ALAJAJI and AL-BASSAM
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The Birth of Al-Wahabi Movement and Its Historical Roots
The classification markings are original to the Iraqi documents and do not reflect current US classification. Original Document Information ~o·c·u·m·e·n~tI!i#~:I~S=!!G~Q~-2!110~0~3~-0~0~0~4'!i66~5~9~"""5!Ii!IlI on: nglis Title: Correspondence, dated 24 Sep 2002, within the General Military Intelligence irectorate (GMID), regarding a research study titled, "The Emergence of AI-Wahhabiyyah ovement and its Historical Roots" age: ARABIC otal Pages: 53 nclusive Pages: 52 versized Pages: PAPER ORIGINAL IRAQI FREEDOM e: ountry Of Origin: IRAQ ors Classification: SECRET Translation Information Translation # Classification Status Translating Agency ARTIAL SGQ-2003-00046659-HT DIA OMPLETED GQ-2003-00046659-HT FULL COMPLETED VTC TC Linked Documents I Document 2003-00046659 ISGQ-~2~00~3~-0~0~04~6~6~5~9-'7':H=T~(M~UI:7::ti""=-p:-a"""::rt~)-----------~II • cmpc-m/ISGQ-2003-00046659-HT.pdf • cmpc-mIlSGQ-2003-00046659.pdf GQ-2003-00046659-HT-NVTC ·on Status: NOT AVAILABLE lation Status: NOT AVAILABLE Related Document Numbers Document Number Type Document Number y Number -2003-00046659 161 The classification markings are original to the Iraqi documents and do not reflect current US classification. Keyword Categories Biographic Information arne: AL- 'AMIRI, SA'IO MAHMUO NAJM Other Attribute: MILITARY RANK: Colonel Other Attribute: ORGANIZATION: General Military Intelligence Directorate Photograph Available Sex: Male Document Remarks These 53 pages contain correspondence, dated 24 Sep 2002, within the General i1itary Intelligence Directorate (GMID), regarding a research study titled, "The Emergence of I-Wahhabiyyah Movement and its Historical Roots". -
The Jihadi Threat: ISIS, Al-Qaeda, and Beyond
THE JIHADI THREAT ISIS, AL QAEDA, AND BEYOND The Jihadi Threat ISIS, al- Qaeda, and Beyond Robin Wright William McCants United States Institute of Peace Brookings Institution Woodrow Wilson Center Garrett Nada J. M. Berger United States Institute of Peace International Centre for Counter- Terrorism Jacob Olidort The Hague Washington Institute for Near East Policy William Braniff Alexander Thurston START Consortium, University of Mary land Georgetown University Cole Bunzel Clinton Watts Prince ton University Foreign Policy Research Institute Daniel Byman Frederic Wehrey Brookings Institution and Georgetown University Car ne gie Endowment for International Peace Jennifer Cafarella Craig Whiteside Institute for the Study of War Naval War College Harleen Gambhir Graeme Wood Institute for the Study of War Yale University Daveed Gartenstein- Ross Aaron Y. Zelin Foundation for the Defense of Democracies Washington Institute for Near East Policy Hassan Hassan Katherine Zimmerman Tahrir Institute for Middle East Policy American Enterprise Institute Charles Lister Middle East Institute Making Peace Possible December 2016/January 2017 CONTENTS Source: Image by Peter Hermes Furian, www . iStockphoto. com. The West failed to predict the emergence of al- Qaeda in new forms across the Middle East and North Africa. It was blindsided by the ISIS sweep across Syria and Iraq, which at least temporarily changed the map of the Middle East. Both movements have skillfully continued to evolve and proliferate— and surprise. What’s next? Twenty experts from think tanks and universities across the United States explore the world’s deadliest movements, their strate- gies, the future scenarios, and policy considerations. This report reflects their analy sis and diverse views. -
Dynamics of Iranian-Saudi Relations in the Persian Gulf Regional Security Complex (1920-1979) Nima Baghdadi Florida International University, [email protected]
Florida International University FIU Digital Commons FIU Electronic Theses and Dissertations University Graduate School 3-22-2018 Dynamics of Iranian-Saudi Relations in the Persian Gulf Regional Security Complex (1920-1979) Nima Baghdadi Florida International University, [email protected] DOI: 10.25148/etd.FIDC006552 Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.fiu.edu/etd Part of the International Relations Commons, and the Other Political Science Commons Recommended Citation Baghdadi, Nima, "Dynamics of Iranian-Saudi Relations in the Persian Gulf Regional Security Complex (1920-1979)" (2018). FIU Electronic Theses and Dissertations. 3652. https://digitalcommons.fiu.edu/etd/3652 This work is brought to you for free and open access by the University Graduate School at FIU Digital Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in FIU Electronic Theses and Dissertations by an authorized administrator of FIU Digital Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. FLORIDA INTERNATIONAL UNIVERSITY Miami, Florida DYNAMICS OF IRANIAN-SAU DI RELATIONS IN THE P ERSIAN GULF REGIONAL SECURITY COMPLEX (1920-1979) A dissertation submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY in POLITICAL SCIENCE by Nima Baghdadi 2018 To: Dean John F. Stack Steven J. Green School of International Relations and Public Affairs This dissertation, written by Nima Baghdadi, and entitled Dynamics of Iranian-Saudi Relations in the Persian Gulf Regional Security Complex (1920-1979), having been approved in respect to style and intellectual content, is referred to you for judgment. We have read this dissertation and recommend that it be approved. __________________________________ Ralph S. Clem __________________________________ Harry D. -
Arabian Peninsula from Wikipedia, the Free Encyclopedia Jump to Navigationjump to Search "Arabia" and "Arabian" Redirect Here
Arabian Peninsula From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia Jump to navigationJump to search "Arabia" and "Arabian" redirect here. For other uses, see Arabia (disambiguation) and Arabian (disambiguation). Arabian Peninsula Area 3.2 million km2 (1.25 million mi²) Population 77,983,936 Demonym Arabian Countries Saudi Arabia Yemen Oman United Arab Emirates Kuwait Qatar Bahrain -shibhu l-jazīrati l ِش ْبهُ ا ْل َج ِزي َرةِ ا ْلعَ َربِيَّة :The Arabian Peninsula, or simply Arabia[1] (/əˈreɪbiə/; Arabic jazīratu l-ʿarab, 'Island of the Arabs'),[2] is َج ِزي َرةُ ا ْلعَ َرب ʿarabiyyah, 'Arabian peninsula' or a peninsula of Western Asia situated northeast of Africa on the Arabian plate. From a geographical perspective, it is considered a subcontinent of Asia.[3] It is the largest peninsula in the world, at 3,237,500 km2 (1,250,000 sq mi).[4][5][6][7][8] The peninsula consists of the countries Yemen, Oman, Qatar, Bahrain, Kuwait, Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates.[9] The peninsula formed as a result of the rifting of the Red Sea between 56 and 23 million years ago, and is bordered by the Red Sea to the west and southwest, the Persian Gulf to the northeast, the Levant to the north and the Indian Ocean to the southeast. The peninsula plays a critical geopolitical role in the Arab world due to its vast reserves of oil and natural gas. The most populous cities on the Arabian Peninsula are Riyadh, Dubai, Jeddah, Abu Dhabi, Doha, Kuwait City, Sanaʽa, and Mecca. Before the modern era, it was divided into four distinct regions: Red Sea Coast (Tihamah), Central Plateau (Al-Yamama), Indian Ocean Coast (Hadhramaut) and Persian Gulf Coast (Al-Bahrain). -
Re-Conceptualizing Orders in the Mena Region the Analytical Framework of the Menara Project
No. 1, November 2016 METHODOLOGY AND CONCEPT PAPERS RE-CONCEPTUALIZING ORDERS IN THE MENA REGION THE ANALYTICAL FRAMEWORK OF THE MENARA PROJECT Edited by Eduard Soler i Lecha (coordinator), Silvia Colombo, Lorenzo Kamel and Jordi Quero This project has received funding from the European Union’s Horizon 2020 Research and Innovation programme under grant agreement No 693244 Middle East and North Africa Regional Architecture: Mapping Geopolitical Shifts, Regional Order and Domestic Transformations METHODOLOGY AND CONCEPT PAPERS No. 1, November 2016 RE-CONCEPTUALIZING ORDERS IN THE MENA REGION THE ANALYTICAL FRAMEWORK OF THE MENARA PROJECT Edited by Eduard Soler i Lecha (coordinator), Silvia Colombo, Lorenzo Kamel and Jordi Quero ABSTRACT The aim of this work is to set the conceptual architecture for the MENARA Project. It is articulated in five thematic sections. The first one traces back the major historical junctures in which key powers shaped the defining features of the present-day MENA region. Section 2 sets the geographical scope of the project, maps the distribution of power and defines regional order and its main features. Section 3 focuses on the domestic orders in a changing region by gauging and tracing the evolution of four trends, namely the erosion of state capacity; the securitization of regime policies; the militarization of contention; and the pluralization of collective identities. Section 4 links developments in the global order to their impact on the region in terms of power, ideas, norms and identities. The last section focuses on foresight studies and proposes a methodology to project trends and build scenarios. All sections, as well as the conclusion, formulate specific research questions that should help us understand the emerging geopolitical order in the MENA. -
Saudi–European Relations 1902–2001: a Pragmatic Quest for Relative Autonomy
Saudi–European relations 1902–2001: a pragmatic quest for relative autonomy GERD NONNEMAN* Given the historical pedigree and continuing importance of the relationship between Saudi Arabia and Europe, it seems peculiar that relatively little has been written about it, beyond snapshots of certain periods or certain aspects. This article reviews the century-long relationship since 1902, when the construction of the third Saudi state began. An exercise of this kind can be fruitful only if grounded in an understanding of the trends in Saudi foreign policy more generally. Here too, while there has been excellent work on, say, Saudi foreign policy since the 1970s,1 or on the very early period,2 very few attempts have been made to tie the whole century’s patterns together.3 Some brief general statements on the subject either tended to take policy statements at face value— º e.g. on the Islamic or anti-communist nature of the kingdom’s policy—or started from a position of ideological critique of the regime’s position as a dependency of the West. My second aim, then, is to draw attention to some key long-term patterns of Saudi policy; I attempt to show that they link even the very earliest years with the present day. These patterns, moreover, are reflected in current issues in Saudi–European relations, and have implications for the future. Finally, the article highlights lessons from the Saudi case for our under- standing of the foreign policy of small and/or developing states. * I am grateful to the Istituto Affari Internazionali, Rome, and in particular Roberto Aliboni, for making possible the earlier work underlying this study; to Richard Schofield and the staff of the Public Records Office and the British Library for easing my trawl through the documents of the Foreign Office and India Office collections; and to Christopher Clapham for incisive comments that much strengthened the final article. -
Middle East Brief 33
Judith and Sidney Swartz Director Prof. Shai Feldman Divided We Survive: A Landscape of Associate Director Kristina Cherniahivsky Fragmentation in Saudi Arabia Assistant Director for Research Dr. Ondrej Beranek Naghmeh Sohrabi, PhD Senior Fellows Abdel Monem Said Aly, PhD Khalil Shikaki, PhD ince the foundation of the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia, there has always been much talk about its incoherent Henry J. Leir Professor of the S Economics of the Middle East composition and fragile political stability. The Saudi power Nader Habibi, PhD balance has truly faced problems since the very moment Sylvia K. Hassenfeld Professor of Islamic and Middle Eastern Studies the state was created, and its political system has failed to Kanan Makiya, PhD accommodate the need to change and evolve. Yet, the Saudi Lecturer on the Myra and kingdom constitutes one of the most durable regimes in the Robert Kraft Chair in Arab Politics Lawrence Rubin Middle East. The ruling family survives despite many voices Postdoctoral Fellows of dissatisfaction with the current status quo, and it skillfully Ondrej Beranek, PhD exploits the fragmentation of the nation to navigate the Howard Eissenstat, PhD Yusri Hazran, PhD difficult waters of the Middle East. In doing so, it confirms Vincent Romani, PhD the thesis of a famous medieval Arab historian, Ibn Khaldun President of Brandeis University Jehuda Reinharz, PhD (1332–1406), who described the ideal ruler as someone able to manage the feelings of different groups and portray himself as an indispensable mediator.1 The Saudi rulers project themselves as worthy to be obeyed precisely because, in their own eyes, they embody the unity of the nation. -
Neolithic Period, North-Western Saudi Arabia
NEOLITHIC PERIOD, NORTH-WESTERN SAUDI ARABIA Khalid Fayez AlAsmari PhD UNIVERSITY OF YORK ARCHAEOLOGY SEPTEMBER 2019 Abstract During the past four decades, the Neolithic period in the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia (KSA) had received little academic study, until recently. This was due to the previous widely held belief that the Arabian Peninsula had no sites dating back to this time period, as well as few local researchers and the scarcity of foreign research teams. The decline in this belief over the past years, however, has led to the realisation of the importance of the Neolithic in this geographical part of the world for understanding the development and spread of early farming. As well as gaining a better understanding of the cultural attribution of the Neolithic in KSA, filling the chronological gaps in this historical era in KSA is vital, as it is not well understood compared to many neighbouring areas. To address this gap in knowledge, this thesis aims to consider whether the Northwest region of KSA was an extension of the Neolithic developments in the Levant or an independent culture, through presenting the excavation of the Neolithic site of AlUyaynah. Despite surveys and studies that have been conducted in the KSA, this study is the first of its kind, because the site "AlUyaynah", which is the focus of this dissertation, is the first excavation of a site dating back to the pre-pottery Neolithic (PPN). Therefore, the importance of this study lies in developing an understanding of Neolithic characteristics in the North-Western part of the KSA. Initially, the site was surveyed and then three trenches were excavated to study the remaining levels of occupation. -
The Rise of a King and the Birth of a State: the Development of Saudi Arabia in the Context of World War I
The Thetean: A Student Journal for Scholarly Historical Writing Volume 48 Issue 1 The Thetean: A Student Journal for Article 3 Scholarly Historical Writing 2019 The Rise of a King and the Birth of a State: The Development of Saudi Arabia in the Context of World War I Robert Swanson [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarsarchive.byu.edu/thetean Part of the History Commons Recommended Citation Swanson, Robert (2019) "The Rise of a King and the Birth of a State: The Development of Saudi Arabia in the Context of World War I," The Thetean: A Student Journal for Scholarly Historical Writing: Vol. 48 : Iss. 1 , Article 3. Available at: https://scholarsarchive.byu.edu/thetean/vol48/iss1/3 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by BYU ScholarsArchive. It has been accepted for inclusion in The Thetean: A Student Journal for Scholarly Historical Writing by an authorized editor of BYU ScholarsArchive. For more information, please contact [email protected], [email protected]. Swanson: The Rise of a King and the Birth of a State Ibn Saud with his army Published by BYU ScholarsArchive, 2019 1 The Thetean: A Student Journal for Scholarly Historical Writing, Vol. 48 [2019], Iss. 1, Art. 3 Paper The Rise of a King and the Birth of a State The Development of Saudi Arabia in the Context of World War I Robert Swanson rabia—a land where the HAJJ brings adherents of the world’s second largest religion to the holy sites of Mecca and Medina A and where crude Arabian black gold lures investors hungry for oil to its shores. -
Dahlan CGC FINAL
Centre for Global Constitutionalism University of St Andrews Working Paper No. 3 The Hijaz in Perspective: Islamic Statehood and the Origins of Arab Self-Determination (1916-2016) Malik R. Dahlan Working paper (Centre for Global Constitutionalism. Print) ISSN 2058-248X Working paper (Centre for Global Constitutionalism. Online) ISSN 2058-2498 Working paper No. 3 – January 2018 The Hijaz in Perspective: Islamic Statehood and the Origins of Arab Self- Determination (1916-2016) Malik R. Dahlan The Centre for Global Constitutionalism School of International Relations, Arts Faculty Building, The Scores, St Andrews, KY16 9AX Malik R. Dahlan is the Principal of Institution Quraysh for Law & Policy and a Chaired Professor of International Law, Trade, and Policy at Queen Mary University of London. He was a visiting fellow of the University of Cambridge Lauterpacht Centre for International Law. He completed his graduate degrees in government, law and Middle Eastern studies at Harvard University and his Professoriate Habilitation in Al-Azhar University. THE HIJAZ IN PERSPECTIVE: ISLAMIC STATEHOOD AND THE ORIGINS OF ARAB SELF-DETERMINATION (1916-2016)1 Malik R. Dahlan 1. INTRODUCTION al-Ḥiǧāz) is an obscure Arabic geographic زﺎﺠﺤﻟا ,The Hijaz (Hejaz and Hedjaz designation to the western region of the Arabian Peninsula. In Arabic, the word means barrier which denotes the mountain range that separates it from the central Arabian plateau. In 1916, the Hijaz attempted an Arab Renaissance, through what is known as the Arab Revolt against the Ottoman Empire, to achieve its three goals, of fighting poverty, disease and ignorance. Today, the word seems to be folded into historical texts, and into its modern mother state, Saudi Arabia. -
HISTORY of the MIDDLE EAST a Research Project of Fairleigh Dickinson University By
HISTORY OF THE MIDDLE EAST a Research Project of Fairleigh Dickinson University by Amanuel Ajawin Amer Al-Hajri Waleed Al-Saiyani Hamad Al-Zaabi Baya Bensmail Clotilde Ferry Feridun Kul Gabriela Garcia Zina Ibrahem Lorena Giminez Jose Manuel Mendoza-Nasser Abdelghani Merabet Alice Mungwa Isabelle Rakotoarivelo Seddiq Rasuli Antonio Nico Sabas Coumba Santana Ashley Toth Fabrizio Trezza Sharif Ahmad Waheedi Mohammad Fahim Yarzai Mohammad Younus Zaidullah Zaid Editor: Ahmad Kamal Published by: Fairleigh Dickinson University 1000 River Road Teaneck, NJ 07666 USA January 2012 ISBN: 978-1-4507-9087-1 The opinions expressed in this book are those of the authors alone, and should not be taken as necessarily reflecting the views of Fairleigh Dickinson University, or of any other institution or entity. © All rights reserved by the authors No part of the material in this book may be reproduced without due attribution to its specific author. THE AUTHORS Amanuel Ajawin, a Diplomat from Sudan Amer Al-Hajri, a Diplomat from Oman Waleed Al-Saiyani, a Graduate Student from Yemen Hamad Al-Zaabi, a Diplomat from the UAE Baya Bensmail, a Diplomat from Algeria Clotilde Ferry, a Graduate Student from Monaco Ahmad Kamal, a Senior Fellow at the United Nations Feridun Kul, a Graduate Student from Afghanistan Gabriela Garcia, a Diplomat from Ecuador Lorena Giminez, a Diplomat from Venezuela Zina Ibrahem, a Civil Servant from Iraq Jose Manuel Mendoza, a Graduate Student from Honduras Abdelghani Merabet, a Graduate Student from Algeria Alice Mungwa, a Graduate Student -
Shaykh Maraghi's Mission to the Hijaz, 1925 (Pdf)
Shaykh Maraghi’s Mission to the Hijaz, 1925 martinkramer.org /sandbox/reader/archives/shaykh-maraghis-mission-to-the-hijaz-1925/ Martin Kramer, “Shaykh Maraghi’s Mission to the Hijaz, 1925,” Asian and African Studies (Haifa), vol. 16, no. 1 (March 1982), pp. 121-36. Simultaneous possession of the caliphate and the sacred cities of Mecca and Madina was a compelling argument for primacy in medieval Islam. For reasons of geography Egypt served as a convenient base for pursuit of both marks of universal Muslim authority, for in most periods Egypt was independent or autonomous and at all times Egypt enjoyed the influence of a proximate power in the Hijaz. The Mamluks, for example, were able to shelter a shadow Abbasid caliphate in Egypt at a time of general distress in Muslim Asia and succeeded in seizing the holy cities across the Red Sea. By virtue of these two unmistakable signs, they perceived themselves with transparent excitement as pre-eminent in all Islam.[1] But with the Mamluk demise, the ascendant Ottoman sultans appropriated the title of caliph and then linked their claim to their own possession of sacred Mecca and Madina.[2] Their self-perception as universal caliphs and protectors of the holy cities eventually inspired a global claim to suzerainty over Muslim lands as distant as Sumatra and Bornu. In the period of Ottoman decline Ottoman sultans became even more conscious of the advantages to be derived from simultaneous possession of these two symbols of authority. Through Ottoman example and propaganda the belief that the pre- eminent Muslim state should shelter both caliph and holy cities survived intact in the political creed of Muslims within the Empire and beyond.