 to 14 years 9 to 11 years 15%33% 29% 25% 26% 30% 29% 18% 8 years and Less 15% 15% 8% 7% 4% 2% 4% 8% 2% 9% 3%

2. Domain and Sector of Work:

 Work Domain

Working adolescents are engaged in one or more of the following domains:

Service industry: Work in a shop, café or restaurant (51%) most common in Tripoli and surroundings (34%), and undertaken by adolescents from Lebanon (73%) and mostly by adolescent boys (58%).

Agriculture: Work on farms (22%) is most common in Baalback District (30%), and undertaken by girls (38%), adolescents from Syria (26%) and younger adolescents (24%). Many children work alongside their family members or siblings on farms.

Industries: Children carry out various types of work in car mechanic shops (9%), construction sites (8%) and in factories (6%) (refer to Table 12 in Annex I).

 Worst Forms of Child Labour

Hazardous work is one of the worst forms of child labour (WFCL) and globally it is the most common WFCL. The prohibition of hazardous work for all children below the age of 18 years is stipulated in Decree (No. 9897) of 2012 in the Lebanon legislation. These include:

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1. Works and activities which are prohibited for all children under the age of 18 years, according to Decree no. 8987 (October 2, 2012)12: a. Activities involving psychological hazards:  Street work, like begging and selling on the streets (almost 8% of working adolescents in the sample);  Domestic labour (4%); b. Activities involving psychological and physical hazards:  Working in a quarry: in this assessment this work was performed by an older adolescent boy from Syria working in North Bekaa region;  Recruitment into armed forces or groups: in this assessment one younger adolescent boy from Syria, living in Tripoli area was identified.

2. Works which, by their nature or the circumstances in which they are carried out, are likely to harm the health, safety or morals of children under 16 years of age: a. Works that expose the working child to chemical hazards, including Benzene:  Working in gas stations: two older adolescent boys, one from Lebanon and one from Syria, both working in North Bekaa region; b. Works prohibited to minors under 16: • Working in animal slaughter houses: 2% of adolescents; • Delivery work: two older adolescent boys, one from Lebanon and one from Syria, both working in Tripoli and surroundings; • All types of work in building and construction including work that expose a child to elevation, working on roof tops, edges, windows or balconies; or with sharp and mobile machines, etc.): around 8% of working adolescents in the sample.

3. Other work that is prohibited for children below the age of 16 years if the circumstances in which they are carried out, are likely to harm the health, safety or morals of children. These include:

a. Agricultural work (22% of working adolescents in the sample). This type of work or activity might involve driving or operating tractors or agricultural machines; mixing or transporting or spraying agricultural pesticides; touching or handling poisonous plants (such as tobacco leaves which produce a poisonous nicotine substance); climbing high trees or ladders; using sharp tools, working under the sun, lifting or transporting weights exceeding the child’s capacity or capability, bending for long periods, etc. b. Industrial work (12%); as all kinds of works in particular factories and all types of works in certain production or transformative industries employing more than 20 workers are prohibited. c. Working in the entertainment industry such as hotels, restaurants, amusement centres or internet cafes (32% of working adolescents in the sample), which may expose the minor to specific hazards.

12 The Decree 8987 was published in “Al-Jarida Al-Rasmiya”, 2012-10-04, No. 42, P. 4367 - P. 4371 (Arabic version). Also, refer to an unofficial English Translation posted on ILO website: www.ilo.org

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Adolescent girls and boys in agriculture are exposed to hazards and abuse

Adolescents identified serious risks associated with work in agriculture. Girls and boys reported to work in extreme weather conditions; in the sun during hot summers, and inside overheated greenhouses. They work long hours, they work night shifts (6%) or combine irregular hours during day and night (15%).

Several agricultural activities expose adolescents to physical hazards such as:

 Potato picking requires bending for a long period of time which leads to back pain.  Picking olives increases the risk to skin allergies.  Eggplant picking exposes children to mosquitoes.  Tobacco plantains, expose children to serious lung diseases and dyspnea which in some cases lead to hospitalization.  Girls and boys are exposed to chemicals and pesticides as some landowners do not provide children with masks for protection.

Children working in other economic activities also lack safety measures and equipment. They are exposed to accidents and physical injuries, as a result of using sharp tools, working in elevated places (fixing air-conditioning), driving motorcycles for delivery purposes, or lifting heavy weights such as cement bags. One adolescent says: “I stayed a week in bed because of a back injury and heavy pain”. Another boy stated that he hates producing shredded cheese, because his hands are hurting and feel stiff. Caregivers report that employers do not bear responsibility for any job accidents and injuries: “My son got burns at work and they did not help us or claim responsible for his injury; instead, they demanded him to get back to work before he got the chance to recover”. Some report that they are not allowed to use the toilet during working hours.

Exposure to physical and psychological abuse and exploitation

Adolescent girls and boys both report to be exposed to verbal and physical abuse; some reported to have been hit by them employers with hard object or tools as a punishment. One mother mentioned that one day her son came back from work having a bleeding ear, after which he resigned from work. Some girls reported that they are continuously yelled at, at work to make them work faster. Some working children complained that employers do not pay them on time or do not pay their full wages. Many adolescents are suspicious of their employers and do not trust them. As a result of abuse and violence in the work place, girls and boys experience distress, and experience feelings of sadness, anxiety and depression. Caregivers and adolescents were afraid that some of the working children feel jealous of their friends who attend school. Caregivers also mention that children working on the street not only experience violence and abuse but also learn bad habits and behaviours (like smoking, drinking alcohol, drugs), and risk getting arrested. Some working children complained that employers do not pay them on timely manner or full salaries. They are suspicious of their employers and do not trust them.

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Forced Labour

While the prevalence of forced labour as such was not examined in this assessment, in the group discussions with adolescents and caregivers, the work carried out by Syrian adolescents was identified as a form of forced labour practiced by the Shawish, as they reported they had no choice but work in order to earn the right to live on their land. Earning the rent fees for the tents was one the major concerns among adolescents living in the informal tent settlements: “we work to provide the tent rent and the electricity bill”. One of the female adolescents elaborated on this: “The last 10 days of the month we almost starve ourselves, just to be able to pay the rent at the end of the month”. Both adolescents and caregivers mentioned that many families work without earning money but just to earn the right to live in a tent on the land of the Shawish. One of the caregivers indicated that the Shawish – informed by the preference of employers – pressured some parents to send their children and young adolescents to work, under the threat of expelling them out of the camp.

3. Entry into Labour Market a) Reasons to Work

According to the working adolescents, the main reason for entering to labour market was to supplement family income and meet basic needs (69%). This was particularly true for older (71%) and Syrian adolescents (75%). Other reasons for work, particularly mentioned by Lebanese working adolescents, included earning pocket money (22%) or learning skills (15%) (Refer to Table 9 in Annex I).

Group discussions with Syrian adolescents and caregivers revealed underlying causes and dynamics of child work and child labour among adolescents. The economic desperation of Syrian refugee families leads adolescent girls and boys to become responsible for their families. In families where the father is absent or suffers a chronic disease, the children bear responsibility to provide family income. As an adolescent boy describes the situation: “We have no other option but to work hard and earn money”. Similarly, a caregiver stated: “We are obliged to send our children to work”.

For parents and other adult family members it is hard to find decent work. On top of already high unemployment rates, caregivers state that many employers prefer to employ children as they are “cheap labour”. In many of the informal tent settlements (ITS) the Shawish brokers demand Syrian children and adolescents to work for them in return for a place to live in their land. Other barriers to decent work for Syrian caregivers is a lack of paper work and other documentation which leads to mobility and employability restrictions for adults. However, sending children to work is not without risks; also children, adolescents and young people risk getting arrested when found to be working illegally.

Lastly, the low quality of education and poor learning conditions of Syrian refugees, are also mentioned as a reason for adolescents to leave school, as they feel that working offers more viable opportunities to them and their family than pursuing education.

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b) Decision Makers

Similar to the decision to drop out of school, a majority of adolescents (77%) say it was their own decision to start working, rather than that of their fathers (29%) or mothers (13%). However, the family financial hardship seems to play a key role in the decision itself, indicating that parents are involved in the decision making process, or bear partial responsibility for the decision, particularly when children start working at an early age (refer to Table 10 in Annex I).

c) Means of Recruitment

A quarter of working adolescents admitted that they were recruited by “Shawish” brokers (refer to Table 11 in Annex I). The Shawish is mainly found in Syrian refugee settlements, as responsible person for the camp and its residents. The Shawish plays a mediator role between landlords, authorities and law enforcement agencies on one side, and the refugee settlers on the other side. Most importantly, he is the one who can provide work opportunities to refugees, normally through his relations with other local landowners of large agricultural farms. As such, recruitment by Shawish was predominantly the case in agricultural areas (31% in Akkar Governorate, and 30% in Baalback District). Also, this was the case for older adolescents (25%), girls (31%) and those from Syria (29%). Employment in agriculture in Lebanon is allowed for adolescents from the age of 16 years, provided they are offered full protective gear and they do not work under hazardous circumstances.

Recruitment into other forms of work took place through direct (23%) or indirect (19%) connections between the adolescents and the employers. This was more likely to be the case in the urban area of Tripoli (36%), and among the working adolescents originated from Lebanon (29%). About 17% of the working adolescents were occupied in family businesses, working as family assistants. This was the case, mainly, among the working adolescents from Lebanon (22%), males (19%) and older age group (18%). About 6% of working adolescents were introduced by other children in the same industry. This seems to be almost purely an urban type of job recruitment (11% of working adolescents in Tripoli). However, about 8% of younger working adolescents had also found work opportunities through peer connections.

4. Work Permanence

Almost half of all working adolescents only work on circumstantial basis (47%), whereas 26% of adolescents work a full time job and 26% work on seasonal basis. Syrian adolescents are more likely to work on temporary or circumstantial basis. Adolescents engaged in agricultural activities work on seasonal basis.

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Figure 13: Work Permanence, According to Region, Nationality, Gender and Age

16%17% 26% 22% 24%26% 26%26% 36% 45% 28%32% 26% 29% 24%27% 27%26% 20% Permanent 20% Seasonal 57% Circumstantial 47% 51% 44%48% 51%46% 45%49% 33% Other

1% 2% 1% 1% 2%

5. Work Status

More than three-quarters of working adolescents are wage labourers (76%) who work for an employer. Some 13% of all working adolescents are family assistants; adolescents who assist their families in their businesses, in order to learn the profession and manage the business in the future. This is most common for older adolescent boys from Lebanon. A minority of working adolescents are self-employed (10%), for example selling cotton candy in the streets.

Figure 14: Work Status, According to Region, Nationality, Gender and Age

69% 76% 70% 73%77% 75% 74% 86% 80% 79% For an employer Self-employed 4% Family assistant 10% 21% 9% 8% 8% 25% 10% 13% 7% 16% No answer 13% 18%11% 16% 17% 6% 9% 4% 5% 1% 2% 1% 2% 2% 3%

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6. Work Hours

a) Daily Working Hours

One quarter of working adolescents work up to 6 hours on daily basis, which is technically considered to be within the range of maximum hours of daily work permitted to minors aged 14 to 17, permitting suitable types of work, according to Law No. 91, issued on June 14, 1999.

However, alarmingly, the vast majority of working adolescents work more than six hours per day, whether girls or boy, Syrian or Lebanese and both younger and older adolescents and can those be classified as child labourers. Many of those who do work six hours or less, often work under harsh circumstances or during the night.

Figure 15: Daily Working Hours, According to Region, Nationality, Gender and Age

8% 5% 3% 7% 8% 6% 6% 8% 17% 11% 25% 41% 35% 37% 36% 37% 33% 38% 38%

45% > 12 h

45% 23% 24% 9 to 12 h 30% 31% 30% 33% 37% 27% 7 to 8 h 23% 22% 4 to 6 h 30% 20% 24% 20% 20% 6% 21% 20% 15% < 4 h 5% 4% 3% 9% 7% 4% 9% 3% 6% 4%

b) Working Days

Although Law No. 183 (2000) states that workers should have at least 24-hours of consecutive rest every week, one-third of all working adolescents (35%) work do not get a day off per week. Particularly in Tripoli and its surroundings adolescents work seven days per week. A quarter of all adolescents in employment work up to five days per week, while 40% work six days per week. While 5 and 6-day work weeks can technically be in line with the law provided that the child has reached the legal working age and that the type and conditions of work are not harmful, a 7-day work week is prohibited for children.

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Figure 16: Weekly Working Days, According to Region, Nationality, Gender and Age

15% 18% 14% 13% 13% 11% 15% 16% 22% 27% 9% 11% 10% 8% 9% 16% 4% 10% 36% 7% 37% 37% 40% 22% 47% 42% 47% 38% 51%

51% 44% 40% 35% 32% 40% 32% 32% 25% 22%

7 days/week 6 days/week 5 days/week < 5 days/week

c) Rest Hours during Work

According to Law No. 183, minors (under 18 years) should be granted an hour rest break after four consecutive working hours. However, 21% of working adolescents report that they do not get any rest hours during their work (21%). The majority (39%) of working adolescents have short breaks during the day that last for less than one hour. Only 37% of working adolescents report to get at least one full hour duration of daily rest. Hence, more that 60% of working adolescents work under conditions that deny their full hour rest during normal working day duration for their age.

Figure 17: Daily Rest Hours during Work, According to Region, Nationality, Gender and Age

13% 20% 18% 19% 21% 28% 22% 21% 22% 22%

36% 39% none 39% 45% 40% 39% 44% 37% 39% 36% < 1 hour

32% a full hour 24% 27% 22% 29% 24% 29% Up to 2 h 22% 29% 29% 6% 8% > 2 hours 8% 4% 11% 6% 7% 8% 11% 6% 9% 5% 7% 2% 2% 2% 2% 7% 3% 5% 1% No answer 2% 1% 2% 2% 1% 1%

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d) Work Shifts

Night work for minors aged between 13 and 17 years, is prohibited by Law No. 183 and is thus considered child labour. The assessment revealed that 6% of working adolescents work during night shifts. In addition, about 15% of working adolescents work during day and night (15%), particularly in Tripoli (30%). The majority of working adolescents are only engaged in daytime jobs (78%).

Figure 18: Work Shifts, According to Region, Nationality, Gender and Age

60% 87% 79% 76% 78% 84% 79% 78% 82% 76% During the day only During the day and night

30% During the night only 16% 15% 15% 13% 16% 17% No answer 5% 13% 13% 9% 7% 6% 7% 3% 9% 5% 6% 3% 7% 1% 2% 1% 2% 2%

7. Earnings a) Weekly Earnings

Working adolescents earn far less than the minimum wage in Lebanon, which is set at 675,000 LBP (or USD 450). Overall, older adolescent boys from Lebanon working in urban areas were more likely to earn more, while younger adolescents, girls and those from Syria earn less. Girls and boys earned the following:

• 16% of the working adolescents earn up to 20,000 LBP a week (around LBP80,000/month, equivalent to $53.33). These adolescents are, either working in circumstantial economic activities, or else, in any form of family assistance and/or apprenticeship. Two adolescents reported to not earn any wages. According to children working in agriculture they earned LBP1,500 per hour (equivalent to $1 per hour); out of which an amount of LBP500 is owed for the Shawish’ commission. • 35% of working adolescents earn between 21,000 LBP and 50,000 LBP; this is on average around LBP140,000/month, equivalent to $93.33). This average corresponds to the minimum daily wage of 5000 LBP per day; which is particularly common for child labourers in agricultural sector (especially in peripheral areas such as Northern Lebanon and Bekaa regions), and in several services activities

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• 31% of working adolescents earns between a minimum of 51,000 LBP and 100,000 LBP; this is on average LBP300,000/month, equivalent to $200. This group of working adolescents are considered to be doing – relatively –well in the labour market. Yet, even those who earn the maximum pay within this income level are still far behind the official minimum wage in Lebanon, set at 675,000 LBP per month (equivalent to $450). • 15% of working adolescents earns more than 100,000 LBP per week (refer to Table 14 in Annex I).

One of the mothers who participated in the caregivers’ focus group said: “My child is 13 years old and works from 10:00am till 10:00pm for LBP10,000”. Adolescents themselves say: “The work is tiresome, with long working hours, for a very low salary”. They perceive their work to be: “Overwork for a minimal income”. Working children feel that are deprived of their childhood, education, playtime, parental care and rights. One caregiver: “They are not living at they should at this age; their whole life is just about work”. Whilst many adolescents do not like their jobs, the feel they have no choice: “We have to work - we have no other choice if we want to dress well and wear new clothes”.

b) Use of earnings

Only 22% of working adolescents keep their earnings to themselves. These are mainly older adolescent boys from Lebanon (40%). However, the largest proportion of working adolescents (43%) gives their earnings to their parents to supplement family income. Others (36%) share their income with their parents.

Figure 19: Attitudes towards Sharing Earnings, According to Region, Nationality, Gender and Age

15% 23% 15% 21% 15% 22% 26% 22% 26% 40% I keep my earnings 27% 13% 33% 20% 32% 42% 4% 36% 34% I give part to parents 47% 4% 7% 30% 5% 4% 4% 27% 24% 31%4% 3% 25% employer gives part to 22% 16% 2% 18% 4% 11% 20% parents 15% I give all to my parents 21% 26% 21% 22% 27% 24% 11% 20% 21% 17% employer gives all to parents

Adolescent girls and boys who can keep some of their earnings, prefer to spend it on personal needs and/or leisure (43%), clothes (40%), rent (37%), food (35%) and transportation (6%). Other expenses include medication and health services (11%) and education (5%). A few adolescents (12%) are able to save up some money (refer to Table 15 in Annex I).

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8. Working Adolescent Siblings and Friends a) Working Siblings

Interviewed adolescents with siblings between 12 and 17 years were asked if their siblings also worked. Of the 73% with siblings, 22% had at least one working sibling, whereas 51% had adolescent siblings but they were not working. Syrian adolescents were more likely to have adolescent siblings who were working.

Figure 20: Share of Working Adolescent Siblings, According to Region, Nationality, Gender and Age

22% 24% 17% 27% 28% 24% 31% 31% 37% 30%

47% 56% No adolescent siblings 48% 52% 51% 52% 55% 56% 46% 50% Adolescent siblings not working 32% 28% 24% Working adolescent 22% 20% 26% 20% 14% 13% 17% siblings

b) Working Friends

The majority of adolescent girls and boys (63%), particularly those from Lebanon and younger adolescents, indicated that they did not have friends of the same age that were also working. Others indicated that they have at least one working friend (15%) or more working friends (22%). Particularly older adolescent boys from Syria (27%) had working friends – mostly other working boys.

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Figure 21: Working Adolescent Friends, According to Region, Nationality, Gender and Age

22% 14% 19% 16% 17% 18% 33% 26% 27% 26% 16% 9% 13% 8% 15% 15% 16% 22% 15% 19%

70% 71% 70% 75% 66% 63% 58% 59% 47% 51%

1% 1% 1% 1% 1% 1%

No answer None One working friend Many working friends

9. Reducing Work Risks and Combating WFCL - Needs Assessment

During the group discussions participants were asked to think about types of support or actions that needed to take place to reduce risk at work and make work safer, and what could be done to make sure adolescents can go to school instead of working. They identified the following needs:

a) Apply the laws and regulations that prohibit child labour. b) Provide safety measures (gloves, masks, etc.). c) Allow longer rest periods and more breaks to working children. d) Introduce awareness campaigns targeting parents on preventing child labour. e) Provide financial support in order to afford the basic family needs.

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10. Child Labour - Main Results

One-third of adolescent children in vulnerable communities are currently working (33%), most of whom are older adolescent boys from Syria. More than half of working adolescents are engaged in the services sector and other industries such as construction (51%) and 22% of working adolescents is active in agriculture. Based on the working ages of children as well as the types, hours and conditions under which children work, it can be concluded that nearly all interviewed working adolescents are engaged in child labour including the worst forms of child labour.

Most working children do not attend school. The main reason for work is to supplement family income in order to purchase basic needs (69%). In 43% of all cases all the earnings go to the parents and wider family, and in 36% of cases the income is shared between the child labourer and their parents. Only 22% of working adolescents, mostly older adolescent Lebanese boys, can keep their earnings.

About one-third (33%) of working adolescents reported that they started working at an early age, below 12 years while 7% who started at an even younger age at 9 years. At the same time, the majority of adolescents (77%) feel that they made their own decision to start working and only few adolescents believe that this has been their father’s decision (29%) or their 13% mother’s decision.

25% of working adolescents reports to be recruited by Shawish brokers. This form of recruitment by the “shawish” was mainly found in rural regions (31% in Akkar, and 30% in Baalback). Most of these girls and boys live on the land of the Shawish, where working is a common way to earn the right to live on the Shawish’ land. Compared to other forms of labour, this is a more common way for younger children and girls to engage in child labour.

Almost half (45%) of all working adolescents, work more than 8 hours daily, particularly in urban Tripoli and its surroundings (62%). More than one-third of working adolescents work seven days per week and do not get any rest (35%). Some 6% of working adolescents work during night shifts. Another group of working adolescents work during day and night (15%).

Adolescents face serious risks to physical and psychological abuse and exploitation. They face injuries, work under hazardous and dangerous circumstances, are yelled at by their employer and do not get drinking water, food or rest when they need it.

Working children earn far below the minimum wage. Particularly in rural areas such as Akkar, adolescents earn as little as a dollar per day. Particularly young adolescent girls and children from Syria, do not earn much Around 16% of the working children work for a maximum of 20,000 LBP a week. The highest share of working adolescents (almost 35%) recorded weekly earnings to range from a minimum of 21,000 LBP, to a maximum of 50,000 LBP.

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V. CHILD MARRIAGE

1. Marital Status

The results of the quantitative research illustrate that 9% of adolescents from vulnerable communities are married as minors. It should be noted that this data should not be considered representative of child marriage or other forms of GBV taking place in the area or more widely for Lebanon, as it is recognized that survivors do not often disclose due to stigma, normalization of violence, and other factors. According to the data, 1% of the 12-14 years old age group is either engaged or already married, increasing to 16% for the age cohort of 15- 17 years, with 7% engaged and 9% married or even already separated.

Similar to other previous assessments, the data affirms that it is more common for females to be at-risk of and experience child marriage compared to males of their age cohort. The research outcomes show that 2% of males are engaged and another 1.5% are married before the age of 18. Females – on the other hand – tend more often to become engaged (6% of total females), married (8% of females), and even separated.

In terms of nationality, the data indicated that adolescents from Syria had a higher rate of child marriage (12%), while adolescents from Lebanon who were married early comprise 4%. 3% of those from Lebanon are engaged and 1% are married, while almost 5% of those from Syria are engaged and 7% are married, in addition to a very small number reporting to be married and separated.

In total, 4% of the sample surveyed are engaged, another 5% married, and a very small number is separated.

Almost all married or separated adolescent had dropped-out of school. Even two-thirds of adolescents who are engaged have already dropped-out of school (60% of engaged girls have dropped-out and interestingly enough, despite fewer reported cases, a higher percentage of 80% of engaged boys are out-of-school). In comparison, 36% of single adolescents had dropped-out of school.

2. Perceptions of & Contributing Factors to Child Marriage

Participants in focus groups differed in opinion concerning early marriage. Those mothers and fathers who support early marriage practices, justified it – mainly – from the point of view that it is a means to preserve the honour and chastity of young girls and to protect adolescent boys from any “wrongdoing.” According to many caregivers, this is an era of openness, in particular related to the influence of internet and smart phones. Other reasons cited included that women are out on the streets, perceived to be arousing desires or due to the lack of safety especially concerning girls. Even one of the female adolescents expressing her view on early marriage reflected that it prevents spinsterhood, as “an unmarried girl, aged 18-19, is considered a spinster in our society.” Regarding boys who are married early, certain caregivers described that “because they have “needs,” some boys are forced to get married early, so that they “will not learn bad habits and cause problems.” Another caregiver expressed that it was a way “to shield him from bad friends and make him focus on his life.” These were all considered by the

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caregivers as good reasons for early marriage. It also was seen as preventing young adolescents from engaging in love affairs and promiscuity.

Regardless whether they are in favour of early marriage or not, Syrian refugee caregivers living in tented settlements admitted during the FGDs that they have to approve early marriages due to social and economic circumstances. One caregiver described how “nowadays girls are getting married at the age of 15, because they are not enrolled in school and their parents can’t financially support them.” Another explained that “some parents accept child marriage because of financial needs: if the girl gets married, her husband has to take care of her; and if the boy gets married, his wife will be able to go to work and support the family.” It was interesting in this case that economic issues were cited as a factor for both girls and boys to be married early. In another caregiver’s words: “the reason is always financial needs.” It should also be noted that refugee camps comprise of small tents, sheltering relatively large families. Thus, it was regarded as preferable by some caregivers to encourage adolescents to get married and have their own tent. Related to this, they indicated that it is not allowed in the refugee camps to have single adults living there, so marriage is the only way to have a separate tent.

Other caregivers were against early marriage and mentioned that adolescents are neither physically nor mentally prepared for marriage. One described how “they are not ready for such responsibilities. Children are not able to handle family and offspring of their own and they get divorced within a year.” They felt that girls are not ready to take care of household responsibilities which they identified as cooking, cleaning, and raising kids: “they want to play.” One female participant revealed that she got married at the age of 15 and did not know how to manage raising her first born and had to get assistance from other relatives; now as she turned 20, she can deal with her second baby on her own. Other parents indicated that both genders are too immature to raise kids, seeing this as a collective responsibility. Many participants stressed that boys should prepare themselves to bear responsibility of a family and children, including securing financial resources to support family needs beforehand.

Lastly, some parental respondents also identified that females at such a young age might suffer risks during pregnancy and when giving birth.

Adolescents did not always indicate that they felt that early marriage was problematic, but their perception seemed to be based more on the context of how child marriage was arranged and with whom it was, as several expressed it was fine as long as it is “based on [what they perceived as] love.” However, it should be noted that adolescents may not have been sensitized on the risks of child marriage and are not regarded as developmentally at the same stage and level to be able to freely provide informed consent – based on awareness of those consequences – to life decisions, particularly when there is a power difference. Caregivers also noted that some boys threaten their parents that they will elope and marry the girls “they love” if the parents do not approve it. One caregiver claimed that his 11-year-old son is already looking for a bride.

In regard to already married adolescents, nearly half of the married adolescents indicated that they perceived that they were married “out of love (46%); whereas, another significant percentage reported that the marriage was a kind of agreement between families (35%). The

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latter arrangement is based on what is often considered by certain families to be a traditional mode of marriage

A few other married adolescents explained the reasons for their marriages, which included to remove the burden off their families and to ensure their own financial security and/or that of their families. One respondent did not know the reason for her marriage (she was an older adolescent from Syria).

Despite some survey responses regarding certain adolescents “wanting” to be married in order to leave the home of parents or due to feeling they were “in love,” the qualitative research outcomes found that adolescents in many cases were forced by parents to get married: “it is very rare to find a girl who accepts early marriage.” One married adolescent girl told her story: “one day, I was surprised by visitors congratulating me and calling me the ‘bride.’ I was shocked. They brought my cousin’s wedding dress, so I would wear it for my wedding. But I did not want to marry the guy.” Another married girl participant in focus groups said that her father brought the groom and wanted to forcibly marry her to him, also expressing how she felt: “I wanted to kill myself by drinking kerosene.”

Due to harsh socio-economic conditions, many adolescents were getting engaged for a few years, until they are financially prepared to get married. This arrangement reportedly makes it easier for girls to stay unmarried for a longer time while “maintaining their honour and chastity.”

3. Age at Marriage (Married Adolescents)

Around 39% of married adolescents were married at the age of 16. These constitute 50% of married males and 36% of total married females. In terms of nationality, they are approximately 67% of married adolescents from Lebanon in comparison to 35% of total married adolescents from Syria.

The highest percentage reported being married at the age of 15 (42%). These adolescents were mainly from Syria (44% of married Syrian adolescents). Those who were married when they turned 15 years old constitute of the highest percentage for both genders: half of the married male adolescents, in addition to 41% of all married female adolescents.

15% of married adolescents, 17% of married adolescents from Syria, and 18% of female married adolescents were married at an earlier age (when they turned 14 years old).

There was one individual case of a female adolescent from Syria who was married at the age of 13.

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Figure 22: Age at Marriage, According to Region, Nationality, Gender and Age

11%

39% 38% 35% 36% 40% 50% 67% 67% 67% 100% 16 years old 44% 41% 42% 50% 44% 15 years old 11% 50% 14 years old 11% 33% 18% 15% 22% 17% 12% 13 years old 11% 13% 4% 4% 5% 4%

4. Spouses (Married Adolescents)

The spouses of all married adolescents within the research sample – regardless of their gender – aged between 14 and 25 years when they were married. One-quarter of married adolescents from Syria were married to spouses under 18; another quarter of them were married to spouses who aged 21 to 25 at the time of marriage; while the other half took spouses aged 18 to 20. All adolescents from Lebanon were married to husbands aged 21 to 25. The sole married female adolescent from the younger age group (12-14 years) was married to a husband who was 20 years old at the time of marriage.

Some 9% of married female adolescents were married to minors; 50% to husbands aged 18 to 20; and 41% to older husbands ranging from 21 to 25 years old at the time of marriage.

In comparison, all male adolescents were married to minor wives under 18.

Lastly, 24% of older female and male married adolescents (15-17 years) were married to spouses under 18, 40% to spouses aged 18 to 20, and 36% to older spouses ranging from 21 to 25 years old at the time of marriage.

Interestingly, all married female adolescents from Lebanon were married to Lebanese husbands, comprising 12% of all married adolescents within the sample. Likewise, all married adolescents from Syria were married to Syrian spouses, comprising 88% of married adolescents. Thus, there were no cases reported in this study of inter-marriage between different nationalities, although this does not necessarily mean it is not taking place.

Most adolescents mentioned that they were married to relatives, people in their neighbourhood, those who originated from the same village or region, or through relatives’ friends. A few others reported to have been married “out of love,” by coincidence, or even were introduced through Facebook.

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Figure 23: Age of Spouses at the Time of Marriage, According to Region, Nationality, Gender and Age

25% 26% 35% 33% 36% 44% 41%

38% 100% 48% 100% 100% 42% 44% 40% 44% 50% 38% 23% 22% 26% 24% 11% 9%

Under 18 years 18 to 20 years 21 to 25 years

5. Offspring (Married Adolescents)

All respondents, regardless of their marital status, gender or age, were asked whether they have children. Around 2.7% of the total sample confirmed that they already have children or for a small percentage are expecting their first child. It is noteworthy that the adolescents who already have children represent 60% of total married/separated adolescents; which means that 3 out of every 5 persons who experienced early marriage become parents, even before reaching adulthood (18 years and above).

Figure 24: Share of Adolescents who Have Children, According to Region, Nationality, Gender and Age

3% 3% 2% 4% 1% 4% 5% 1% 6%

84% Yes, I have children / 93% 90% 94% 92% 97% 95% 92% 95% 91% pregnant No children

No answer 14% 9% 5% 1% 6% 4% 6% 4%

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One-fifth of adolescent parents already had two children, demonstrating little time spacing between children, while the others only had their first-born child. Those who reported having two children were all females, older adolescents (15 to 17 age category), originated from Syria and living in Akkar Governorate. One-quarter of every adolescent female who gave birth already has more than one child.

Figure 25: Number of Children, According to Region, Nationality, Gender and Age

20% 23% 25% 21% 50%

100% 100% 100% 100% 100% 80% 77% 75% 79% Two children 50% One child

Exceptionally, one adolescent mother, from Syria, residing in Tripoli, aged between 15 and 17 years old, is able to maintain attending school. However, more than half of those adolescents who have children or expecting their firstborn have already entered the labour market and work in order to support their families (100% of adolescent fathers and 42% of all adolescent mothers).

6. Marriage Arrangements (Married Adolescents)

The married adolescents were evenly split – in regard to marriage arrangements – into two groups: the first group was married through the official religious authority (Sunni Religious Supreme - Courts); while the other through an Islamic cleric (imam or sheikh). Both religious arrangements are considered to be legally recognized by Lebanese authorities, but should be officially registered in the Civil Status Department in order to ensure civil rights.

Marriages through the official religious authority were the lowest percentage among married adolescents living in Baalback District (25%) and reached their highest percentage among those residing in Akkar (67%).

67% of married adolescents from Lebanon were married through an official religious authority, in addition to the sole married adolescent of younger age.

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7. Social Activities (Married Adolescents)

Married adolescents were asked if they would be able to participate in any activity outside the home, such as education, social activities, work, etc. Half of them reported that they were not able to participate in such activities outside the home, while some 19% responded that they do not know. Only 31% confirmed that they do participate in activities outside the home.

It was found that more than half of married adolescents from Syria are not able to participate in such activities (57%). This also applies to female married adolescents in general (55%), in addition to the sole case of the younger married adolescent. On the contrary, all cases of married adolescents from Lebanon mentioned that they do participate in outside-of-the-home activities.

Some focus groups with Syrian refugee married adolescents reflected the typical lifestyle in the tented settlements. The male married adolescents have to go to search for work opportunities due to being daily labourers (construction labourers mainly), in order to earn their families’ living. When they are not working, they stay at home and drink “matte” (a traditional herbal hot drink) or pay visits to relatives. On the other hand, females are busy “all day long” with house chores, taking care of their husbands, and raising their babies. In their free time, some are able to occasionally manage to visit their parents, siblings, or other close relatives (while others are not allowed to leave the house). Few married adolescents like to do the visits as couples – or welcome other friend couples at home – or even do activities outside the camp together. Thus, the typical life of a female married adolescent inside a tented settlement for Syrian refugees was often perceived as being “a routine life” with no change or escape, as one of the FGD participants stated: “we live in a collective prison.”

8. Marriage Plans (Unmarried Adolescents)

The unmarried adolescents were asked whether they are planning to get married before turning 18. Around 10% revealed that they are planning to get married soon, while 84% stated that they did not have any such near future plans and some 5% answered that they do not know.

Higher percentages of unmarried adolescents that are planning to get married before they become 18 years old were found among older adolescents (13%), as well as females and those from Syria (11% for each category).

9. Perception of Right Age for Marriage

All interviewed adolescents were asked about their perception concerning the “right” age to get married. The responses ranged from a minimum of 9 years to a maximum age of 40.

Around 5% of total adolescents said that the right age to get married is under 17 (this percentage reached 6% among females as well as those from Syria). One young male from Syria believed it should be 9 years (based on the interpretation of Islamic “sharia’a” law that permits the marriage of girls starting at 9 years of age).

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A significant percentage perceived the “right” age for marriage to be from 18 to 20 years (38%). Higher percentages were recorded by female adolescents (46%), those from Syria (44%), and the older age group (43%).

Some 47% of adolescents believed that the “right” age would be above 20 years, including a small 1% who mentioned it to be between 35 and 40 years. The highest percentages were 62% of adolescents from Lebanon and 61% of male adolescents.

Figure 26: Perception of Right Age for Marriage, According to Region, Nationality, Gender and Age

1% 1% 1% 1% 1% 5% 3% 8% 4% 2% 6% 6% 3% 5% 5% 30% 35% 34% 30% 33% 38% 43% Below 15 years 46% 44% 46% 15 to 17 years 21% 16% 23% 20% 19% 25% 18 to 20 years 18% 15%16% 18% 15% 21 to 24 years 32% 5% 28% 22% 23% 17% 18% 25 to 29 years 29%23% 2% 24% 5% 2% 1% 5% 1% 22% 8% 1% 8% 30 to 34 years 10% 4% 4% 1% 12% 15% 2% 15% 14% 4% 4% 6% 5% 5% 35 to 40 years No answer

10. Preventing Early Marriage

Focus groups participants were asked: “What would be needed in order to prevent children to be married off before they turn eighteen? And what support do you need as a married girl/boy?” They identified the following needs:

a) Awareness sessions concerning marital life and problems. b) Awareness campaigns targeting females on GBV. c) Awareness on disadvantages of early marriage. d) Vocational and technical training for females, in order to be productive and acquire their independent source of income. e) Provide females with decent and safe job opportunities. f) Financial support and assistance. g) Prohibit marriage of adolescents under 18.

It is worth mentioning that participants of one of the caregivers’ focus groups refused to discuss the issue of preventing early marriages, because they considered raising the subject as culturally insensitive.

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11. Child Marriage – Main Results

In this study 9% of all interviewed adolescents are married. The average age of marriage was 16 years; between Lebanese and Syrian girls, Syrian girls were more likely to get married at an earlier age. The majority of married adolescents were married at the age of 15 (42%). 15% of married adolescents were married at an earlier age (when they turned 14 years old), all of which were adolescent girls from Syria, including one girl from Syria who was married at the age of 13.

Almost every married or separated adolescent has dropped-out of school, except for one adolescent girl. Even two-thirds of adolescents who are engaged have already dropped-out of school.

The spouses of all married adolescents within the research sample aged between 14 and 25 years when they were married. One-quarter of married adolescents from Syria were also married to spouses under 18. However, all male married adolescents married younger female spouses, while adolescent girls tended to marry the same or older aged spouses. The majority of adolescent girls were married to husbands above 18, with only 9% of married female adolescents married to minors.

All married adolescents from Lebanon were married to Lebanese husbands. Likewise, all married adolescents from Syria were married to Syrian spouses. Thus, there were no cases covered in this study of intermarriage between different nationalities.

When married adolescents were asked why they got married, 46% said they got married out of love. About 35% said their marriage had been an arrangement between families, which is considered as a traditional mode of marriage to “sustain the honor of adolescent girls,” which was also used as a key justification for early marriages. Others reported that the marriage had been arranged to relieve the financial burden on their families or ensure their own future security. Some adolescent girls report to have been “forced” to marry early (although all early marriages can be considered forced due to the lack of informed consent related to their developmental stage and the power dynamics). These findings were confirmed by many of the caregivers, some of whom despite not being in favor of early marriage had approved the marriages of their daughters out of financial desperation or security concerns, particularly for those living in informal tent settlements. Regardless it should be noted that adolescents are not considered to be at the developmental stage to be able to consent in an informed way to child marriage, in particular related to power differences. In qualitative data from focus group discussions, female adolescents also indicated that child marriage was typically imposed by families.

The married adolescents were evenly split – with regards to marriage arrangements – into two groups: the first group was married through the official religious authority (Sunni Religious Supreme - Courts); while the other through an Islamic cleric (imam or sheikh).

Around 2.7% of total sample confirmed that they already have children or are expecting their first child. The adolescents who already have children represent 60% of total married/separated adolescents; which means that 3 out of every 5 persons who experienced early marriage become parents, even before reaching adulthood (18 years and above).

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One-fifth of adolescent parents already have two children. Those who have two children are all female, older adolescents (in the 15 to 17 age category), and originated from Syria. One- quarter of every adolescent female who gave birth already has more than one child. More than half of those adolescents who have children or expecting their first born have already entered the labour market and work in order to support their families.

Only 31% of married adolescents confirmed that they participate in activities outside of the home.

Around 10% of adolescents indicated that they are planning to get married soon, while 84% reported that they do not have such near future plans and some 5% answered that they do not know. Higher percentages of unmarried adolescents are planning to get married before they become 18 years old among older adolescents (13%), as well as females and those from Syria (11% for each category).

Some 47% of adolescents believed that the “right” age would be above 20 years. However, many respondents (5%) also indicated under 18, with one indicating as low as 9 years of age.

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VI. SEXUAL AND REPRODUCTIVE HEALTH AND RIGHTS

1. Awareness of SRHR Information, Services and Facilities

Married adolescents were asked if they are aware of Reproductive Health facilities in their communities, where adolescents can obtain information and services regarding Sexual and Reproductive Health and Rights (SRHR). Married adolescent interviewees were asked about the following types of SRH information and services:

Education and Counselling regarding SRHR: about 50% of married adolescents (53% Syrian and 100% Lebanese married adolescents) were aware of the availability of this type of services. A higher percentage of awareness was recorded in Baalback District (63%), whereas higher percentages of unfamiliarity were found among married adolescents living in Akkar and Tripoli (56%).

Voluntary Counselling and Testing for HIV: around 15% (13% Syrian, 33% Lebanese) was aware of the availability of this type of service (none of the respondents were aware in Baalback District and 22% in Akkar and Tripoli each).

Miscarriage/Post-Abortion Care Services: around 31% (26% Syrian, 67% Lebanese) were aware of the availability of this type of service (22% aware in Akkar, 25% in Baalback District, and 44% in Tripoli).

Family Planning Services: around 15% (4% of Syrian and 100% of Lebanese married adolescents) were aware of the availability of this type of service (11% in Tripoli, 12% in Baalback District, and 13% in Akkar).

Periods and Menstruation: around 73% (70% Syrian, 100% Lebanese married adolecsents) were aware of menstruation; especially in Akkar (89%), followed more distantly by Tripoli (67%) and Baalback District (63%).

Pregnancy Care and Delivery: around 73% (70% Syrian, 100% Lebanese) were aware of the availability of this type of service, especially in Akkar (89%), followed more distantly by Tripoli (67%) and Baalback District (63%).

In general, lower levels of awareness of SRHR services and facilities were registered among male married adolescents, followed by those from Syria, and by the older age group; except for the last two types of information and services (periods and menstruation, on one hand; and pregnancy care and delivery, on the other, in which they reported the same level of awareness as their female counterparts). (refer to Table 16 in Annex I).

2. Level of Comfort Accessing SRH Services

Around 12% of married adolescents mentioned that they do not know whether they feel comfortable visiting SRH services facilities in their communities or not. This was mainly due to the fact that they have never accessed such facilities previously. It is noteworthy that 25% of male married adolescents have never accessed SRH services or facilities before; this was

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true for 9% of female married adolescents. This is mostly the case in Akkar region (22% of adolescents). All of the respondents who were not sure they were comfortable accessing services were from Syria (constituting 13% of all married adolescents from Syria).

Moreover, some 19% of married adolescents do not feel comfortable visiting SRH services facilities. This was due to two reasons: either they are too embarrassed or because they perceive it as not being confidential. This affects one-third of married adolescents living in Tripoli area (33%) and a quarter of those in Baalback District (25%). These respondents were all females (constituting 23% of female married adolescents), from Syria (22%), and belonged to the older age group (20%).

The other two-thirds of married adolescents felt comfortable going to SRH services facilities (69%), including the three female married adolescents from Lebanon and the younger female Syrian married adolescents.

It was not possible to ask younger and unmarried adolescents this question due to the sensitivity, but it could safely be assumed that they would face even more risks and be less likely to access services.

Figure 27: Leven of comfort in accessing SRH Services, According to Region, Nationality, Gender and Age

19% 25% 22% 23% 20% 33%

78% 75% No, I would not feel 100% 100% comfortable 69% 65% 68% 68% 75%56% Yes, I would feel comfortable DNK / Never visited 22% 25% 12% 11% 13% 9% 12%

3. Awareness of Contraceptive Means

When married adolescents were asked if they know some of the ways one can avoid getting pregnant, it turned out that 50% are not aware of contraception. It is a serious issue in Baalback District (63%) and followed by Tripoli area (56%). 3 out of 4 married male adolescents revealed that they do not know any means of avoiding pregnancy. 57% of married adolescents from Syria are not aware of any contraceptives, whilst all Lebanese respondents said they were aware of at least one contraceptive.

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Figure 28: Awareness of Contraceptive Means, According to Region, Nationality, Gender and Age

38% 25% 44% 43% 50% 55% 48% 67% 100% 100% Yes, I do know ways to 75% avoid pregnancy 63% 57% 50% 56% 45% 52% No, I do not know ways to 33% avoid pregnancy

4. Females’ School Attendance while Having Period

Around 16% of female adolescents who attend school, skip schooling during their periods. This percentage reaches about one-quarter among older female adolescents (25%) and those from Syria (24%). Another 13% of female adolescents keep attending school during their periods though interruptedly (not every day). Again this situation is higher among older female adolescents (15%).

While some adolescent girls may suffer from symptoms related to menstruation that disrupt their daily activities, the majority of girls reported external factors, such as the inappropriate conditions of toilet facilities in schools or lack of menstrual hygiene materials available to them. Some adolescents described the improper situation of restrooms in many public schools. They indicated a lack of cleanliness, privacy (no door locks), and in certain mixed schools there are no separate toilets available.

Also within the Syrian refugee camps in Lebanon there is reported to be “insufficient access to safe and private facilities for menstrual hygiene management (MHM) coupled with displacement induced shifts in menstrual practices by girls and women,” as revealed by a recent study13. The study described the situation as follows: “Syrian girls and women living in the informal settlements also reported that they now shared toilet facilities with several families. These toilets were reported to be cramped, dirty and lacking in separate space for disposal. Many described how they carry dark colored plastic bags for discreetly putting the used materials in, to be later disposed in the household trash.” Related to this, risks were described by women: “Night time use of latrines also posed challenges, with many girls and women citing fears of violence, kidnapping, or snakes. As one young Syrian woman explained: ‘The informal settlements are not secure, so we can’t go outside at night…because of the

13 Conflict and Health: “Understanding the menstrual hygiene management challenges facing displaced girls and women: findings from qualitative assessments in Myanmar and Lebanon”. Published: 16 October 2017.

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kids’.” Moreover, the study revealed that “most refugees described not having received a distribution with sanitary supplies in over a year.”

A significant percentage of female adolescents who attend school (40%) stated that they go to school as usual when they have their periods. This percentage was higher among those from Lebanon (59%) and among older female adolescents (41%).

The percentage of those who did not respond almost reached one-third of all adolescent females who are attending school (31%). It was found that this percentage recorded higher levels among younger female adolescents (43%), likely either due to shyness at this young age or because some of them have not yet started having their first period (being under 15).

Moreover, one of the working girls, who participated in the focus groups, revealed that during her period, even though she feels a lot of pain, she still has to go to work. This might be the case of many working female adolescents.

Figure 29: Reported Attendance of School while Having Period, According to Region, Nationality and Age

12% 6% 8% 16% 14% 24% 16% 25% 23% 13% 11% 11% 13% 11% 13% 17% 12% 15% No, I do not go to school 39% 31% 59% during my period 40% 27% 40% 52% Yes, but not every day 36% 41%

Yes, I go to school during 46% 43% 31% 37% 31% my period as usual 23%24% 22% 19% No answer

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5. SRHR – Main Results

In general, there are low levels of awareness about SRHR information, services, and facilities among adolescent girls and boys. Awareness levels are particularly low among Syrian refugees and boys.

Married adolescent girls and boys reported having low access to SRH services. Around 12% of married adolescents have never visited SRH services and facilities in their communities. Some 25% of male married adolescents have never accessed SRH services and facilities before, in addition to 9% of married adolescent girls. Some 19% of married adolescents do not feel comfortable visiting SRH services and facilities, primarily due to two reasons: either they are too embarrassed or because they perceive it as not being confidential.

A majority (57%) of Syrian adolescents are not aware of contraception, this is not the case for Lebanese adolescents who all reported to be aware of at least one contraceptive.

Around 16% of female adolescents who are in school skip days of school during their periods due to the limited level of available menstrual hygiene management and issues with the sanitation and hygiene facilities in schools. This is particularly the case for older adolescent girls (25%) and girls from Syria (24%). 13% of adolescent girls keep attending school during their periods though they may skip days or hours of education. This is more common for older female adolescents (15%). They also reported sanitary and safety concerns with the restrooms in tented settlements.

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VII. CHILD PROTECTION & SAFETY

1. Prominent Risks and Environment

The assessment revealed high perceived protection risks for adolescent girls and boys, both among refugee and host populations. Emotional abuse, physical violence and sexual violence risks were identified as priority risks affecting adolescents.

 Emotional abuse was reported as a risk by around one-third of the sample (35% for females and 33% of males);  Physical violence was reported as a risk by around one-quarter of the sample (25% for females and 24% of males); and  Sexual violence and abuse, was mentioned by 16% of adolescent girls as a risk in the community; whereas, only 1% of adolescent boys considered it to be a risk.  Child labour was identified as a risk by 8% of boys and 4% of all girls.

The vast majority of risks were identified within the community (64%), particularly in bigger cities (as reported by Lebanese adolescents) outside informal tent settlements or camp areas (as reported by Syrian adolescents). Most of the Syrian adolescents considered the refugee settlements to be safer than the areas right outside of the settlements. Particularly, the local communities outside the camps were identified as the most unsafe location with highest risks. Caregivers were most concerns about the safety of young girls outside the camp; some parents explained that they would not let their girls go outside without the escort of their mothers. A mother mentioned that she won’t allow her daughter to go outdoors out of security concerns. Less commonly, risks were identified in the family (9%), at work (9%) or in schools (5%).

Syrian girls and boys identified different risks in the surroundings of the camps, such as: discriminatory actions against Syrians, getting into contact with gangsters, risks to crimes, violence, harassment, car accidents, drugs and alcoholism, and other forms of physical and verbal abuse. For some refugees, their lack of proper documentation was felt as a major risk of arrest (especially at checkpoints) and even imprisonment. This makes it difficult for many Syrian adolescents to commute freely, or to report complaints at police station (if needed). In some locations, respondents reported that they felt insecure in the camps because of the risks of raids by Lebanese law enforcement.

Within the camps, toilets and washing facilities were seen as one of the main risk areas. As there are no bathrooms inside the tents, common washrooms are used by all refugee families. These public toilets raise different issues: most people, in particular girls and women, do not feel comfortable using the toilets during night time, as it is not considered to be safe; toilets are not considered to be clean; and therefore adolescents expressed concerns over hygiene, and risk to contagious diseases.

Risks of sexual violence and abuse were mentioned in different of the discussion groups. While it was more mentioned by girls, also risks for boys were identified. One incident was revealed by a mother caregiver: “my son was working at a shop, when the employer tried to undress and molest him. When he told me, I kept him out of work and went to the abuser to inform him that my son no longer works for him and that I knew what had happened. However, I did not tell anyone in order to protect my son’s reputation and dignity”.

When asked if and how they would report their concerns, many adolescents indicated that they would keep it to themselves “because if we tell our parents they will make us stay at home and never go out”. Another adolescent said: “I wish I can trust someone and talk to”.

Figure 30: Main risks mentioned by girls and boys

33% None 41% 35% Emotional abuse 33% 25% Physical violence 24% Sexual Violence 1% 16% 4% Child labour 8% 7% Separation from family 4% 4% Conflict with the law 5% Child marriage 3% 4% 3% Recruit. by armed forces 4% 3% Being trafficked 1% 0.4% Poverty 0.4% 10% DNK 8% No answer 2% 2%

Female Male

2. Behavior in Case of Violence or Abuse

Who do adolescent girls and boys seek support from

The most important providers of support identified by adolescents included:

 Parents and/or other family members (80%), especially for younger adolescents (83%) and females (81%). In Lebanon this is most often the mother (84%, compared to 69% among Syrian adolescents).  Friends (16%), mostly among older and male adolescents (17% and 22% respectively).  Law enforcement bodies, such as the police (14%) were mostly mentioned by adolescents from Lebanon (21%) (refer to Table 17 in Annex I).

When asked what survivors of sexual violence, including rape, would likely do, nearly half of the adolescents thought that survivors of rape would disclose the incident and inform somebody about what happened (50%). This was mostly the case among those from Lebanon (58%), female and older adolescents (53%). 27% of adolescents, particularly older adolescents and boys, believed that survivors would not tell anyone and would rather keep it to themselves. About 23% of adolescents indicated they did not know or could not answer the question.

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64% of adolescents thought that survivors of sexual violence including rape would seek help. While older adolescent girls, particularly those from Lebanon, were most likely to seek help, older adolescent boys, particularly those from Syria were least likely to seek help.

Figure 31: Suppositions on Disclosure of Rape Cases, According to Region, Nationality, Gender and Age

17% 27% 28% 25% 28% 23% 29% 27% 32% 37%

58% 43% 46% 45% 49% 56% 58% 53% 35% 53% No, they would not tell Yes, they would tell

32% DNK / No answer 23% 28% 25% 28% 27% 17% 17% 20% 15%

Figure 32: Suppositions on Seeking Help in Case of Rape, According to Region, Nationality, Gender and Age

12% 14% 12% 16% 14% 13%18% 20% 21% 18%

67% 60% No, they would not seek 64% 51% 71% 58% 73% 73% 61% 69% for help Yes, they would seek for help

28% 24% 21% 28% DNK / No answer 20% 17% 13% 14% 18% 12%

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3. Child Protection & Safety – Main Results

The assessment revealed high perceived protection risks for adolescent girls and boys, both among refugee and host populations.

Emotional abuse (34%) and physical violence (25%) risks were identified as priority risks affecting adolescents. More girls (16%) than boys (1%) received sexual violence to be a risk to them.

Adolescents reported being approached by gangsters, being subject to crime, violence and harassment, car accidents, drugs and alcoholism, and other forms kinds of physical and verbal abuses. For some refugees, lack of proper documentation puts them at risk of arrest (especially at checkpoints) and imprisonment, making it even more difficult for refugees to commute freely and to report complaints at police station.

Most risks were identified in the community (64%), particularly outside camps; while lower risks were identified in the family (9%), at work (9%) or in schools (5%).

The most important providers of support identified by adolescents included:

 Parents and/or other family members (80%), especially for younger adolescents (83%) and females (81%). In Lebanon this is most often the mother (84%, compared to 69% among Syrian adolescents).  Friends (16%), mostly among older and male adolescents (17% and 22% respectively).  Law enforcement bodies, such as the police (14%) were mostly mentioned by adolescents from Lebanon (21%).

When asked what survivors of sexual violence, including rape, would likely do, nearly half of the adolescents thought that survivors would disclose the incident and inform somebody about what happened (50%). This was mostly the case among those from Lebanon (58%), female and older adolescents (53% each). About 27% of adolescents, particularly older adolescents and boys, believed that survivors would not tell anyone and would rather keep it to themselves. About 23% of adolescents indicated they did not know or could not answer the question.

64% of adolescents thought that survivors of sexual violence including rape would seek help. While older adolescent girls, particularly those from Lebanon, were most likely to seek help, older adolescent boys, particularly those from Syria were least likely to seek help.

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PROGRAMMATIC

RECOMMENDATIONS

This assessment revealed that Syrian and Lebanese adolescent girls and boys in vulnerable communities in Lebanon are exposed to serious risks and daily stressors that have a detrimental impact on their protection and development. Whether in cities or in rural areas, adolescents experience and witness high levels violence, abuse and exploitation. Nearly all adolescent girls and boys who are not in school, are at risk of or already engaged in the worst forms of child labour or child marriage. The growing concerns over these complex child protection concerns are the result of compounded risk factors including poverty, lack of legal protection, low access to services, poor quality of education and a lack of viable livelihoods opportunities. Many adolescents and their caregivers, particularly those from Syrian refugee families, have limited access to information and facilities that are vital for their protection and well-being. Both adolescents and their caregivers report gender- and age-specific roles to girls and boys, which, exacerbated by poverty and crisis, can push adolescents from an early age in caregiver- and breadwinner roles and into exploitative situations of child labour and child marriage.

This assessment confirms the urgent need for more intentional, targeted and holistic programmes for adolescent girls and boys to effectively address their age- and gender- specific needs and rights. Programs should provide adolescent-friendly information, strengthen positive role models and peer support, promote access to services and enhance the family- and community-based social and economic assets that adolescents need during their transition into adulthood. Rather than short-term, stand-alone activities, more comprehensive programs should be designed to offer long-term and holistic (multi-sectoral) and flexible interventions to address more complex issues such as child labour and child marriage.

1. Promote multi-sectoral programs to address to Child Labour

 Mobilise communities and engage adolescent girls and boys, parents/caregivers, communities, local organisations and employers, including Shawish, to prevent and respond to child labour and the worst forms, through: • Awareness raising on the legal minimum working age in Lebanon and the worst forms of child labour including hazardous labour, as well as the age for compulsory education; • Understanding of the harmful effects of child labour on adolescents’ physical, cognitive and psychosocial well-being and development;

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• Awareness raising on referral pathways for child labour and risks of violence and abuse in the work place, including gender-based violence (GBV); • Influencing adolescent girls’ and boys’ own attitudes towards education and the importance of education for their development and future livelihood.  Promote sustainable and viable alternatives for families to prevent child labour, including: • Girls’ and boys’ right to quality and safe formal or non-formal education, particularly focusing on Syrian adolescents and those at risk of school drop-out; • Family livelihood opportunities, in particular for Syrian refugees, to relieve the financial pressure on families and provide alternatives to child labour.  Provide support to working adolescent girls and boys including in the worst forms of child labour: • Target working girls and boys and their caregivers with awareness-raising on the importance of education and advocate for flexible modalities and opportunities for schooling in order to promote continued education; • Provide child protection case management services for those girls and boys who experienced violence and those involved in the worst forms of child labour; • Provide targeted psychosocial activities for girls and boys to enhance their ability to protect themselves and others in the work place, and cope with distress, in particular Syrian boys; • Provide livelihood opportunities to relieve financial pressure on families, build self- reliance of older adolescents or their families, and strengthen access to decent work; • Train working adolescents on harm reduction strategies in the work place and provide them with safety equipment.  Engage with employers to promote safety in the work place and jointly develop harm reduction strategies to address existing risks and hazards.

2. Design intentional, multi-sectoral programs to address Child Marriage

 Mobilise communities and engage adolescent girls and boys, parents/caregivers, and communities including local civil society, traditional and religious leaders to change norms and practices related to child marriage, through: • Awareness raising about the risks and impact of child marriage and early pregnancy on the health, protection and psychosocial well-being of girls; • Promoting the importance of education, peer relations and play for the development of girls, including for older adolescent girls; • Strengthening life skills and psychosocial competencies of girls to help them access the information, confidence and social networks to prevent child marriage; • Promoting gender equality and addressing negative gender norms related to girls’ and women’s sexuality and value, including norms that justify child marriage to protect family honour, which could lead to gender-based violence;  Promote sustainable and viable alternatives for families to prevent child marriage, including: • Girls’ access to quality and safe education, particularly focusing on girls between 11 and 14 years old, girls who attend irregularly, or with low school performance; • Family livelihood opportunities, in particular for Syrian refugees, to relieve financial pressure on families and provide alternatives.  Provide tailored support to engaged and married adolescents, starting at a young age:

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• Target engaged and married girls and boys and their caregivers with awareness- raising on the importance of education and advocate for flexible modalities and opportunities for schooling in order to promote continued education; • Promote girls’ and boys’ access to and use of family planning methods in order to delay first pregnancy and prevent rapid repeat pregnancy, particularly in rural areas and refugee tent settlement with limited access to health services; • Provide targeted psychosocial activities for girls and boys to support their ability to protect themselves and others and form healthy relationships, in particular for Syrian refugees in tented settlements; • Provide livelihood opportunities to relieve financial pressure on families, build self- reliance through economic independence, and strengthen access to decent work; • Support child care initiatives to improve mobility and access to education or work for married girls. • Provide comprehensive child protection case management services for married adolescent girls and engaged or at-risk girls who have experienced violence.  Provide spouses of adolescent girls, engaged/married adolescent boys as well as younger adolescent boys with tailored information about: • Gender equality and masculinities, addressing negative gender stereotypes in relation to married life and parenting, including roles and (shared) responsibilities in parenting and households, the importance for girls to engage in social, educational and economic opportunities, and prevention of GBV including intimate partner violence (IPV); • Livelihood opportunities for themselves, their female spouses and/or other family members to economically empower young couples, including girls and young women.  Advocate for legislation prohibiting marriage under the age of 18 years.

3. Education: Promote flexible, quality learning opportunities for adolescent girls and boys

 Enhance adolescents’ successful transition from primary to secondary education and put in place monitoring and early warning systems to identify adolescents at risk of drop-out to reduce risks to child labour or child marriage;  Invest in quality after-school activities for adolescents such as school clubs, homework classes and tutoring to improve school performance and retain adolescent girls and boys in school;  Support flexible learning modalities for working or married adolescent girls and boys such as home-based or informal learning opportunities.  Invest in quality and relevant vocational training opportunities for older adolescent girls and boys, with accompanying internships or apprenticeships to help them transition into decent work.  Support adolescent mothers in accessing education or work, by providing access to quality child care services.

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4. Child Protection: Strengthen the protective environment of adolescent girls and boys

 Provide parents and caregivers with parenting support with focus on self-care, and positive parenting styles specific to younger and older adolescents, particularly girls, adolescents who work or who take on other adult responsibilities.  Strengthen family economic coping mechanisms through economic strengthening interventions such as cash, income-generating activities or other livelihoods support, as viable alternatives to child marriage or child labour.  Create safe community spaces with specific programs and (mobile) approaches tailored to adolescent girls and boys, including those who are married, working or living in hard-to-reach areas, to receive information and access integrated services including protection, learning and social activities in a safe environment.  Strengthen community-based protective mechanisms through mobilizing communities, specifically engaging with traditional and religious leaders, landowners (shawish), law enforcement agencies and employers, to prevent and respond to protection violations against at-risk children and adolescents, including Syrian refugees.  Ensure access to (mobile) adolescent-friendly child protection services, particularly for ‘invisible’ or homebound girls, working adolescents or those living in hard-to-reach areas.

5. SRHR: Promote adolescent-friendly SRHR information, services and facilities

 Raise awareness with adolescent girls, boys, parents/caregivers, spouses, and communities on where and how to access SRHR information and services, in particular: family planning, HIV counseling and testing, and miscarriage/post-abortion care services;  Facilitate direct access to quality SRH services for adolescent girls, including engaged, married and pregnant girls and young mothers, to promote maternal and child health, including: providing transportation, organising group visits to facilities, child care, adapting service schedules around school, work, household or child care responsibilities;  Raise awareness on the benefits of family planning, including delay of first pregnancy and prevention of rapid repeat pregnancy and promote access to family planning counseling.  Support access of girls to menstrual hygiene: provide menstrual sanitation materials, inform them on how to dispose materials and improve toilets at schools and tented settlements to ensure safe and dignified access to sanitation facilities.  Train SRHR service providers to provide (mobile) adolescent-friendly and gender- responsive SRH services, and promote confidential reporting of gender-based violence.

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ANNEXES

Annex I: Tables

Table 4: Head of Household, According to Region, Nationality, Gender and Age

Region Nationality Gender Age Group Head of Household Total Akkar N. Bekaa Tripoli From Lebanon From Syria Female Male 12-14 years 15-17 years Father 77.0% 71.7% 80.2% 79.4% 84.0% 72.1% 73.3% 80.6% 79.5% 74.4% Mother 12.3% 13.0% 12.0% 11.8% 9.9% 14.0% 12.8% 11.8% 14.7% 9.9% Spouse 3.3% 4.3% 2.4% 2.9% 1.4% 4.5% 6.6% 0.0% 0.4% 6.1% Adult Sibling 2.9% 4.9% 1.8% 1.8% 2.3% 3.2% 3.9% 1.9% 2.7% 3.1% Myself 1.7% 1.1% 0.6% 3.5% 0.5% 2.6% 1.6% 1.9% 0.0% 3.4% Grandparent 1.2% 2.2% 0.6% 0.6% 1.4% 1.0% 0.4% 1.9% 1.9% 0.4% Adult Relative 1.0% 1.1% 1.8% 0.0% 0.0% 1.6% 1.2% 0.8% 0.4% 1.5% Adolescent Sibling 0.4% 1.1% 0.0% 0.0% 0.0% 0.6% 0.4% 0.4% 0.0% 0.8% Employer 0.2% 0.0% 0.6% 0.0% 0.5% 0.0% 0.0% 0.4% 0.4% 0.0% Other 0.2% 0.5% 0.0% 0.0% 0.0% 0.3% 0.0% 0.4% 0.0% 0.4%

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Table 5: Breadwinners According to Region, Nationality, Gender and Age

Region Nationality Gender Age Group Breadwinner Total Akkar N. Bekaa Tripoli From Lebanon From Syria Female Male 12-14 years 15-17 years No Breadwinner 4.2% 6.5% 3.0% 2.9% 0.0% 7.1% 6.2% 2.3% 4.2% 4.2% Father 69.1% 63.0% 71.3% 73.5% 79.8% 61.7% 67.1% 71.1% 72.2% 66.0% Mother 8.8% 11.4% 5.4% 9.4% 10.3% 7.8% 7.8% 9.9% 11.2% 6.5% Adult Sibling 6.1% 10.3% 4.8% 2.9% 5.6% 6.5% 7.0% 5.3% 5.0% 7.3% Myself 4.6% 2.2% 9.6% 2.4% 1.9% 6.5% 1.6% 7.6% 2.3% 6.9% Spouse 3.3% 3.3% 2.4% 4.1% 1.4% 4.5% 6.6% 0.0% 0.4% 6.1% Adolescent Sibling 2.1% 1.1% 1.8% 3.5% 0.5% 3.2% 2.3% 1.9% 3.1% 1.1% Other Relatives 1.3% 2.2% 1.8% 0.0% 0.0% 2.3% 1.2% 1.5% 0.8% 1.9% Grandparents 0.2% 0.0% 0.0% 0.6% 0.5% 0.0% 0.4% 0.0% 0.4% 0.0% No answer 0.2% 0.0% 0.0% 0.6% 0.0% 0.3% 0.0% 0.4% 0.4% 0.0%

Table 6: Caregivers According to Region, Nationality, Gender and Age

Region Nationality Gender Age Group Caregiver Total Akkar N. Bekaa Tripoli From Lebanon From Syria Female Male 12-14 years 15-17 years Mother 75.0% 71.2% 74.9% 79.4% 83.6% 69.2% 74.0% 76.0% 82.6% 67.6% Myself 11.5% 12.5% 16.2% 5.9% 6.6% 14.9% 15.1% 8.0% 5.4% 17.6% Father 6.9% 9.8% 4.2% 6.5% 5.6% 7.8% 4.3% 9.5% 6.9% 6.9% Adult Sibling 1.5% 1.6% 0.6% 2.4% 0.9% 1.9% 1.6% 1.5% 1.9% 1.1% Spouse 1.5% 1.6% 1.2% 1.8% 0.5% 2.3% 2.3% 0.8% 0.0% 3.1% Grandparent 1.3% 1.1% 0.6% 2.4% 1.9% 1.0% 0.8% 1.9% 2.3% 0.4% Adult Relative 1.2% 1.6% 1.8% 0.0% 0.0% 1.9% 1.6% 0.8% 0.8% 1.5% Adolescent Sibling 0.4% 0.0% 0.6% 0.6% 0.0% 0.6% 0.0% 0.8% 0.0% 0.8% Other Caregiver 0.4% 0.0% 0.0% 1.2% 0.5% 0.3% 0.4% 0.4% 0.0% 0.8% Adult Stranger 0.2% 0.5% 0.0% 0.0% 0.5% 0.0% 0.0% 0.4% 0.0% 0.4%

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Table 7: Working Household Members, According to Region, Nationality, Gender and Age

Working Household Region Nationality Gender Age Group Total Members Akkar N. Bekaa Tripoli From Lebanon From Syria Female Male 12-14 years 15-17 years None 5.0% 7.1% 4.2% 3.5% 1.9% 7.1% 5.0% 4.9% 3.1% 6.9% Father 74.5% 67.4% 79.6% 77.1% 85.4% 66.9% 72.5% 76.4% 79.5% 69.5% Adult Sibling 24.0% 24.5% 24.6% 22.9% 23.5% 24.4% 24.4% 23.6% 20.5% 27.5% Mother 21.5% 20.1% 21.6% 22.9% 20.7% 22.1% 22.5% 20.5% 24.3% 18.7% Adolescent Sibling 14.0% 8.2% 18.0% 16.5% 7.5% 18.5% 16.3% 11.8% 16.2% 11.8% Spouse 3.6% 3.3% 3.6% 4.1% 1.4% 5.2% 7.4% 0.0% 0.4% 6.9% Grandparents 0.4% 0.5% 0.0% 0.6% 0.5% 0.3% 0.4% 0.4% 0.8% 0.0% Other Relatives 4.0% 1.6% 3.0% 7.6% 2.3% 5.2% 5.0% 3.0% 3.1% 5.0% No answer 0.2% 0.0% 0.0% 0.6% 0.0% 0.3% 0.0% 0.4% 0.4% 0.0%

Table 8: Last Attended School, According to Region, Nationality, Gender and Age

Region Nationality Gender Age Group Last Attended School Total 12-14 15-17 (Time) Akkar N. Bekaa Tripoli From Lebanon From Syria Female Male years years Never 15.9% 16.7% 2.8% 29.7% 11.4% 17.1% 10.8% 20.0% 17.6% 15.0% This scholar year 1.0% 1.4% 1.4% 0.0% 4.5% 0.0% 0.0% 1.7% 0.0% 1.4% 1 year ago 19.2% 22.2% 22.2% 12.5% 31.8% 15.9% 15.1% 22.6% 30.9% 13.6% 2 years ago 17.8% 15.3% 19.4% 18.8% 25.0% 15.9% 15.1% 20.0% 20.6% 16.4% 3 years ago 25.0% 29.2% 29.2% 15.6% 20.5% 26.2% 25.8% 24.3% 19.1% 27.9% 4 years ago 4.3% 4.2% 4.2% 4.7% 4.5% 4.3% 7.5% 1.7% 4.4% 4.3% 5 years ago 6.3% 2.8% 9.7% 6.3% 0.0% 7.9% 8.6% 4.3% 2.9% 7.9% 6 years ago 3.8% 2.8% 2.8% 6.3% 2.3% 4.3% 5.4% 2.6% 2.9% 4.3% 7 years ago 5.3% 5.6% 5.6% 4.7% 0.0% 6.7% 9.7% 1.7% 0.0% 7.9% Since more than 7 years 1.0% 0.0% 2.8% 0.0% 0.0% 1.2% 1.1% 0.9% 0.0% 1.4% Other 0.5% 0.0% 0.0% 1.6% 0.0% 0.6% 1.1% 0.0% 1.5% 0.0%

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Table 9: Reasons for Entry to Labour Market, According to Region, Nationality, Gender and Age

Region Nationality Gender Age Group Reasons for Work Total From From 12-14 15-17 Akkar N. Bekaa Tripoli Female Male Lebanon Syria years years Supplement family income / basic needs 69.0% 63.6% 72.5% 70.2% 51.1% 75.4% 84.4% 63.5% 66.1% 70.6% Pocket money 21.6% 23.6% 15.9% 27.7% 28.9% 19.0% 31.1% 18.3% 14.5% 25.7% Learn skills 14.6% 20.0% 5.8% 21.3% 28.9% 9.5% 0.0% 19.8% 11.3% 16.5% Help with household chores 12.3% 14.5% 14.5% 6.4% 6.7% 14.3% 11.1% 12.7% 11.3% 12.8% Not interested in school 9.9% 3.6% 13.0% 12.8% 11.1% 9.5% 6.7% 11.1% 8.1% 11.0% Child is taking care of him 7.6% 5.5% 11.6% 4.3% 2.2% 9.5% 4.4% 8.7% 4.8% 9.2% Cannot afford going to school 7.0% 7.3% 11.6% 0.0% 6.7% 7.1% 4.4% 7.9% 11.3% 4.6% Family does not find value in education 6.4% 12.7% 4.3% 2.1% 11.1% 4.8% 4.4% 7.1% 9.7% 4.6% Child feels he she is old enough to work 5.8% 1.8% 10.1% 4.3% 8.9% 4.8% 2.2% 7.1% 1.6% 8.3% To replace an adult who is working away 2.3% 0.0% 4.3% 2.1% 0.0% 3.2% 0.0% 3.2% 1.6% 2.8% Other 0.6% 0.0% 1.4% 0.0% 2.2% 0.0% 0.0% 0.8% 1.6% 0.0%

Table 10: Decision Makers of Entry to Labour Market, According to Region, Nationality, Gender and Age

Region Nationality Gender Age Group Decision Makers of Total 12-14 15-17 Entry to Labour Market Akkar N. Bekaa Tripoli From Lebanon From Syria Female Male years years Myself 77.2% 74.5% 84.1% 70.2% 84.4% 74.6% 84.4% 74.6% 69.4% 81.7% Father 28.7% 23.6% 24.6% 40.4% 31.1% 27.8% 17.8% 32.5% 33.9% 25.7% Mother 13.5% 14.5% 2.9% 27.7% 6.7% 15.9% 8.9% 15.1% 12.9% 13.8% Spouse 1.8% 0.0% 1.4% 4.3% 2.2% 1.6% 6.7% 0.0% 0.0% 2.8% Adult Relative 1.2% 0.0% 2.9% 0.0% 2.2% 0.8% 2.2% 0.8% 1.6% 0.9% Grand Parent 0.6% 1.8% 0.0% 0.0% 2.2% 0.0% 0.0% 0.8% 1.6% 0.0% Adolescent Sibling 0.6% 0.0% 1.4% 0.0% 0.0% 0.8% 2.2% 0.0% 0.0% 0.9% Employer 0.6% 0.0% 1.4% 0.0% 0.0% 0.8% 0.0% 0.8% 1.6% 0.0% No Answer 0.6% 1.8% 0.0% 0.0% 0.0% 0.8% 0.0% 0.8% 1.6% 0.0%

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Table 11: Means of Recruitment, According to Region, Nationality, Gender and Age

Region Nationality Gender Age Group Means of Recruitment Total N. From From 12-14 15-17 Akkar Tripoli Female Male Bekaa Lebanon Syria years years Through a broker “shawish” 24.6% 30.9% 30.4% 8.5% 11.1% 29.4% 31.1% 22.2% 22.6% 25.7% You and/or your family know someone who 22.8% 18.2% 17.4% 36.2% 28.9% 20.6% 15.6% 25.4% 25.8% 21.1% knows your employer You and/or your family know the employer 19.3% 18.2% 23.2% 14.9% 24.4% 17.5% 26.7% 16.7% 14.5% 22.0% Family business 17.0% 21.8% 14.5% 14.9% 22.2% 15.1% 11.1% 19.0% 14.5% 18.3% Through a family / extended family member 8.8% 10.9% 10.1% 4.3% 6.7% 9.5% 2.2% 11.1% 14.5% 5.5% You were introduced by other children in the 5.8% 3.6% 4.3% 10.6% 4.4% 6.3% 6.7% 5.6% 8.1% 4.6% same industry I searched for work myself 3.5% 1.8% 1.4% 8.5% 2.2% 4.0% 4.4% 3.2% 1.6% 4.6% Forcibly by someone unknown to the family 0.6% 0.0% 1.4% 0.0% 0.0% 0.8% 0.0% 0.8% 1.6% 0.0% Through a recruitment drive 0.6% 0.0% 0.0% 2.1% 0.0% 0.8% 2.2% 0.0% 0.0% 0.9% No answer 1.8% 1.8% 1.4% 2.1% 4.4% 0.8% 2.2% 1.6% 0.0% 2.8%

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Table 12: Domain of Work, According to Region, Nationality, Gender and Age

Region Nationality Gender Age group Domain of Work Total N. From From 12-14 15-17 Akkar Tripoli Female Male Bekaa Lebanon Syria years years Working in a food outlet/café/restaurant 28.7% 32.7% 21.7% 34.0% 35.6% 26.2% 24.4% 30.2% 22.6% 32.1% Farm work 21.6% 20.0% 30.4% 10.6% 8.9% 26.2% 37.8% 15.9% 24.2% 20.2% Automobile shop/auto mechanics 8.8% 14.5% 7.2% 4.3% 15.6% 6.3% 2.2% 11.1% 12.9% 6.4% Construction site 7.6% 9.1% 8.7% 4.3% 2.2% 9.5% 0.0% 10.3% 8.1% 7.3% Working in a factory 6.4% 7.3% 7.2% 4.3% 6.7% 6.3% 8.9% 5.6% 3.2% 8.3% Selling on the street 5.8% 1.8% 5.8% 10.6% 6.7% 5.6% 4.4% 6.3% 9.7% 3.7% Carpentry 5.3% 7.3% 4.3% 4.3% 6.7% 4.8% 0.0% 7.1% 6.5% 4.6% Hairdressing 3.5% 0.0% 4.3% 6.4% 11.1% 0.8% 4.4% 3.2% 1.6% 4.6% Domestic labour, cleaning, cooking 3.5% 0.0% 4.3% 6.4% 0.0% 4.8% 11.1% 0.8% 1.6% 4.6% Working in a hotel 2.9% 5.5% 0.0% 4.3% 2.2% 3.2% 0.0% 4.0% 3.2% 2.8% Begging 2.3% 1.8% 0.0% 6.4% 0.0% 3.2% 8.9% 0.0% 1.6% 2.8% Working in an animal slaughter house 2.3% 1.8% 2.9% 2.1% 4.4% 1.6% 0.0% 3.2% 3.2% 1.8% Working in an amusement center or internet cafe 2.3% 1.8% 4.3% 0.0% 0.0% 3.2% 0.0% 3.2% 4.8% 0.9% Gas station 1.2% 0.0% 2.9% 0.0% 2.2% 0.8% 0.0% 1.6% 0.0% 1.8% Transporting people or goods 1.2% 0.0% 0.0% 4.3% 2.2% 0.8% 0.0% 1.6% 0.0% 1.8% Working in quarries, caves or crushing sites 0.6% 0.0% 1.4% 0.0% 0.0% 0.8% 0.0% 0.8% 0.0% 0.9% Working with armed forces/groups 0.6% 0.0% 0.0% 2.1% 0.0% 0.8% 0.0% 0.8% 1.6% 0.0%

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Table 13: Economic Sector of Work, According to Region, Nationality, Gender and Age

Region Nationality Gender Age group Sector of Work Total N. From 12-14 15-17 Akkar Tripoli From Syria Female Male Bekaa Lebanon years years Services & Trade 50.9% 56.4% 43.5% 55.3% 73.3% 42.9% 31.1% 57.9% 48.4% 52.3% Agriculture 21.6% 20.0% 30.4% 10.6% 8.9% 26.2% 37.8% 15.9% 24.2% 20.2% Industry 12.3% 14.5% 13.0% 8.5% 13.3% 11.9% 8.9% 13.5% 9.7% 13.8% Construction 8.2% 3.6% 5.8% 17.0% 6.7% 8.7% 13.3% 6.3% 11.3% 6.4% Street Work 7.6% 9.1% 8.7% 4.3% 2.2% 9.5% 0.0% 10.3% 8.1% 7.3% Domestic Work 3.5% 0.0% 4.3% 6.4% 0.0% 4.8% 11.1% 0.8% 1.6% 4.6% Armed Forces 0.6% 0.0% 0.0% 2.1% 0.0% 0.8% 0.0% 0.8% 1.6% 0.0%

Table 14: Weekly Earnings Levels, According to Region, Nationality, Gender and Age

Region Nationality Gender Age Group Weekly Earnings (LBP) Total From From 12-14 15-17 Akkar N. Bekaa Tripoli Female Male Lebanon Syria years years Nothing 1.2% 1.8% 1.4% 0.0% 2.2% 0.8% 0.0% 1.6% 1.6% 0.9% < 10,000 4.7% 9.1% 1.4% 4.3% 2.2% 5.6% 6.7% 4.0% 6.5% 3.7% 10,000 – 20,000 10.5% 14.5% 10.1% 6.4% 6.7% 11.9% 20.0% 7.1% 9.7% 11.0% 21,000 – 50,000 34.5% 41.8% 33.3% 27.7% 28.9% 36.5% 26.7% 37.3% 43.5% 29.4% 51,000 – 100,000 31.0% 23.6% 31.9% 38.3% 24.4% 33.3% 24.4% 33.3% 29.0% 32.1% > 100,000 14.6% 7.3% 15.9% 21.3% 31.1% 8.7% 8.9% 16.7% 3.2% 21.1% DNK 1.8% 0.0% 4.3% 0.0% 0.0% 2.4% 6.7% 0.0% 3.2% 0.9% No answer 1.8% 1.8% 1.4% 2.1% 4.4% 0.8% 6.7% 0.0% 3.2% 0.9%

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Table 15: Attitudes towards Expenditure, According to Region, Nationality, Gender and Age

Region Nationality Gender Age Group Means of Expenditure Total From Akkar N. Bekaa Tripoli From Syria Female Male 12-14 years 15-17 years Lebanon Personal needs / leisure 42.9% 27.3% 50.0% 51.4% 58.1% 35.8% 42.9% 42.9% 26.7% 50.0% Clothes 39.8% 21.2% 53.3% 45.7% 58.1% 31.3% 42.9% 39.0% 26.7% 45.6% Rent household needs 36.7% 36.4% 26.7% 45.7% 22.6% 43.3% 42.9% 35.1% 46.7% 32.4% Food 35.7% 21.2% 46.7% 40.0% 45.2% 31.3% 19.0% 40.3% 36.7% 35.3% Savings 12.2% 9.1% 13.3% 14.3% 22.6% 7.5% 23.8% 9.1% 6.7% 14.7% Medication / health services 11.2% 18.2% 3.3% 11.4% 6.5% 13.4% 14.3% 10.4% 10.0% 11.8% Transportation 6.1% 6.1% 3.3% 8.6% 3.2% 7.5% 4.8% 6.5% 6.7% 5.9% School needs 5.1% 3.0% 6.7% 5.7% 6.5% 4.5% 9.5% 3.9% 6.7% 4.4%

Table 16: Awareness of SRHR Services Facilities, According to Region, Nationality, Gender and Age

Awareness of Facilities in Community Region Nationality Sex Age Group Total N. From From 12-14 15-17 Services Awareness Akkar Tripoli Female Male Bekaa Lebanon Syria years years Education and Counselling No, I am not aware 50% 56% 38% 56% 0% 57% 45% 75% 0% 52% regarding SRH Yes, I am aware 50% 44% 63% 44% 100% 43% 55% 25% 100% 48% Voluntary Counselling and No, I am not aware 85% 78% 100% 78% 67% 87% 82% 100% 100% 84% Testing for HIV Yes, I am aware 15% 22% 0% 22% 33% 13% 18% 0% 0% 16% Miscarriage/Post-abortion No, I am not aware 69% 78% 75% 56% 33% 74% 64% 100% 0% 72% care services Yes, I am aware 31% 22% 25% 44% 67% 26% 36% 0% 100% 28% No, I am not aware 85% 78% 88% 89% 0% 96% 82% 100% 100% 84% Family planning services Yes, I am aware 15% 22% 13% 11% 100% 4% 18% 0% 0% 16% No, I am not aware 27% 11% 38% 33% 0% 30% 23% 50% 0% 28% Periods and menstruation Yes, I am aware 73% 89% 63% 67% 100% 70% 77% 50% 100% 72% No, I am not aware 27% 11% 38% 33% 0% 30% 23% 50% 0% 28% Pregnancy care and delivery Yes, I am aware 73% 89% 63% 67% 100% 70% 77% 50% 100% 72% plan-international.org Adolescent Girls and Boys Needs Assessment 81

Table 17: Whom to Seek Help, in Case of violence/Abuse, According to Region, Nationality, Gender and Age

Region Nationality Gender Age Group Whose Help to Seek in Case Total N. From From 12-14 15-17 of Violence/Abuse Akkar Tripoli Female Male Bekaa Lebanon Syria years years Parents family 79.7% 74.5% 86.2% 78.8% 80.3% 79.2% 80.6% 78.7% 82.6% 76.7% Friends 15.9% 10.9% 15.0% 22.4% 18.8% 14.0% 9.3% 22.4% 14.7% 17.2% Police 13.8% 20.7% 10.2% 10.0% 20.7% 9.1% 19.4% 8.4% 13.1% 14.5% Teacher 2.7% 1.6% 5.4% 1.2% 3.3% 2.3% 2.7% 2.7% 3.5% 1.9% Community leaders 1.0% 0.5% 0.6% 1.8% 0.5% 1.3% 0.8% 1.1% 0.4% 1.5% Community social workers 1.0% 1.1% 1.2% 0.6% 0.5% 1.3% 1.6% 0.4% 0.4% 1.5% Employer 1.0% 1.6% 1.2% 0.0% 1.4% 0.6% 0.8% 1.1% 1.2% 0.8% Neighbors 0.6% 0.0% 0.6% 1.2% 0.5% 0.6% 0.8% 0.4% 0.0% 1.1% Government officials 0.6% 0.0% 1.8% 0.0% 1.4% 0.0% 0.0% 1.1% 0.4% 0.8% International Organizations 0.2% 0.0% 0.0% 0.6% 0.0% 0.3% 0.4% 0.0% 0.0% 0.4% DNK 2.3% 2.7% 0.0% 4.1% 0.9% 3.2% 1.2% 3.4% 2.7% 1.9% No answer 1.5% 1.1% 0.6% 2.9% 0.0% 2.6% 0.8% 2.3% 1.2% 1.9%

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Annex II: Bibliography:

1) UNDP. August 2008. “Poverty, Growth, and Income Distribution in Lebanon”.

2) CAS, MoSA and UNDP. 2004. “Living Conditions of Households – The National Survey of Household Living Conditions - 2004”.

3) UNICEF. 2009. Multiple Indicator Cluster Survey (MICS) – Round 3 – Lebanon.

4) UNHCR, UNICEF and WFP. 2016. “Vulnerability Assessment for Syrian Refugees in Lebanon 2016”.

5) Conflict and Health. 16 October 2017. “Understanding the menstrual hygiene management challenges facing displaced girls and women: findings from qualitative assessments in Myanmar and Lebanon”.

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