Neutrality, Democracy, and Kings: the Political Image of Sweden in the Latvian Press Before the Second World War*
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Little Red Sweden in Ukraine – the 1930S Comintern Project in Gammalsvenskby
Little Red Sweden in Ukraine – the 1930s Comintern project in Gammalsvenskby Soon the brothers will see the East in the Gold Swedish Communist Party’s slogan May Day 1931 ANDREJ KOTLJARCHUK The history of Gammalsvenskby offers a unique opportunity to investigate totalitarian political techniques in the twentieth century. The Swedish agricultural colony on the bank of the river Dnipro, not far from its fall into the Black Sea, is the only Scandinavian settlement in Eurasia. The church of Gammalsvenskby was the first Lutheran parish in the Azov and Black Sea territories. It functioned from 1782 to 1929. They owned the plots they cultivated and as foreign colonists they had a considerable degree of self- government in the Russian Empire and Soviet Ukraine.1 Recent research shows that the colonists of Gammalsvenskby had a high degree of ethnic self-consciousness. They considered themselves Swedes and spoke Swedish fluently in its dialect and standard form.2 Since the middle of the nineteenth century the inhabitants of the village were in continuous contact with the Kingdom of Sweden and ethnic Swedes of the Grand Duchy of Finland. A number of Swedish cultural institutions (e.g., school, new church, library and choir) were erected or founded thanks to 1 Svetlana Bobyleva, “Shvedy i gosudarstvennaia vlast Ukrainy,” in Voprosy germanskoi istorii, ed. Svetlana Bobyleva (Dnepropetrovsk: Porogi, 2008), 247268. 2 Anton Karlgren, Gammalsvenskby: land och folk, serie: svenska landsmål och svenskt folkliv (Uppsala, 1929); Alexander Mankov, “Selo Staroshvedskoe (Gammalsvenksby) i ego dialekt. Rezultaty issledovanii 2004–2006 gg.,” in Shvedy: sushchnost i metamorfozy identichnosti, ed. Tamara Torstendahl-Salycheva (Moskva: RGGU, 2008), 294–314. -
Stormklockan
Stormklockan En kritisk röst inom arbetarrörelsen 1908-1914 Peter Sundborg Examensarbete för magisterexamen Huvudområde: Historia Högskolepoäng: 30 hp Termin/år: Vårterminen 2018 Handledare: Roland Anrup Examinator: Per Sörlin Utbildningsprogram: Magisterutbildning med inriktning mot historia Innehållsförteckning Inledning 3 Syfte och frågeställning 3 Forskningsläget 4 Metoder och källor 10 Källkritik och avgränsningar 13 Bakgrund 14 Det socialdemokratiska ungdomsförbundet 17 Parlamentarismen och kampen för allmän rösträtt 20 Lågkonjunktur och kampen mot ungsocialisterna 23 Krisen inom arbetarrörelsen 26 ”Rättning vänster” 28 Kritik av riksdagsgruppen 32 Sammanfattning 36 Ministersocialism och samarbete med liberalerna 37 Storlockout och storstrejk 43 Liberalerna efter storstrejken 46 Ett val mellan två vägar för socialdemokraterna 52 Ministersocialismen och revisionismen 54 Sammanfattning 58 Staten och parlamentarismen 60 Diskussion om parlamentarismen 62 Statens klasskaraktär 65 Sammanfattning 71 Polemiken mot försvars- och militärpolitiken 72 Ned med vapnen 74 Stormklockan och värnpliktstrejken 75 Antimilitarismen och skytterörelsen 77 Försvar eller avrustning? 79 Pansarbåtsstriden 82 Pansarpatriotism och krigsrisker 83 1 Krigsindustri, imperialism och revolutionsrisk 86 Partikongressen 1914 93 Första världskriget bryter ut 95 Sammanfattning 98 Avslutande diskussion 100 Krisen inom arbetarrörelsen 100 Ministersocialismen och samarbetet med liberalerna 101 Staten och parlamentarismen 102 Försvaret och militären 103 Två typer av kritik -
Hjalmar Branting Folket I Bilds Förlag 1949
Zeth Höglund Hjalmar Branting Folket i Bilds Förlag 1949 Oljemålning av Richard Bergh Denna skrift, som utgör en kort sammanfattning av författarens 1929 utgivna arbete Hjalmar Branting och hans livsgärning, gavs ut 1949 i serien Banérförare som redigerades av en kommitté med representanter från ABF, LO; SAP, SSU och Folket i Bilds Förlag. Se även Kata Dalström, av Mauritz Västberg, från samma serie. 1 Ett svärd, en eld, en fana. Ett svärd, en eld, en fana. Hjalmar Branting. Redan i namnets metallklang låg en symbol av den kampens man han skulle bliva. Som svärdsklang brusar hans namn genom vår historia i modärn tid. Han var hövdingen för arbetareklassen. Han blev ledaren för hela vårt folk. Han gav ära åt sitt parti i Internationalen, åt sitt fädernesland i folkförbundet. Hans mäktiga kämpagestalt motsvarades av en andlig kraft, vilja, målmedvetenhet och karaktär, som skapade hans enastående ställning. Under en mansålder står Hjalmar Branting i spetsen för svensk arbetarerörelse. Han är dess banbrytare både på det politiska och fackliga området. Han gav den en fast teoretisk grund. Han lärde den sammanhållning och solidaritet. Han lärde den taktikens konst. Han utformade den till en bred social demokrati. På 40 år växte den, huvudsakligen genom honom, från intet till en folkmajoritet. I sin ungdom inspärrades han som en förbrytare på Långholmen för sin samhällskritiska verk- samhet. På sin ålderdom stod han tre gånger i spetsen för socialdemokratiska regeringar. Vilken väldig samhällsomdaning hade icke skett under denna tid och genom den rörelse han företrätt! En eld var denna rörelse — en väldig låga av den lidelse för sanning och rätt, som bodde i Hjalmar Brantings själ. -
Great Britain and the Revision 8 P the Aland Convention, 1938-319
© Scandia 2008 www.scandia.hist.lu.se GREAT BRITAIN AND THE REVISION 8P THE ALAND CONVENTION, 1938-319 The historical significance of the Aland lslands derives almost entirely from their strategic importance. The islands dominate the entrance to the Gulf of Bothnia and a hostile force which had gained possession of them would represent a major threat to the Stockholm area and south-western Finland. It was only after Sweden was obliged to cede Finland and the Alands to Russia in 1809 that such considera. tions acquired a lasting importance. The demilitarization of the islands, if they could not be regained, became a major objective of Swedish foreign policy. During the Crimean War, Sweden granted Britain and France the use of her naval bases and, in the course of hostilities, an Anglo-French fleet destroyed the Russian fortifications on the Wlands. As a result of Sweden's co-operativeness towards the Western Powers, her aspirations were partially satisfied by a conven- tion signed by Russia, Britain and France, and annexed to the Peace of Paris of 1856, which forbade fortifications on the islands in the future. However, the long term value of the Gonvention was doubtful since Russia had only accepted it under pressure and hoped for its eventual revocation. In 1906-8, Russia tried unsuccessfully to secure the abrogation of the 1856 Gonvention by diplomatic action and during the first phase of the First World War she unilaterally erected fortifications again on the Wlands. This action caused great apprehension in Stockholm but there was little that the Swedish Government could do before the Bolshevik Revolution and the Finnish declara- tion of independence towards the end of 1917. -
Ethnicity, Class, and Local Patriotism: Change and Continuity in Riga City Government Before and After the First World War Adam Brode Ph
ETHNICITY, CLASS, AND LOCAL PATRIOTISM: CHANGE AND CONTINUITY IN RIGA CITY GOVERNMENT BEFORE AND AFTER THE FIRST WORLD WAR Adam Brode Ph. D. Candidate in History. University of Pittsburgh. Research theme: interethnic relations and urban space in interwar Riga. The article examines Riga’s city government in the periods immediately be- fore and after the First World War from an interethnic perspective, focusing on relations between Baltic Germans and ethnic Latvians. The article argues that a simple model of one ethnic group displacing another from power is inadequate to explain the operation of city government in Riga in 1919–1934. Baltic German politicians, dominant in municipal politics before 1914, oc- cupied a subordinate but nonetheless important role in city government during the interwar period, largely based on their pre-war status. Similarly, Latvians served in city government prior to 1918, albeit in smaller numbers and lower positions than their Baltic German counterparts. Key words: Interethnic relations, interwar period, urban history, city plan- ning, Riga. INTRODUCTION In its 800-year history, the city of Riga has played many roles in relation to the territory surrounding it across the centuries. Perhaps the most radical transformation was the one from a regional administrative centre into a national capital that took place following the declaration of an independent Latvia on 18 November 1918. The metamorphosis undergone by formerly cosmopolitan Riga during the interwar period was all the more radical due to the city’s complicated ethnic composition and the historical roles played by the city’s major ethnic groups. The establishment of a new Latvian national state, even one with LATVIJAS VēSTURES INSTITūTA ŽURNāLS ◆ 2016 Nr. -
Swedbalt 20-40 TL
1 Thomas Lundén draft 2018-09-02 The dream of a Balto-Scandian Federation: Sweden and the independent Baltic States 1918-1940 in geography and politics This paper will focus on the attempts by Swedish and Baltic geographers in the inter-war period to discuss a geopolitical regionalism defined by Sweden, Finland and the three Baltic States, and the political use of the so called Balto-Scandian concept1. Introduction For a long time in the 20th century, the Baltic region, or Baltikum2, here defined as the area south of the Gulf of Finland and east of the Baltic Sea, was more or less a white spot on the mental map of Swedish politicians and social scientists alike. The “inventor” of geopolitics, political scientist and conservative politician Rudolf Kjellén, urged for Swedish cultural and economic activism towards the Baltic part of Tsarist Russia (Marklund, 2014, 195-199, see also Kuldkepp, 2014, 126), but the program was never implemented, and the break-up of the Russian Empire and the new geopolitical situation, as well as Kjellén’s death in 1922, with a few exceptions put a new end to Swedish academic interests in the contemporary geopolitical situation of the area. From Eastern Baltic point of view, any super-state regionalism with Norden3 was primarily connected with Estonia, in combination with Sweden (Kuldkepp 2010, 49, 2015). Sweden and Estonia thus played a special role in the Baltic discussion about regionalism. The independence of Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania in 1919-1920 gave Sweden a geopolitical buffer to the neighboring great powers Russia/Soviet Union and Germany, which were initially weakened and politically unstable. -
Nordic Health Care Systems Pb:Nordic Health Care Systems Pb 11/8/09 14:04 Page 1
Nordic Health Care Systems pb:Nordic Health Care Systems pb 11/8/09 14:04 Page 1 Nordic Health Care Systems Recent Reforms and Current Policy Challenges European Observatory on Health Systems and Policies Series “The book is very valuable as actual information about the health systems in the Nordic countries and the changes that have been made during the last two decades. It informs well both about the similarities within the ‘Nordic Health Model’ and the important differences that exist between the countries.” Bo Könberg, County Governor, Former Minister of Health and Social Insurance in Sweden (1991-1994) “The publishing of this book about the Nordic health care systems is a major Nordic Health Care Systems event for those interested not only in Nordic health policy and health systems but also for everybody interested in comparative health policy and health systems. It is the first book in its kind. It covers the four “large” Nordic countries, Denmark, Norway, Sweden and Finland, and does so in a very systematically comparative way. The book is well organized, covers “everything” and is analytically sophisticated.” Ole Berg, Professor of Health Management, University of Oslo This book examines recent patterns of health reform in Nordic health care systems, and the balance between stability and change in how these systems have developed. Nordic Health Care Systems The health systems in Norway, Denmark, Sweden and Finland are investigated through detailed comparisons along a variety of policy-driven parameters. The following themes are explored: Recent Reforms and Current Policy Challenges • Politicians, patients, and professions Financing, production, and distribution • &Saltman Magnussen,Vrangbaek • The role of the primary health sector • The role of public health • Internal management mechanisms • Impact of the European Union The book probes the impact of these topics and then contrasts the development across all four coumntries, allowing the reader to gain a sense of perspective both on the individual systems as well as on the region as a whole. -
HISTORISK TIDSKRIFT (Sweden)
HISTORISK TIDSKRIFT (Sweden) 131:1 • 2011 ÖVERSIKT 21 författare om 22 regeringschefer bo g. hall Uppsala universitet Per T. Ohlsson & Mats Bergstrand (red.), Sveriges statsministrar under 100 år, box om 22 böcker (Stockholm: Albert Bonniers förlag 2010). Under vissa perioder har ett vanligt tvisteämne bland historiker och statsvetare slagordsmässigt brukat formuleras: struktur eller aktör? Dis- kussionen har alltså avsett vilka faktorer som väger tyngst när historien förs framåt. Numera får väl en viss konsensus anses råda om att båda har betydelse. Kanske kan dock någon övervikt gälla till förmån för den enskilde individens roll och faktiska möjligheter när det gäller att påverka utvecklingen. Ett stöd för en sådan ståndpunkt är att Albert Bonniers förlag på senvåren 2010 tog det goda initiativet att ge ut en så kallad box med biografier över Sveriges statsministrar under de senaste 100 åren. Såvitt jag vet har inte något liknande publicerats efter Valfrid Spångbergs Från Arvid Posse till Per Albin Hansson: svenska statsminist- rar, riksdagsmän och publicister (1936), Sven Swenssons Från De Geer till Per Albin: de svenska statsministrarna (1945) samt Olof Ruins Statsminis- ter: från Tage Erlander till Göran Persson (2007). Överlag är dessa dock betydligt mindre ambitiösa och ger begränsat utrymme åt varje reger- ingschef. Denna gång kom uppslaget från en duo samhällsjournalister med förankring i två av våra största morgontidningar: Per T. Ohlsson på Sydsvenska dagbladet och Mats Bergstrand, i många år redaktör för Dagens nyheters debattsida. Totalt innehåller boxen 22 häften med korta biografier – högst 128 sidor – över följande svenska regeringschefer: Karl Staaff (författad av Peter Esaiasson), Arvid Lindman (Leif Lewin), Hjalmar Hammarsköld (Mats Svegfors), Carl Swartz (Eva Helen Ulvros), Nils Edén (Gunnar historisk tidskrift 131:1 • 2011 21 fÖrfattare oM 22 regeringschefer 57 Wetterberg), Hjalmar Branting (Lars Ilshammar), Louis De Geer (Johan- nes Åman), Oscar von Sydow (Per Svensson), Ernst Trygger (MarieLouise Samuelsson), Rickard Sandler (Per T. -
Mintis 2007-404-411.Pdf (157.0Kb)
404 MOKSLINĖS MINTIES ŠVENTĖ – 2007 INFLUENCE OF LITHUANIAN CONSTITUTIONAL LAW ON LATVIAN CONSTITUTIONAL LAW Jānis Pleps Dr.iur.cand. of University of Latvia Keywords: Constitution, Latvia, Lithuania, Constitutional Justice. Summary In the article the author analyses influence of Lithuanian Constitutional Law on Latvian Constitutional Law. The article is dedicated to the analyses of the some similar aspects of the Constitution (Satversme) of the Republic of Latvia and the Constitution of the Republic of Lithuania from 1922. Besides the main objective the article also considers the information of the Lithuanian influence on the Lat- vian constitutional praxis in general. In the second section of the article the author describes in general the Lithua- nian influence. This influence exists in constitutional legislation as well as in praxis of Latvian Constitutional Court. As the very important aspect in this influence the author mentioned the close cooperation of Latvian and Lithuanian Constitutional Courts nowadays. The third section of the article related to the analyses of the Latvian Constitu- tion (Satversme) from the perspective of the Lithuanian 1922 Constitution. The author in this section discusses content of some similar norms of the both Consti- tution. Three unclear norms of the Latvian Constitution and praxis of implemen- tation of this norms are analysed in this section of the article. Author also shows similar norms of the Lithuanian 1922 Constitution in which disputed questions are written more clearly. INTRODUCTION Often questions arise in constitutional law that cannot be answered un- equivocally within framework of national constitutional law. In such situations, the solutions can be found more convincing through the comparative analysis – by identifying countries, where there are comparable constitutional controls and similar development problems of political system and by evaluating in what way the corresponding matters are solved in other places. -
Anti-Fascism in a Global Perspective
ANTI-FASCISM IN A GLOBAL PERSPECTIVE Transnational Networks, Exile Communities, and Radical Internationalism Edited by Kasper Braskén, Nigel Copsey and David Featherstone First published 2021 ISBN: 978-1-138-35218-6 (hbk) ISBN: 978-1-138-35219-3 (pbk) ISBN: 978-0-429-05835-6 (ebk) Chapter 5 ‘Make Scandinavia a bulwark against fascism!’: Hitler’s seizure of power and the transnational anti-fascist movement in the Nordic countries Kasper Braskén (CC BY-NC-ND 4.0) This OA chapter is funded by the Academy of Finland (project number 309624) 5 ‘MAKE SCANDINAVIA A BULWARK AGAINST FASCISM!’ Hitler’s seizure of power and the transnational anti-fascist movement in the Nordic countries Kasper Braskén On a global scale, Hitler’s seizure of power on 30 January 1933 provided urgent impetus for transnational anti-fascist conferences and rallies. One of the first Eur- opean, but almost completely overlooked major conferences was organised in Copenhagen in mid-April 1933 in the form of a Scandinavian Anti-Fascist Con- ference. This formed a transnational meeting point of European and especially Scandinavian workers and intellectuals that provided an important first response to developments in Germany. The chapter will use the Scandinavian conference as a prism to look back at anti-fascist activism in the Nordic countries during the preceding years, and to then follow its transformation after 1933. It will contribute to the global analysis of the transition period of communist-led anti-fascism from the sectarian class-against-class line to the inception of the popular front period in 1935. What were these largely overlooked, first anti-fascist articulations in Europe, and how were they connected to the rising transnational and global anti-fascist mobi- lisation coordinated in Paris and London? As we shall see, on the one hand Hitler’s seizure of power vitalised anti-fascism in Scandinavia but paradoxically, on the other, it further sharpened the communist critique of reformist social democracy and empowered social democratic anti-communism. -
Från Branting Till Erlander
TORSTEN NOTHIN FRÅN BRANTING TILL ERLANDER Tredje upplagan Stockholm Wahlström <& Widstrand INNEHÅLL Förord 5 Genombrottet 9 Bakgrunden 9 Vänstersamverkan 12 »Höstrevolutionen» 1918 14 Kommunalskattefrågan 18 Edénska ministärens sprängning 21 Brantings första ministär 24 Ministären och dess förutsättningar 24 Kommunalskattefrågans öde 32 Ålandsfrågan 35 Socialiseringsutredningarna 38 Ministärens rekonstruktion 40 Spridda hågkomster 41 Regeringens avgång 44 Första mellanakten 47 »Fackmannaministärens» tillkomst 47 Mina egna arbetsuppgifter 49 1921 års valrörelse 54 »Fackmannaministärens» avgång 56 Brantings andra ministär 59 Regeringens sammansättning och program 59 Regeringens arbete 63 Regeringens fall 69 Andra mellanakten 73 Några detaljer om tryggerska ministären 73 Nya arbetsuppgifter 75 Arbetarpartiets jordpolitik 76 Valrörelsen 1924 83 389 Brantings tredje ministär 85 Personvalet 85 Försvarsfrågan 87 Statsministerskiftet 89 Rickard Sandler 94 Hjalmar Branting 95 Fredrik Vilhelm Thorsson 97 Lagstiftningsarbetet 101 Andra arbetsuppgifter 107 1925 års soldatinstruktion 111 Stripakonflikten 117 Lantniäteritiden 119 Allmänna arbetsuppgifter 119 Personalärenden 121 Lagstiftningsfrågor 124 Reseminnen 126 Utredningsuppdrag 129 Jag lämnar riksdagen 133 Utnämningsfrågor 138 Fortsatt utredningsarbete 140 Kreugerkrisen 144 Den första generationsväxlingen 154 Per Albin Hansson blir partiledare 154 Efter 1928 års val 157 Per Albin Hanssons första ministär 158 Överståthållarämbetet 160 Utnämningen till överståthållare 160 Överståthållarens allmänna -
Historical State Decoration – the Order of Lāčplēsis
The Order of Lāčplēsis Published: 12.03.2021. Historical State Decoration – The Order of Lāčplēsis In 1920’s – 1930’s, there were four official decorations in the Republic of Latvia: the Military Order of Lāčplēsis, the Order of the Three Stars, the Order of Viesturs, and the Cross of Recognition. The Military Order of Lāčplēsis is not bestowed nowadays. It was awarded from 1920 to 1928. The Military Order of Lāčplēsis and the Order of the Three Stars were awarded by the Board of the Orders. In 1938, when the Order of Viesturs and the Cross of Recognition were founded, the authority of the Board of the Order was restricted to the Order of Lāčplēsis, the other decorations being conferred by the Chapter of Orders. In 1940, the Occupation rule abolished the decorations of Latvia. After the restoration of Latvia’s independence, the Order of the Three Stars was restored on 25 October 1994. The Military Order of Lāčplēsis was the first and highest state decoration in Latvia. It was founded on the initiative of the Supreme Commander of Latvian Army Colonel Jānis Balodis. The honour was conferred on soldiers of Latvian Army and the former Latvian Riflemen Regiments for merit in military action as well as on foreigners who had taken part in the struggle for the liberation of Latvia or given other type of contribution to the founding and development of the state of Latvia. The decoration had three classes: I, II and III. The person had first to be awarded the lowest, Class III before he/she could receive higher, Classes II and I of the Order respectively (this precondition did not necessarily apply to foreigners).