Mongolian Studies Towards the 21 st Century
3–4 July, 2013, Budapest
Abstracts of the Hungaro Korean Mongolian joint conference
Eötvös Loránd University, Department of Inner Asian Studies Hungarian Academy of Sciences, Institute of Ethnology, Research Centre for the Humanities Hankuk University of Foreign Studies Mongolian Embassy in Budapest
Section 1 – Linguistics and Literature
Some Pecularities of Synecdoche in the Mongolian Language
D. Badamdorj Eötvös Loránd University, Department of Inner Asian Studies (Budapest)
Synecdoche is a figure of speech in which a term for a part of something is used to refer to the whole of something. In my presentation I examine Mongolian ways of using synecdoche in relation to four kinds of subjects: 1. Referring to human beings by a term originally used for a part of the human body, such as xün ‘philtrum’, am ‘mouth’, gar ‘arm’, xöl ‘leg’. 2. Referring to animals by the name of a part of their body, such as erüü ‘jaw’. 3. Referring to plants by animal names, such as xurganii chix ‘lamb ear’, noxoin xoshuu ‘dog snout’. 4. Referring to whole things by names of their parts: such as dugui ‘wheel’ for bicycle, xana ‘wall’ but dörwön xanat ‘four walled’ means a four walled yurt, etc.
Монгол хэлний ойролцоо утгын тогтолцоо
Ж. Бат ирээдүй МУИС, Монгол Судлалын Хүрээлэн (Улаанбаатар)
Аливаа хэлний ойролцоо утга гэдэг бол нэг талаас хэлний хамгийн чухал судлагдахуун, нөгөө талаас бас хамгийн хэрэгцээтэй хэрэглэгдэхүүн байдаг. Монгол хэлний хувьд хэлний онолын талаас судалж байсан, хэрэглээний талаас ойролцоо утгатай үг хэллэгийн сан бүрдүүлж байсан их эртнийх биш ч хуучин уламжлал бий. Монгол хэлний ойролцоо утгын судалгаа 1990 ээд оны дунд хүртэл дайвар шинжтэй байсан бол сүүлийн жилүүдэд судлаачид энэ тал руу анхааран нэг сэдэвт зохиолын хэмжээнд хүртэл дорвитой судалгаа хийсээр хэд хэдэн нэг сэдэв зохиол зохиол туурвисан байна. Монгол хэлний ойролцоо утгын судалгааг ажиглавал дотоодын болон гадаадын монголч эрдэмтэн олон хүн судлан шинжилсний дотор, академич Ш. Лувсанвандан, М. Гаадамба, Т. Пагва, С. Лувсанвандан, Б. Сумьяабаатар, Ц. Өлзийхутаг, Ж. Төмөрцэрэн, Н. Б. Дугаров, П. Бямбасан, Д. Отгонсүрэн, Б. Пүрэв Очир, М. Базаррагчаа, Ц. Сүхбаатар, Ц. Өнөрбаян, Д. Бадамдорж, Ж. Бат Ирээдүй, Ж. Баянсан, Б. Мөнгөнцэцэг, Б. Идэрбаяр тэргүүтэн хэлбичиг, хэлшинжлэлийн талаас, Ц. Хасбаатар, С. Дулам, Д. Галбаатар, Г. Галбаяр тэргүүтэн утга зохиол шинжлэлийн талаас тус тус туурвиж бичсэн байна. Гадаад дотоодын эрдэмтэдийн судалгааны бүтээл ном сурах бичиг гарын авлага тэргүүтнийг нийтэд нь ажиглавал нэр томьёоны хувьд нэгдэн тогтоогүй, ойролцоо утгатай үг хэллэгийн судалгаа бусдаасаа түлхүү, бусад нэгжийн ойролцоо утгын судалгаа хоцорсон байдалтай, ойролцоо үг, хэллэгийн утгын бүрэлдэхүүн тооны хувьд янз бүр, утгын ангилалыг бүтцийн ангилалтай хольж хутгасан байх зэрэг олон учир дутагдал ажиглагдаж байна.
1 Тод үсэгт Ойрад аялгууны урт эгшгийг тэмдэглэсэн нь
Б. Даваадорж Ховдын Их Сургуулийн Монгол Хэл, Утга Зохиолын Тэнхим (Ховд)
Юмс үзэгдлийг хөдөлгөөнийх нь хамт нэрлэн илэрхийлэх үүргийг хэл тодорхой дуу, хөг аялгууны зохицлоор гүйцэтгэдэг. Эл хөг аялгуу, дуу нь хэлний авиа юм. Хэлэнд эгшиг, гийгүүлэгч авиа байх ба аль аль нь юм үзэгдэл, хөдөлгөөнийг ялган илэрхийлэх тэмдгийн үүрэгтэй байна. Авиа нь тэмдгийн үүргээр үгс утгыг ялган тодруулах үүргээ гайхамшигтайяа биелүүлдэг. Монгол бичгийн хэлнээ зөвхөн богино эгшгийг тэмдэглэх үсэг байгаа мэт боловч тэдгээр үсэг зурмаар тухайн үедээ өгүүлж байсан янз бүрийн үүрэгтэй богино эгшгийг тэмдэглэж байсан. Хэлний нэрлэн дохиолох үүргийн учир богино эгшгийн зэрэгцээ удаанаар дуудагдах урт эгшиг буй болсон нь юм үзэгдлийг нэрлэн илэрхийлэх өргөн боломжийг хэлэнд бий болгож улмаар хэлний үгийн сан арвижин баяжих нөхцөлийг бүрдүүлсэн. Урт эгшиг монгол хэлэнд хэрхэн бий болсон, урт эгшиг буй болох лугаа ямар үзэгдэл ямар шалтгааны учир буй болсон зэргийг лавтайяа тайлбарласан байдаг. Монгол хэлний эгшиг нь богино, уртаараа эсрэгцэн үгийн утгыг ялгадаг учраас урт эгшиг нь фонемийн үүрэгтэй. Энэхүү фонемийн үүрэгтэй урт эгшиг монгол хэлний бүх үеийн туршид байсан уу хэмээвээс энэ урт эгшиг нь эхэн үедээ гол үүрэг нь бас л утга ялгах үүрэгтэй байсан байна. Эл үүргээ богино эгшгийн хэлбэрээр, урт эгшгийн нийлцэд багтах богино эгшгийн байдлаар гүйцэтгэн хэрэглэгдэж, өгүүлэхүйн явцад илүү тод өгүүлэгддэг байснаар эдүгээгийн урт эгшиг үүсэх үндэс суурь нь болж, улмаар урт эгшиг үүсч бий болсон, үүсмэл урт эгшгийн гарал нь ийнхүү холбогддог. Орчин цагийн утга зохиолын хэлний аа, ээ, ий, оо, уу, өө, үү үндсэн долоон урт эгшиг нь үүсэх орон, өгүүлэгдэх байдлаар хэл оролцож бүтсэн, уруул оролцож бүтсэн хоёр зүйл байна. Үүнээс хэлний урт эгшгийг тодруулан авч үзье.
New Perspectives in Mongolic Historical Linguistics – An Etymological Dictionary of the Buryat Language
Kempf Béla University of Szeged, Klebelsberg Library, Oriental Collection (Szeged)
The presentation will be an introduction to the workings carried out in the project An etymological dictionary of the Buryat language. The outcome of this project is planned to establish an historical etymological survey of the Buryat lexicon, which highlights the origin, the morphological structure, the phonetic and semantic changes, and if possible the internal and the external connections of the lexical items.
2 Mongolic Elements in Yeniseian Languages
Кhabtagaeva Bayarma University of Szeged, Department of Altaic Studies (Szeged)
The topic of the presentation is the question of the possible linguistic connections between the Mongolic and Yeniseian languages. The relevance of this problem is well supported by the fact that this subject was not examined before. The Yeniseian linguistic material shows about 100 Mongolic loanwords, part of which were copied from different Turkic and Tungusic languages. The aim of the presentation is the characterization of these loanwords and introducing the linguistic criteria peculiar of the Mongolic elements in the Yeniseian languages.
Generic Meaning of Nouns in Mongolian
Lee Sungyoung, Lee Jongoh, Kim Kisun Hankuk University of Foreign Studies (Seoul)
This study goes to answer why two forms of noun are used to express generic meaning in Mongolian in the light of generalized theories of a bare noun referring to a kind. Mongolian regards all nouns as substance contrary to western languages but similarly to Chinese and Korean. However, Mongolian is much more similar to Korean in the sense of having plural nominal suffixes, which are not attested in Chinese. Bare singular nouns and bare plural nouns are used sometimes equally or some other times complementarily to express generic meaning. Within the general linguistic framework, this study will give an account of the relation between generic meaning and noun forms bearing it in Mongolian through contrastive approaches with other languages such as western European languages, Chinese and Korean.
Stable and Non Stable /n/ of Word Stems in Mongolian
Rákos Attila Eötvös Loránd University, Department of Inner Asian Studies (Budapest)
The word final n of nouns is a typical feature of Mongolian languages and words having its stable and non stable variant form particular declension categories. This n appears differently not only in historical aspect, but in various contemporary Mongolian dialects or languages, too, and it plays different roles even in one and the same language. In some cases n acts as a noun case suffix, in other cases as a derivative suffix. It can behave as an integral part of the word stem, or as part of a certain suffix, too. Even the stable variants become non stable and disappear before certain suffixes, mainly during word formation. The presence or lack of n in certain words results in different meanings. When and under which conditions n does belong to the word stem or to the suffix? Determining the roles and function of n is a complex problem, which requires not only the thorough analysis of contemporary Mongolian texts and spoken language, but implies researches on the historical background, too.
3 On the Primary Roots for the First Personal Pronouns in the Altaic Languages
D. Tömörtogoo International Association for Mongolian Studies, secretary general (Ulaanbaatar)
Pronouns in every language form a specific group of the most archaic and the comparatively constant in changes words of the basic lexica. Therefore, personal pronouns in the Altaic languages present a historical phenomena consisting a good system been formed during the long period of language evolution. In particular, passing the different formations of language development from the Pro Altaic period up to present time in some cases they have kept the ancient peculiarities quite sustainably and in other cases they have changed greatly. So, we can see a number of cases when the new stems appeared for some pronouns as a result of phonetic processes, like alternation, assimilation and sound weakening. The diachronic study of the personal pronouns in the Altaic languages claims that they are not only closely related to root morphemes by the internal structure, to word stems by the external relations and to grammatical relationships by the peculiarities to be connected, but also represent themselves in general a specific morphological category directly related to a historical evolution of phonemes. In order to establish the original prototypes of roots for the personal pronouns in the Altaic languages it is necessary to compare the roots of the pronouns in the Turkic, Mongolian and Tungus languages in a historical aspect. The well known turcologist A. Gabain and A. N. Kononov have mentioned that the given pronoun has stems as min and men in the monuments of ancient Turkic script. Besides them, scholars such as G. J. Ramstedt, Vl. Kotwicz, M. Räsänen, N. Poppe, N. A. Baskakov and E. Schutz in their comparative studies of the first personal singular pronouns in the Altaic languages have concluded that the ancient stem for them was a form *min . However, the first personal singular pronoun in the Common Altaic languages has not only the structure min . There existed also a couple of secondary stems like bi and bin ~ ban . So, the stem form ban is registered in the languages of Osman Turkic and Creamian Tatar, and the stem bi is registered for the Nominative case in the Mongolian and Manju Tungus languages. Prof. N. Poppe claims that this stem of the first person pronoun is an original one for the Altaic languages 9. This way, there exist two different stems *min and *bin in the Altaic languages and the question comes out regarding whether these two stems are originally independent for each other or they are regarding whether these two stems are originally independent for each other or they are phonetic variations of an ancient common root. In this paper I deal with the original structures of first personal pronouns in the Altaic languages regarding the aspects of the general system of the pronoun and the common regularities of the phonetic evolution. It is really important to take into account not only the stem of the pronoun for the Nominative case, but also the stem forms for the other indirect cases. The stem min for the first personal singular pronoun is registered for all the Cases in the most Turkic languages as min , men , for all the Cases except Nominative in the Manji Tungus languages as min , for the Genitive case in Mongolian also as min . We have some evidences of that the stem *min for the personal singular pronoun in Mongolian were used not only for Genitive, but also for the other Cases. Particularly, in such sources as a Mongolian glossary of the Persian Arabian dictionary ‘Mukaddimat al Adab’ compiled by the Persian scholar Abû al Qâšim Mahmûd b.Umar Al Zamaxšharî and a Persian Mongolian glossary found in the place named Zirni, the stem of the pronoun for Accusative is registered as min 10. Although these documents written in the Arabic script apply to the monuments of Middle Mongolian, the stem min registered in them is supposed to be considered as an evidence of that the original stem of the first personal pronoun is kept not only in Middle Mongolian, but also in Proto Mongolian. Besides, some Mongolian script monuments of the XVIII century certify that the stems min > nim were formed as a result of alternation of the consonants m and n.
4 The other stem of the first personal singular pronoun in the Altaic languages bin has a very limited usage compared to min . In particular, the versions bin and ban can be found in some monuments of the ancient runic script, as well as in some Turkic languages and (bin>) bi can be registered for the Nominative case in Tungus and Mongolian. Now let us shortly talk on the structure of the first personal pronoun in plural. It has a common structure in Turkic – biz, Mongolian – ba (man ) and Manju – be (men ). The structure of these stems can be determined as follows. The stem biz in Turkic is not an original stem in Proto Turkic or even in Proto Altaic, but it presents a non original stem with a lately generated structure bi (< bin < *min) + z constituted of a nominal root of first personal pronoun in singular and a plural suffix. The personal plural pronoun in Mongolian has two distinguished stems: ba (< *ban < *man ) for the Nominative case and man (< *man ) for all the cases except Nominative. Genetically they are originated, as it is formulated here, from the Proto Mongolian stem *man and by the way, the stem ba (man ) in Manju presents originally just a version of ba (man ) in Mongolian. Let us to represent in a chart the general system of the personal pronouns in Proto Mongolian in order to clarify the oldest form for the above mentioned stems of the first personal pronouns.
Singular Plural 1st Person *m i n *m a n 2nd Person *t i n *t a n 3rd Person *χ i n *χ a n
As the structures of the personal pronouns listed here show there existed a finer system of that the initial m indicates a first person, the initial t indicates a second person, the initial χ indicates a third person, the element i indicates a singularity and the element a indicates a plurality. According to this system, the stem of first person pronoun in singular in the Altaic languages was min and the stem of first person pronoun in plural was man . During the further development as a result of alternation of affricates m ~ b , the versions like bi (< *bin < *min), ban (< *bin < *min) and ba (< *ban < *man) appeared. Finally, let us represent the historical origin of the first person pronoun in singular in the Altaic languages and the evolutional process of its Nominative case form in a diachronic aspect.
*min (AT, PM) > min (Yak. Mon, Tun.) *min *män (AT) > men (SY, Sal, Uig.)
*min (PA)
*bin (AT, PM.) > bi (Tun., Mon.) *bin *bän (AT, PM.) > be (Mog.)
5 Participial and Gerundial Word Constructions Equivalent to a Temporal Dependent Clause in Mongolic Languages
Tóth Zsolt Eötvös Loránd University, Department of Inner Asian Studies (Budapest)
The method of subordination in Mongolic languages is totally different from the method used in Indo European languages. According to some linguists, in the Mongolic languages there are no subordinated dependent clauses at all. In these languages the main method for the expression of subordinated relations is the application of participial and gerundial word constructions. The mentioned constructions are functioning as explanatory parts of a sentence. By their structure they can be either synthetic or analytic synthetic ones. The following constructions belong to the synthetic constructions: constructions by gerund (converb), constructions by participle with a case ending and constructions by participle without a case ending (attributive constructions). The analytic synthetic constructions are constructions by participle with a postposition or with a particle. By their function the participial and gerundial constructions can substitute attributive clauses, adverbial clauses, object clauses, subject clauses, predicate clauses and some clauses with special meaning as conditionality or permission. The most widely applied adverbial constructions are the constructions equivalent to temporal, causal, final clauses and to the clause of manner. The temporal constructions can be classified into antecedent, simultaneous and posterior constructions. This presentation is focussing on the temporal constructions existing in the Mongolian (Khalkha) and the Buriat languages. Both the Mongolian and Buriat languages have plenty of temporal constructions. The number of temporal constructions is more than thirty in both languages. Both languages apply synthetic and analytic synthetic temporal constructions alike. Moreover both languages have antecedent, simultaneous and posterior constructions equally. The temporal constructions used in the two languages usually are very similar, often they are identical with each other.
6 Section 2 – History and Culture
Enviromental Sustainability in Traditional Mongolian Beliefs
Avar Ákos Eötvös Loránd University, Department of Inner Asian Studies (Budapest)
Since the early 2000s sweeping economic and cultural changes are taking place in Mongolia. As a result of exploitations of recently discovered mineral deposits, the growth of Mongolia’s economy reached 17%, while the industrial growth peaked at 35% in 2011. In the rapidly changing circumstances many things seem to be re evaluated in the traditional Mongolian thinking, which seriously effects the everyday life of people living in Mongolia. It seems the exploitation of the hitherto “inviolable” Mother Earth will bring the recovery to the country and prosperity for Mongols. Nowadays many people in Mongolia believe that the signs of mending economy are harbingers of a new era, in which history repeating itself, will bring back the quondam grandeur of Genghis Khan’s Mongols. However, the image of future that promises this kind of wealth and general well being and at the same time requires the partial abandonment of traditions is not acceptable for everyone. There are many of those especially among rural people who believe that the giving up of the traditional environment abiding nomadic way of life and the replacement of it with the exploitation of mineral resources, i.e. with the “exploitation of Mother Earth” sooner or later should be paid off somehow. In my short presentation I would like to show and explain some examples of traditional Mongolian concepts aiming at protecting the nature and the environment. If these concepts are put into practice again, they might become milestones on the way to Mongolia’s sustainable development.
Khalkha and Kalmyk Ethnographic Material in the Bálint Gábor corpus (1871–1874)
Birtalan Ágnes Eötvös Loránd University, Department of Inner Asian Studies (Budapest)
The Hungarian Gábor Bálint of Szentkatolna (1844–1913) was one of the first researchers of Kalmyk and Khalkha vernacular, folklore and ethnography. His valuable records that cover the specimens of Kalmyk spoken language, folklore and ethnographic miscellanea, Khalkha spoken language, folklore and ethnographic miscellanea, and a Comparative grammar of Western and Eastern Mongolian languages – all of them written in a very accurate transcription – were not published until recent years. I released the Comparative Grammar in 2009 and issued the Kalmyk text corpus with a comprehensive analysis of the various text types. In the present paper I am going to introduce Bálint’s records concerning ethnography documented among the Kalmyks (1871–1872) and Khalkhas (1873). Despite the similar economic and cultural milieu both ethnic groups lived in, there is a considerable difference between the Kalmyk and Khalkha text corpora. Besides presenting and systematising Bálint’s material itself, I will explain the reason why this significant divergence emerges between the two bodies of text.
7 The Kalmyk records Ethnographic Texts: Way of life and Material culture (pp. 140–171), Customs (pp. 178–184) Xal’imigīn (öirädīn) ger abalγan (Kalm. Xal’mgīn (ȫrdīn) ger awlγn ) “The Wedding of the Kalmyks (Oirats)”, pp. 140–146. Xal’imigīn nǖdül (Kalm. Xal’mgīn nǖdl ) “The Nomadising of the Kalmyks”, pp. 147–148. Xal’imiγūd yaγaǰi malān xäriüldek tuskin’i (Kalm. Xal’mγūd yā ¤ malān xär ½ldg tusk n’) “About How the Kalmyks Pasture their Livestock”, pp. 149–153. Khal’imigin [sic!] malīn üsünä tuski (Kalm. Xal’mgīn malīn üsnǟ tusk ) “About the Milk of the Domestic Animals of the Kalmyk(s)”, pp. 154–158. Xöinä üsün (Kalm. Xȫnǟ üsn ) “Sheep milk”, p. 159. Gǖnä üsün (Kalm. Gǖnǟ üsn ) “Mare milk”, pp. 160–161. Man’i xal’imiγūd yaγaǰi xöiγän xäičiledek (kirγadik) tuski, (Kalm. Manǟ xal’mγūd yāǰ xȫgǟn xǟčldg (kirγdg) tusk) “A chapter about how the Kalmyks shear the sheep”, pp. 162–164. Xal’imiγūd yaγaǰi šobūγār angγučildigīn tuski (Bálint Xal’mγūd yāǰ šowūγār angγūčildg tusk) “A chapter about how the Kalmyks hunt with birds”, pp. 165–169. Uruldan, nōldan, xulxa (Kalm. Urldān, nōldān, xulxā ) “Horse racing, Wrestling and Stealing”, pp. 170–171. Xal’imegin [sic!] šaxa abdigīn tuski (Kalm. Xal’mgīn šaxā awdgīn tusk ) “About the Oath Taking among the Kalmyks”, pp. 178–180. Xal’imigīn ükül (Kalm. Xal’mgīn ükl ) “” The death among the Kalmyks”, pp. 181–184. The Khalkha records Ethnographic texts (pp. 52–62) Mongol ulusēn ekener abči gerelkēn yoso (Mongol ulsīn exner awči gerlexīn yos) “The custom of wedding of the Mongols”, pp. 52–58. Mongol ulusēn üküsen künē yasaīg bärixa yoso (Mongol ulsīn üxsen xünī yasīg barix yos) “The custom of burying of the Mongols”, pp. 59–62.
Монгол зан үйлийн нийгмийн үүрэг, хувьсал
Г. Цэрэнханд Шинжлэх Ухааны Академийн Түүхийн Хүрээлэн (Улаанбаатар)
Нүүдэл соёлын бүрэлдэхүүн хэсэг монгол ёс заншлын асуудал хүний амьдралын бүх талыг хамрах учир маш өргөн хүрээнд яригдах юм. Иймээс илтгэлийн хэмжээнд малчин айлын ахуйн хүрээнд хамруулан хэдэн зүйлийг онцлоё гэж бодно. Аливаа ёс, зан үйл тухайн ард түмний эрхлэх аж ахуй, хүрээлэн буй байгаль орчин, газар нутгийн онцлогтой нягт уялдан үүсэн төлөвшдөг нь ойлгомжтой. Үүнээс үндэслэн үзвэл бэлчээрийн мал аж ахуй эрхэлдэг, нүүдэл аж төрөлтэй монголчууд өөрсдийн гэх өвөрмөц ёс заншлаа үүсгэн бүрэлдүүлжээ. Энэ нь юуны өмнө нүүдэлчин хүний сэтгэхүйтэй нягт уялдан бусад угсаатнаас онцгойрох “өв соёл” ын уламжлал болно. Бэлчээрийн мал аж ахуй эрхэлсэн монголчууд байгал цаг уур, хүрээлэн буй орчинтойгоо хамгийн дөт (ойр) байдгаараа суурин амьдралаас ялгаатай ба байгал орчноо танин ойлгох болон байгал хамгаалах ёс заншлын талаар мэдлэг ухааны баялагийг хуримтлуулсан нь илүү байж болох юм.
8 Ёс заншил хэмээх ойлголт анх үүссэн шигээ уламжлах нь ховор бөгөөд нийгмийн хөгжлийн явцад улиран гээгдэж, өөр агуулгаар баяжин өөрчлөгддөг ба шинээр үүсч байдаг зүй тогтлын дагуу хөгждөг. Энэхүү үйл явцыг эрдэм шинжилгээний үүднээс дүгнэхдээ тухайн ёс заншил, зан үйл нь өөрийн үүрэгтэй учир үеэс үед хадгалагдан үлддэг хэмээн ойлгож болно. Тухайлбал, хүний анхаарлын тойрогт холбогдох ёс заншлыг авч үзэхэд цаад мөн чанараараа гүн утга агуулгатай байх нь ажиглагддаг. Монгол ёс заншил өөрийн өвөрмөц онцлогтой хэдий ч түүнд өнгөрсөн болон тухайн үеийн нийгийн үзэл санааны тусгал тодорхой хэмжээнд илэрлээ олно. Энэ нь түүхэн хөгжлийн хэд хэдэн үндсэн зарчмаар явагдах ба тухайлбал, а) тэдгээрийн нэг хэсэг нь ахуй амьдралын хүрээнд өөрийн үүргээ гүйцэтгэхгүй болсон үедээ гээгдэж байхад, нөгөө хэсэг нь түүнд зохицон өөрчлөгдөж болно. б) Ёс заншил хуучнаас үндэслэн шинэ утгаар баяждаг ба хэрэг дээрээ хуучны уламжлалтай зарим зан үйл шинээр бүтээгчдийн хэсэгтэй нэгдэж хөгжих зүй тогтлоор явагдах нь ажиглагддаг. в) Тухайн нийгмийн нөлөөгөөр цоо шинэ зүйл үүсэн төлөвших зэргийг тэмдэглэж болно.
The Importance and Problems of Manchu Historical Records in the 17 th century Qing Dynasty Mongolian History Research
Cho Byounghak, Jeh Sunghoon, Batsuuri Cacralt Gachon University (Seoul), Korea Institute for International Economic Policy (Seoul), (Seoul)
With regard to this topic, China’s Borjigidai Oyunbilig has already published the importance of ‘Remaining historical records’ and problems of ‘literacy historical records’ through the book “17th Century Mongolian Studies” in which he compiled his 14 theses and also introduced the importance of Tangan (Documents sent and received between Government agencies to handle any work in the government) and the new Tangan collection in “Qing Dynasty Manchuria and Mongolia Tangan and Mongolian history research”. In the larger context, this article may be regarded as being in line with the theme of this kind. In this article, the researcher just tries to express his opinion on ‘The Importance and Problems of Manchu Historical Records in the Qing Dynasty Mongolian History Research’ through the example of the specific contents discerned while reading Manchu “Writing of the strategy that marched with the military and conquered North western region” (beye dailame wargi amargi babe necihiyeme toktobuha bodogon i bithe ) “Qinzhengpingdingshuomofanglűe”, hereinafter “Qinzhengpingdingshuomofanglűe”. Strategy history books refer to the above mentioned ‘Writing of wartime strategies’ and are the books which have been written since Emperor Kāngxī of Qīng. In addition to “Qinzhengpingdingshuomofanglűe”, there are many different types such as “fanpuyaolűe”, “PingdingJungarfanglűe”, “Huangchao fanpuyaolűe” etc. and most have the nature of praising the necessity and achievements of the Heaven's decree of an emperor from the perspective of Qing Dynasty. The reason of taking an example of especially “Qinzhengpingdingshuomofanglűe”, a Manchu strategy book, is because it has the special value as a history book recorded in Manchu. About “Qinzhengpingdingshuomofanglűe”, on August 1, 1696 not long after returning to Beijing after the 1 st Jungar Mongolia expedition, Emperor Kāngxī of Qīng ordered three government ministers and Hanlimyuan to compile the military expedition history on Galdan and its Chinese character version is “Qinzhengpingdingshuomofanglűe”. The compilation period of this book is from 1696 to 1710 and the whole consists of a total of 102 books, and 51 books respectively (Manchu version and Chinese character version) (48 main books and Emperor's preface, 3 Emperor's summary and list). The preface by the Emperor himself written in 1708 is attached. It explains that the Manchu edition and the Chinese character edition were published and the Chinese character edition was translated by selecting and adapting from the contents of the Manchu edition.
9 A Study on the Costume of Ritual Dance in Mongolian and Korean Buddhism
Cho Hyunjin, Kim Munyoung, Lee Jaeyeong (Seoul), Keimyung University (Seoul), Hankuk University of Foreign Studies (Seoul)
Ritual might carry great implications in Buddhist ceremonies. The ritual concerns many parts of a Buddhist ceremony including worship to Buddha, bulgongsisik and Jaeui. Especially the ritual dance in the ceremony is the core of Buddhistic arts, having the power to connect the eyes and mind of the public through the visual effect. Accordingly, it plays the role of inspiring devotion and promoting active participation in the ceremony. In religion, dance is the best way to connect god and men, which is especially well manifested in Mongolian and Korean Buddhist ritual dance. The ritual dance in Mongolian Buddhism might be seen through Tsam, the ritual dance performed in the temple by monks. Ritual dance is a form of various blessing seeking faith and recognized as a kind of education that controls and guides the life of monks and believers as well. One of them, the Tsam dance, which is performed with colourful masks on, has a shamanic power that inspires in the audience the feeling of awe rather than beauty. In other words, it is an exorcising behaviour to control the vicious souls and worship the guardian deity as a metaphor that represents the gradual overcoming of the ego, the goal of Buddhism. This dance is also seen as a divine and dramatic performance. The Tsam in Mongolia and the Yeongsanjae in Korea has the simultaneity that both of them originated in the Yuan Dynasty and Goryeo Dynasty. They have the same religious implication that both pray for blessedness by seeking the truth of Buddha. However, there are some differences. The Tsam in Mongolia is actually an exorcising ceremony while the Yeongsanjae in Korea is a reposing ceremony for an easy passage into eternity. The Tsam is a Buddhistic ceremony, a banquet as general art in which appears a mask dance with banquet, dance and music in harmony while the Yeongsanjae is centred on singing and dance. The common point in both of them is the temporal and spatial characteristics of the ceremony underway and that the performance is conducted by monks. The focus of this thesis is limited to the Tsam in Mongolia and the Nabi dance of Yeongsanjae in Korea that are handed over in the common context of the Buddhist ceremony. The purpose of this research is to find the similarity and difference of both ritual dances in terms of emotion, culture and religion and based on it, to investigate the diversity of the costumes of Buddhist ritual dance.
Sutra on the Incident of the Fifteen Evil Demons
L. Erdenesuwd Library of the Hungarian Academy of Sciences (Budapest)
The manuscript entitled Sutra on the Incident of the Fifteen Evil Demons is now found in the catalogue entitled The Mongol and Manchu Manuscripts and Blockprints in the Library of the Hungarian Academy of Sciences (compiled by Acad. György Kara) in shelf reference Mong. 59, at the Oriental Collection of the Hungarian Academy of Sciences. The manuscript presumably originated from the early 19th century, and it includes 17 line items and 12 pages. Its author, and the precise location and date of its formation are unknown, and so is the fact whether anyone could have previously studied it. It appears that the manuscript entitled Sutra on the Incident of the Fifteen Evil Demons is about a ritual immolation.
10 Xuuč yaria – A Specific Genre of the Mongolian Folklore
Halász Ádám Eötvös Loránd University, Department of Inner Asian Studies (Budapest)
The expression „ xuuč yaria” can be translated as „story” or „gossip”, and indeed, they are short stories about interesting, extraordinary or sometimes fearful events, heard or seen by the storyteller. In respect of content these stories are colourful and ramifying, and it is beyond question that the xuuč yaria has some connections with domog s, tales and even heroic epics. Unfortunately, the research of this field has begun relatively recently, so these connections are unclear. These stories, moreover, are interesting not only from the point of view of the folklore. The first ones were collected in the 1950s, and due to this some of them reflect on the political atmosphere of the socialist era. I’ll try to shed light upon the fact that the stories about Süxbaatar, Čoibalsan and the 8 th Bogd gegeen are real sources of Mongolian history, with a critical sense of course. In my presentation I’ll try to give the broad outlines of the xuuč yaria as a genre of Mongolian folklore, and establish a typology, in the hope that it will be helpful in the further research.
Structure, Impact and Research of Mongolian Shamanism
Hurcabaatur Solongod (Cologne)
I began researching the offerings to Ataγ a tngri and the Khatagins in 1982. International scholarship, however, had already been interested in Ataγ a tngri earlier as well, collecting the pertinent manuscript sources and publishing articles on this theme specifically. These include e. g. Nicholas Poppe’s The incense offering to Ataγ a tngri published in 1927; in 1959 M. N. Khangalov devoted a separate study to Ataγ a tngri while investigating Buryat shamanism; in 1970 Walther Heissig wrote about Ataγ a tngri in The Religions of Mongolia as follows: “Ataγ a Tngri, who has a series of functions closely resembling those on Eternal Heaven, counts as the protector of horses, especially among the Aga and Khori Buryats”. Before and after 1982 international scholars collected materials on shamanic texts, invocations, smoke offerings ( ungsilγ a, daγadqal, sang, öčig ) and presented them in their studies on Ataγ a tngri. Since 1982 I have visited Ordos in Inner Mongolia several times to conduct field research among the Khatagins and in 1985 I wrote the book Qatagin arban γurban Ataγ a tngri yin tayilγ a. In it I first discussed the genesis and purpose of the Ataγ a tngri cult as well as the process of the offering ritual. I also put to close scrutiny the system of smoke offerings surviving in shamanic traditions and the ritual texts of diverse genres recited during the ceremonies (invocations, expressions of reverence and request; sang, daγadqal, mörgül, öčig, daγudalγ a, γuyudal ). The book was published in 1987 by the Inner Mongolian Cultural Publishers. After its release foreign scholars also published several sources. My mentioned book was nearing the 30th anniversary of its publication, for which occasion I and my fellow researcher Ágnes Birtalan had collected about twenty text editions and writings by foreign scholars written in Mongolian, English, French, German, Russian, Hungarian, Japanese and Chinese and transcribed in Cyrillic or Latin script published between 1927 and 2010. The aim of their re edition as the second volume to my book Qatagin arban γurban Ataγ a tngri yin tayilγ a was to make the work of future researchers easier.
11 Remarks on Činggis Qaγan u Altan Tobči
Kápolnás Olivér Eötvös Loránd University, Department of Inner Asian Studies (Budapest)
Činggis Qaγan u Tobči was found in 1958 in Inner Mongolia. This work tells Chinggis khaan's life by legends. The main text is almost the same as it is in the Quriyangγui Altan Tobči , except that it has very important variants of legends that cannot be found in other sources. For example Höelün's abduction was written in an unknown way, or the Legend about the defeat of the 300 Tayičiuds appears only in this work and in the Lubsandanzan's Altan Tobči . Cinggis Qaγan u Altan Tobči is held in the Library of the Inner Mongolian Academy of Sciences . The first facsimile was published in 1998 ( Činggis qaγan u takil un sudur orosiba , edited by Torongγ a, Öbör Mongγol un Arad un Keblel ün Qoriy a), but it has some rough manipulation, for example the om ma ni pad me hum from the last page was erased. All of the later editions used this manipulated facsimile. First of all, it is necessary to date the manuscript and decide the question whether it is an autography or a copied manuscript. It can be decided that it is a copy on the basis of typical copy mistakes. The paper proves that the time of copying was not earlier than the 19 th century. The second question is when the work was compiled. There are a lot of textual conformity between the Činggis Qaγan u Altan Tobči and different works from the Yuan dynasty. This and other signs hint that this work was written in the first part of the Khubilai's era.
Taboo Food Words in Korean and Mongolian
Kim Kisun, Lee Sungyoung, Lee Jongoh Hankuk University of Foreign Studies (Seoul)
Taboo words and phrases related to food etiquette in Korea and Mongolia contain the aggregated wisdom and experiences of peoples with histories of overcoming adversity in given natural environments. Unlike proverbs, taboo words and phrases are linguistically straightforward, part of what people believe and use in their everyday life. Thus, in Korea and Mongolia, two countries the comparison of which shows a contrast between settled and nomadic cultures, the expression in the language of taboos related to food habits is different in accordance with customs concerning sex, religion, politics, and other socio cultural differences. Taboos represent a very important moral and behaviour standard in traditional Korean and Mongolian societies. Since ancient times, both cultures have valorised a principle of unity of words and action, and regard the importance of following taboos highly, as shown in frequent references to luck or the absence of luck in every action. Another reason is that through customs and rituals, the members of these societies have restored and replenished their emotional and ethical grounding. Although the form and substance of the contrasting customs of settled and nomadic nations have changed in current times, the meaning that the related linguistic features contain remains the same. Taboo words and expressions are created not to prevent something negative from happening, but to reinforce some aspect of behaviour and reflect the wisdom of the elders, so that the members of society can lead a better life. Taboo words and expressions related to eating habits in both Korean and Mongolian; formed on the basis of the considerations above; clearly show the cultural differences between Korea and Mongolia through language. Korean exhibits language phenomena rooted in a settled agricultural
12 culture and Confucian ideas, while Mongolian shows phenomena congruent with a nomadic culture and animistic folk beliefs. From this point of view, the purpose of this study is to explore common strands as well as differences between these North East Asian cultures through the study of food culture, an important aspect of the mentality of people in both countries, and specifically through the analysis of the different systems of meaning and ways of expressing taboo words related to food culture in Korea and Mongolia. We will compare these taboo words and phrases according to the following categories: holidays, everyday etiquette, tragedies, celebrations, commemorative rites and rituals, pregnancy and women, and food habits in the family.
13–14 р зууны монгол дээл
Ока Илдикоо Өтвөш Лорандын нэрэмжит Их Сургууль, Төв Азийн Тэнхим (Будапешт)
Сүүлийн хэдхэн жилд Юань улсын үеийн булшнаас ийм төрлийн хэд хэдэн дээл олдсон. Монголын археологичид археологийн талбай, булшны талаар сэтгүүлд тайлбарлаж бичсэн. Тэдний нэг нь Бөхийн хошууны булшuн. Тэр булшнаас 3дээл алтан лампас маягийн ногоон торгоор хийгдсэн олсон. Бөхийн хошууны Дээл №1 ийг туршилтын журмаар сэргээх нь бусад дээлнүүдийн өнөөгийн төлөв, хувцас хийх арга, дарааллыг ойлгуулахад бидэнд боломж олгосон. Монголын Түүхийн Музейн захирал, профессор А.Очир энэ судалгааг хийлгэхээр намайг урьсанд талархах нь зүйтэй. Монголын оёдолчид дээлний хувилбарыг бүтээхэд надтай хамтарч ажилласан. Бидний хийсэн тансаг дээл нь 13–14 р зууны үеийн хувцасны үйлдвэрлэлийн талаар шинэ ойлголтыг гаргаж ирсэн юм. Дээл No 1, No 3 нь “хөндлөн залгасан” (”horizontal cross partition” (Хансен 1993, 143)) хэсэг бүхий цээж, хормойгоос бүрдэнэ. Гадаад энгэр нь зөв ташуу, дотоод энгэр нь буруу ташуу (хэсэг нь харагдаж байна) хийгдсэн. Дээлийн зах нь гадаад зөв ташуу энгэрийн дээд талаас хүзүүг тойруулаад дотоод буруу ташуу энгэрийн төгсгөл хуртэл тасралтгүй үргэлжилсэн байна(лам дээл шиг). Дээлний урд талыг ар хэсэгтэй нь тав таван бүчээр баруун ташаанд, дотор хэсгийг зүүн талын ташаан хэсэгтэй хоёр хоёр бүчээр дарж бүчилдэг байхаар хийсэн байж болох юм. Ханцуй нь бугуйгаараа нарийхан, суганы хэсгээр алгуур өргөссөн, уйтан хэлбэрийн загвартай. Бүсэлхийн хэвтээ хуваагдсан хэсгүүдийг холбосон оёдлоос дээших хэсгийг торгон олсон утаснуудыг нийлүүлэн тогтоож чимсэн. (утас нь сүлжсэн мэт харагдаж байгаа боловч үнэндээ тийм биш байна.) (Динвидди ба бусад 2004, 49). Дээлний цээж хэсгийг хормойн хуниастай хэсэгтэй нийлүүлж оёхдоо баруун талаар нь онгорхой хийсэн. Дээлний цээж хэсгийг хормойн хэсэгтэй нэг хөндлөн оёдлоор нийлүүлэн тогтоосон байна. №2 Дээлний цээжин хэсэг бусад 2 дээлтэй төстэй. Энэ дээл нь бас зөв ташуу захтай. Гадаад энгэрийг баруун тийш, дотоод энгэрийг зүүн тийш даруулан хийсэн. Бүсэлхийн чимэглэлийг торгон утсаар биш Монгол дээлний шилбэ хийдэгтэй адил аргаар хийсэн байна. Дээлэнд товч хадсан байсан ч одоо алга болжээ. Энэ дээлэнд хөндлөн хуваагдсан эсгүүр байхгүй ч бусад дээлнүүдтэй маш төстэй. Дээлний өргөн энийн хоёр хажуугаар гурвалжин нэмэлт хэсгүүдийг оруулж өгсөн учир дээл бүсэлхийнээс доош өргөссөн хэлбэртэй харагдаж байна. Нэмэлт хэсгийн хуниасыг дотогш нь өргөн нугалан оёж зассан. Ийм хуниас дээлний баруун, зүүн тал бүрт зургаа, зургаа байна. Сүүлийн хэдхэн жилийн дотор археологийн хүрээлэлд Монголын хэд хэдэн дээл олдсон. Манай дээлнүүдтэй төстэй олдворууд хэд хэд байна. Эдгээр дээлнүүд нь Дээл №1 ба 2 той гайхалтай адилхан эсгүүр, чимэглэлтэй байна. Мэдээж, зөв ташуу энгэртэй, “хөндлөн хуваагдсан” хэсэггүй дээл нь Төв Азийн нүүдэлчдийн дунд маш урт түүхтэй. Миний ойлогсоноор “хөндлөн хуваагдсан” хэсэггүй дээл Монголын X–XI дүгээр
13 зууны үед хэрэглэж байсан Дугуй Цахирын хадны оршуулгад олдсон хувцасуудын уламжлалын хэсэг гэж үзэх нь зүйтэй. Хэдийгээр энэ өөрчлөгдөөгүй үлдсэн ч бидний судлаж байгаа гурван дээл нь Юань үеийн шилжилтийн нэг үеийн гурван ялгаатай байдлыг харуулж байна. Энэ Бөхийн хошууны дээлний гурван төрлийн эсгүүрийг нэг цаг хугацаанд ашигласан боловч дээлний иж бүрдэл, энэ хувиралт нь ямар нэгэн утга санаа агуулаагүй.
Reminiscences of Lama Seteter oboγatai Bud
Sárközi Alice Eötvös Loránd University, Department of Inner Asian Studies (Budapest)
During the travels of the Hungarian Mongolian Expedition Researching Languages and Traditional Culture in 2012 we had the opportunity to make interviews with Seteter obogatai Bud lama in Tsagaan Uul. He related the history of the Jalkhands Khutuktu monastery. Twenty datsan s belonged to this monastery with a thousand lamas. The main object of reverence of the süme was Ochirbani. The monastery was founded in 1870, first, at the Tsetserleg tsagaan tolgoi, and later it moved to several places. In 1872 the buildings were burnt down and robbed by the Chinese. Later it was rebuilt at the northern bank of the Khösöötiin river. It was consecrated in 1876. Bud lama related the events of the 30 ies in special detail. The lamas of the monastery revolted against the revolutionary party, and as a result, soldiers from Ulan Bator were sent to suppress them. The lamas escaped to the monastery centre of Tes. Their aim was to restore the old regime and to defend the religion. The soldiers surrounded the monastery occupied it and shot one of every three lamas still present. They also shot down the eighty wonderful Maidari trees around the buildings. Bud lama was still a child of seven years. He escaped into the woods and so survived the events. He recalled the appearance of the monastery, the buildings, the sacred objects, the rituals and even the books preserved in the library of the monastery. It is especially sorrowful to get to know that in the case of this monastery not the foreign Russians, but the Mongol soldiers destroyed it.
Mongolian Manuscripts from the Early Period of the 20 th Century and the Mongolian Revolution
Szilágyi Zsolt Hungarian Academy of Sciences, Institute of Ethnology (Budapest)
A main subject of the Hungaro Mongalian research expedition working since 1991 is the tracing, editing and working up of early Mongolian manuscripts. A series entitled Treasures of Mongolian Culture and Tibeto Mongolian Buddhism was published in seven volumes. These manuscripts are preserved in public libraries, however valuable pieces can be found in private possession, as well. This lecture presents three of such documents: one commemorating the passing away of the 8 th bogd gegeen . The second one is a declaration of the revolutionary communist party on the religious issues. The third one is an order of the Ministry of inner affairs of the revolutionary government. All three documents prove that the revolutionars accepted the church as legitimate and it was only later that they turned against the religion.
14 The Dress of the Mongol Empire: The Genealogy and Diaspora of Terlig
Yi Jaeyoon, Cho Woohyun, Kim Jinyoung University of London, SOAS, Center for Korean Studies (London), Sungkyungkwan University (Seoul), Hankuk University of Foreign Studies (Seoul)
Terlig is the characteristic dress developed to fit the Mongolian lifestyle. During the Yuan Dynasty it attained a symbolic meaning as the dress of higher social status. The original composition based on cloth fabric created the initial form of the coat with a cutline at the waist. The waistband was added later. The terlig then gained folds. Attaining symbolic value and losing functionality, the waistband disappeared and only the folds on the waist remained. A functional Mongol coat terlig with reinforced symbolic aspect became part of high culture and was distributed to Khanates and neighbouring regions by the official dress system. Through this process occurs a hybridity with Islamic and other local cultures. Through the second hand diffusion to the Mughal Empire, the terlig gained a new identity and settled down. In later China and East Asia it has survived but only with formality. In some marginal regions of the former Mongol Empire, it still survives as an ethnic costume. Terlig , the legacy of the Mongol Empire continues.
15 Section 3 – Modern Society
Territories of Mongol Autonomy in China
Balogh Mátyás Eötvös Loránd University, Department of Inner Asian Studies (Budapest)
The population of Mongols living in China is estimated between 3.5 and 6 million. They are scattered all over North China; most of them live in the Inner Mongolian Autonomous Region (IMAR), others live in its adjacent provinces of Heilongjiang, Jilin, Liaoning, and Hebei and still others – mainly Oirat Mongols – inhabit the north western Qinghai and Gansu provinces as well as the northern half of the Xinjiang Uygur Autonomous Region (XUAR). Within these province level administrative units, exist different levels of Mongol Autonomy; notably autonomous prefectures (zizhi zhou ), autonomous counties ( zizhi xian ) and Mongol ethnic townships ( mengguzu xiang ). Each of these administrative divisions including the IMAR with its League Banner administration (mengqi zhidu ) – has its own history, which pieced together explains the cultural, and linguistic diversity of China's Mongols and raises questions about the degree of their ethnic integrity and political unity.
A Study on Personnel Administration System Change in Post Democratised Mongolia
Batsuuri Cacralt, Cho Byounghak, Kim Kisun (Seoul), Gachon University (Seoul), Hankuk University of Foreign Studies (Seoul)
This study is about how important changes in political systems correlate with changes in the administrative system. As opposed to change in leadership or majority party, important changes in the political system refer here to system changes, in which essential operating principles are modified. Mongolia switched from socialism to democracy in 1990. Such a change in political principles affected not only changes in the political system but also in administration, particularly relating to personnel. Considering the fact that government works are labour intensive, this means major change in the overall administration. In fact, not much systematic study has been done to offer a scientific explanation on how personnel administration changed in Mongolia. Therefore, this study attempts to systematically explain the rules and facts of Mongolia’s labour intensive administration system. In this regard, the target of this study involves the personnel administration system of Mongolia during the period 1990 through 2012 (i.e., the post democratization revolution through today). This was accomplished by studying documents and conducting in depth interviews. We will look at how personnel administration operates in a democracy, how it has changed, what conditions must be met for the Mongolian personnel administrative system to evolve, and which direction it needs to evolve further.
16 Dynamics of Russian Mongolian Relations: A Geopolitical Perspective
Jeh Sunghoon, Kim Munyoung, Cho Woohyun Korea Institute for International Economic Policy (Seoul), Keimyung University (Seoul), Sungkyungkwan University (Seoul)
During the period of the Cold War, Mongolia was the only «satellite state» among neighbouring states of the Soviet Union that is located in Asia, and the «buffer state» that is located between USSR and China. Studies on relations between Russia and Mongolia in the post Cold War era can be used as significant points of reference for systematic research on contemporary Russian foreign policy towards traditional allies and neighbour states. Therefore, this study will attempt to define the geopolitical position of Mongolia and, on this basis, analyze the changes in relations between Russia and Mongolia, paying attention to the dynamics of their relations in the post Cold War era.
The Reality of Immigrants: A Long Journey from Mongolia to Korea
Kim Jinyoung, Lee Jongoh, Lee Jaeyeong Hankuk University of Foreign Studies (Seoul)
Mongolia and Korea have kept close ties since the two countries established diplomatic relations in 1991. The exchanges of business activities and human resources have been rapidly increasing every year. Consequently, the number of Mongolians who entered Korea in 2012 reached 61,771, a 27% increase from the previous year and the trade volume between the two countries has developed in a similar vein. The Mongolians living in Korea play an essential role in turning homogeneous Korea into a culturally diverse nation. Reflecting this socio demographic phenomenon, the Korean government has implemented a wide variety of supportive policies for immigrants. However, perceiving immigrants as a whole, there is almost no comprehensive study on Mongolian immigrants such as marriage immigrants, migrant workers, and students. It is indispensable to securing good human resources in order to cope with changes in political situations around the Korean Peninsula and develop future oriented relations between the two nations. In this regard, this study suggests that Mongolian immigrants should be valuable human resources to serve as a bridge between the two nations and provides more integrated basic data.
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