The Economic Writings of Sir William Petty (1623-1687): Never Translated Into Spanish Language
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The Origins of Velocity Functions
The Origins of Velocity Functions Thomas M. Humphrey ike any practical, policy-oriented discipline, monetary economics em- ploys useful concepts long after their prototypes and originators are L forgotten. A case in point is the notion of a velocity function relating money’s rate of turnover to its independent determining variables. Most economists recognize Milton Friedman’s influential 1956 version of the function. Written v = Y/M = v(rb, re,1/PdP/dt, w, Y/P, u), it expresses in- come velocity as a function of bond interest rates, equity yields, expected inflation, wealth, real income, and a catch-all taste-and-technology variable that captures the impact of a myriad of influences on velocity, including degree of monetization, spread of banking, proliferation of money substitutes, devel- opment of cash management practices, confidence in the future stability of the economy and the like. Many also are aware of Irving Fisher’s 1911 transactions velocity func- tion, although few realize that it incorporates most of the same variables as Friedman’s.1 On velocity’s interest rate determinant, Fisher writes: “Each per- son regulates his turnover” to avoid “waste of interest” (1963, p. 152). When rates rise, cashholders “will avoid carrying too much” money thus prompting a rise in velocity. On expected inflation, he says: “When...depreciation is anticipated, there is a tendency among owners of money to spend it speedily . the result being to raise prices by increasing the velocity of circulation” (p. 263). And on real income: “The rich have a higher rate of turnover than the poor. They spend money faster, not only absolutely but relatively to the money they keep on hand. -
Why Standard Measures of Human Capital Are Misleading
A Service of Leibniz-Informationszentrum econstor Wirtschaft Leibniz Information Centre Make Your Publications Visible. zbw for Economics Hanushek, Eric A. Article Why Standard Measures of Human Capital are Misleading KDI Journal of Economic Policy Provided in Cooperation with: Korea Development Institute (KDI), Sejong Suggested Citation: Hanushek, Eric A. (2015) : Why Standard Measures of Human Capital are Misleading, KDI Journal of Economic Policy, ISSN 2586-4130, Korea Development Institute (KDI), Sejong, Vol. 37, Iss. 2, pp. 22-37, http://dx.doi.org/10.23895/kdijep.2015.37.2.22 This Version is available at: http://hdl.handle.net/10419/200770 Standard-Nutzungsbedingungen: Terms of use: Die Dokumente auf EconStor dürfen zu eigenen wissenschaftlichen Documents in EconStor may be saved and copied for your Zwecken und zum Privatgebrauch gespeichert und kopiert werden. personal and scholarly purposes. Sie dürfen die Dokumente nicht für öffentliche oder kommerzielle You are not to copy documents for public or commercial Zwecke vervielfältigen, öffentlich ausstellen, öffentlich zugänglich purposes, to exhibit the documents publicly, to make them machen, vertreiben oder anderweitig nutzen. publicly available on the internet, or to distribute or otherwise use the documents in public. Sofern die Verfasser die Dokumente unter Open-Content-Lizenzen (insbesondere CC-Lizenzen) zur Verfügung gestellt haben sollten, If the documents have been made available under an Open gelten abweichend von diesen Nutzungsbedingungen die in der dort Content Licence (especially Creative Commons Licences), you genannten Lizenz gewährten Nutzungsrechte. may exercise further usage rights as specified in the indicated licence. https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0/ www.econstor.eu KDI Journal of Economic Policy 2015, 37(2): 22–39 Why Standard Measures of † Human Capital are Misleading By ERIC A. -
Revisiting Friedrich Nietzsche and William Petty
Continental Thought & Theory CT&T A journal of intellectual freedom Volume 1 | Issue 2: Debt and Value 306-332 | ISSN: 2463-333X On the Origins of Modern Debt and Value: Revisiting Friedrich Nietzsche and William Petty Philip Goodchild Abstract: The pursuit of self-interest can lead to market failure when there is a lack of trust. Where Hume and Nietzsche located the origin of trust in the capacity to make promises - debts conceived in terms of values – this article explores the origins of modern distrust and its concomitant pursuit of self- interest. Examining the market economies of the 16th and 17th centuries in England, one finds these were characterised by a shortage of coins so had to rely effectively on trust. Wealth consisted largely of ‘credit’ or trustworthiness, for this was the basis for access to goods and services with a promise of later payment. As such, wealth was not a possession but a reputation, and the pursuit of reputation took precedence over the pursuit of possessions. Since default on a debt could easily spread by contagion, the basis for collective welfare was personal morality. The key question, then, is how this conception of credit came to be replaced by one equivalent to debt, given a precise value and time for repayment. It will be argued that in this context the best way to prove one’s creditworthiness was to pay on time with the debt issued by a sound institution such as the Bank of England or the Exchequer. The financial revolution in England had the effect of turning the pursuit of ‘credit’ into the pursuit of http://ctt.canterbury.ac.nz CONTINENTAL THOUGHT & THEORY: A JOURNAL OF INTELLECTUAL FREEDOM Volume 1, Issue 2: Debt and Value wealth, where debts assumed the money functions of means of payment, unit of account, and store of value. -
How Adam Smith's Lack of Originality Led to the Founding of Economics
STUDENT ECONOMIC REVIEW VOL. XXXIII How Adam Smith’s Lack of Originality Led to the Founding of Economics Luke Hosford, Senior Sophister Adam Smith is often referred to as the Father of Economics, and to many, this logically means his ideas were the first of their kind in establishing the economic discipline. Luke Hos- ford refutes this claim and clearly shows that the ideas of Smith were rooted in the theories of earlier economists, in- cluding William Petty and David Hume. Luke goes on to out- line how Smith’s real genius wasn’t in his originality but in his ability to synthesise the ideas of others to create a coher- ent whole. By organising its theorems and providing a hard border to the discipline, Political Economy could finally be recognised as a science. Introduction he Irish economist Liam Delaney described in a Kilkenny speech that “It is Thard to say Adam Smith invented economics, but he was definitely the last person to invent it” (Delaney, 2018). Smith may not have discovered the con- cepts and ideas of political economy, but he did establish political economy as an academic discipline. He synthesised a great many ideas of his predecessors and grounded them in a natural law philosophy of the individual. Defining an academic discipline as internally cohesive, but externally valid fits Biglan’s Classification of an academic discipline along Hard/Soft and Life/ Nonlife lines (Stoecker, 1993). I argue Smith gave the discipline a hard border, creating a body of theory that satisfied most in the discipline, through his ability to synthesise others’ arguments in an internally coherent whole. -
XIX Annual Conference of ESHET – Rome, 14-16 May 2015 – “Great
XIX Annual Conference of ESHET – Ro me, 14-16 May 2015 – “Great Controversies in Economics” Economics in Blueprints: The Rivalry of Anticipations Oleg Ananyin National Research University “Higher School of Economics” – Moscow, Russia The emergence of economic science is typically assessed retrospectively, i.e. as a process tending to come up to some “classical situation”, to use Schumpeter’s term (1954). Otherwise very different works by Marx (1859), Schumpeter (1954), Blaug (1965), Hutchison (1988). are representative of this view. Such an approach is quite appropriate for tracing back the origins of the phenomenon taken for a benchmark in order to identify its roots and follow the logic of its maturing. It does not catch, however, the context within which a new phenomenon appears and takes its shape. The paper departs from the assumption that the emergence of a new phenomenon occurs usually in bifurcation points, i.e. under conditions when the future is not predetermined, and the choice of development path depends on incident factors, while subsequent steps tend to become path-dependent. In such cases the genesis of a new phenomenon is a matter of selection from available options, of which the rejected ones are of no less importance than the option that happened to be accomplished. It is argued in the paper that the genesis of the economic science belongs precisely to this kind of scenarios. To support this claim a set of blueprints of the emerging economic science are identified and considered. Among them James Steuart’s rationalized version of earlier empirical and descriptive tradition rooted in mercantilist economic reasoning; the empirical and statistical project of William Petty; John Law’s attempt of social engineering; David Hume’s perspective of economic philosophy; and, finally, the project of abstract science proposed by Richard Cantillon. -
Economic Thinking from Hesiod to Richard Cantillon
Modeling Growth – between Public Policy and Entrepreneurship Economic Thinking from Hesiod to Richard Cantillon Gina Ioan1 Abstract: The paper makes an analysis between the two effects, considering the general case of an Allen utility function. We can say that about economics that it is a relatively young science, economic and social phenomena we find debated in philosophical thinking of Hesiod Xenophon, Plato, Aristotle. These phenomena were only economic management rules of common affairs of the city. Thus, the study of the economy began to emerge timidly, gaining not only the form that we know it today, but also the importance for a developed society, the very cornerstone of its. Keywords: economic thought; scholasticism; mercantilism 1. Greek Thought Representative of Austrian Economic School, Murray N. Rothbard, in the work Economic Thought Before Adam Smith, An Austrian Perspective on the History of Economic Thought, Vol. I, thinks Hesiod the first economic thinker. In his poem Works and Days, author besides instilling the idea of justice, talks about the importance of productive work, efficiency, because who is able to work, that will fulfill its mission. After 400 years from Hesiod, Xenophon takes the concept of economic efficiency and applicable across entire economy. At the end of the fourth century B.C., Athens faces a broad social and political crisis, coupled with a moral and intellectual crisis. Within the extensive debates on politics, which in fact were critical laws of the city, stands Plato and his student Aristotle. Plato's ideal city cannot exist without the support of an ideal economy. Plato considered beneficial to society that the goods to be owned in common, in an ideal city everything belongs to all. -
Marx, Classical Political Economy and the Problem of Dynamics* Translated from German by Rick Kuhn
chapter 26 Marx, Classical Political Economy and the Problem of Dynamics* Translated from German by Rick Kuhn 1 In the dominant view, Marx is merely a student of the classical political eco- nomists, someone who completed their work, or their successor.1 A precisely delineated conception is thus erected: the labour theory of value, developed by Adam Smith and Ricardo, in its innermost essence, leads to socialism. This consequence was not, however, articulated by its founders. Marx was the first to think Ricardo’s theory through to its end, as it were, providing its previously unarticulated final word.2 This conception must certainly already appear to be extremely questionable from the general position of the critique of political economy, if ‘the development of political economy and of the opposition to which it gives rise keeps pace with the real development of the social contra- dictions and class conflicts inherent in capitalist production’.3 * [Originally published as Grossman 1941a.] 1 Pareto 1902, p. 340; Croce 1914, p. 138; Schumpeter 1954, p. 15; Wilbrandt 1919, p. 101; Engländer 1928, p. 380. ‘It was Karl Marx … who, as a value theorist, was indeed the last great figure in the classical school’, Douglas 1927, p. 65. The socialists, Franz Mehring, Conrad Schmidt, and above all Rudolf Hilferding, however, are no different. See Mehring 1913b, p. 250; Mehring 1920, p. 557; Schmidt 1889, p. 112. Hilferding not only regarded Marx as an opponent and conqueror of but also as perfecting ‘Classical Economy which begins with William Petty and finds its supreme expression in Marx’, Hilferding 1981, p. -
The Revenge of Political Arithmetick. Economic Statistics and Political Purpose
The Revenge of Political Arithmetick. Economic Statistics and Political Purpose Fickle Formulas Working Paper 2-2019. Daniel K. Mügge University of Amsterdam May 2019 2 The Revenge of Political Arithmetick. Economic Statistics and Political Purpose1 Daniel K. Mügge Department of Political Science University of Amsterdam [email protected] Last update: 20 May 2019 ABSTRACT. Contemporary governance is thoroughly quantified, and in no policy field more so than economic policy. The numbers on which economic debates draw present themselves as objective, technocratic data, above the everyday tussle of politics. At the same time, governance by the numbers has increasingly come under fire in recent years. In the extreme, critics decry statistics as just another opinion or manipulation devices. I argue that both the excessive trust and the excessive skepticism are unjustified, and that both betray an a-historical understanding of the macroeconomic statistics that surround us today. In response, this article offers a truncated history of central economic indicators, which measure inflation, unemployment, economic growth and international economic exchange. It shows how these metrics have been infused with political purpose, and hence bias, from the very start. This account builds on the abundant scholarship about the history of statistics, all the way back to William Petty’s Political Arithmetick in the 17th century. Modern day evidence- based policy and statistics-based research have forgotten – or consciously ignore – their roots in openly normative political projects. I therefore propose to see and study economic statistics as a form of political arithmetic 2.0. Cognizant of economic statistics’ historical baggage, we can heed the biases they may harbor and better put governance by numbers in its place. -
The Quality of Money
THE QUARTERLY JOURNAL OF AUSTRIAN ECONOMICS 12, NO. 4 (2009): 22–45 THE QUALITY OF MONEY PHILIPP BAGUS ABSTRACT: Much has been written about the quantity of money and its effects on money’s purchasing power. However, changes in the quality of money have been widely neglected. This paper ana- lyzes changes in the quality of money and its influence on the purchasing power of money. I. INTRODUCTION he economics profession has recently neglected the connections between the purchasing power and the quality of money. In order Tto cover this gap, I will analyze the quality of money and how its changes affect the purchasing power of money. I will argue that changes in the quality of money can be far more important for the value of money than changes in its quantity. This conclusion is in line with the subjec- tivist approach of the Austrian School. In fact, the quantity of money is an objective and measurable aggregate. The quantity theory of money is the heart of neoclassical monetary theory, but does not reconcile well with the Austrian approach. In contrast, the quality of money is a sub- jective concept and should stand at the center of a monetary theory based on human action. Money serves people in attaining their subjec- tive ends more efficiently and it fulfills certain functions for people. The better these functions of money are fulfilled in the eyes of actors the higher they value money. The quality of money is, consequently, defined Philipp Bagus ([email protected]) is assistant professor of economics at Univer- sidad Rey Juan Carlos, Madrid. -
Sir William Petty : an Unpublished Manuscript *
SIR WILLIAM PETTY : AN UNPUBLISHED MANUSCRIPT * By SHICHIRO MATSUKAWA* I The present manuscript which I found in 1969 among the Bowood Papers remains. apparently, still unpublished as far as I know. The manuscript appears to have been written around 1670. It contains nothing ex- ceptionally novel, but, everything considered, it cannot be regarded quite unworthy of pub- lication though it is very brief consisting of no longer than 12 Ieaves and 3 Iines. For I believe it provides us with some extremely important clues which may enable us to under- stand more clearly the birth and growih of Petty's socio-economic thoughts, methods and theories, especially "political arithmetic" or "political anatomy" and labour theory of value which he was the first to originate and establish. As mentioned in Note 1, the manuscript has no title. Besides, it has neither date nor endorsement whatever. Here it will be called the DIALOGUE. II First of all, Iet us try to infer under what circumstances or conditions the DIALOGUE might have been prepared. In this respect, mention has to be made at least to the follow- ing 6 points. * Professor (Kyo~,ju) of Chuo University, Tokyo. t I have first of all to express my gratitude to the Marquis of Lansdowne who in 1969 permitted me to read Petty-MSS. at Bowood. On that occasion. I made a rough catalogue of the MSS, and transcribed some of them. At that time, Dr. E.D. Pendry, University of Bristol, kindly helped me with my transcription. My sincere thanks are due to the Earl of Shelburne who in 1975 permitted me to check up the present tran- script with the original at the Bodleian Library where the Bowood Papers had been deposited for cataloguing. -
Mill, Sidgwick, and the Evolution of the Concept
HARNESSING SELF-INTEREST: MILL, SIDGWICK, AND THE EVOLUTION OF THE THEORY OF MARKET FAILURE Steven G. Medema* Revised Draft May 2006 *Professor of Economics, University of Colorado at Denver. Contact information: Department of Economics, CB 181, University of Colorado at Denver, PO Box 173364, Denver, CO 80217- 3364 USA (email: [email protected]). The author thanks Roger Backhouse, Neel Chamilall, Pierre Garello, Deirdre McCloskey, Richard A. Musgrave, D.P. O’Brien, Warren Samuels, Donald Winch, seminar participants at the University of Aix-Marseille III, and those attending the 2004 UK History of Economic Thought Conference for very instructive comments on earlier drafts of this material, as well as Roger Backhouse for stimulating conversations on this subject. The financial support of the Earhart Foundation is gratefully acknowledged. HARNESSING SELF-INTEREST: MILL, SIDGWICK, AND THE EVOLUTION OF THE THEORY OF MARKET FAILURE Introduction The theory of market failure brought analytical refinement to a centuries-old concern with the impact of self-interested behavior on economic activity.1 The preclassical commentators looked for a means to coordinate or restrain the base effects of self- interested behavior and saw no means other than government regulation and religious control—both rather centralized, authoritarian, and pessimistic regarding the effects of self-interested behavior. The idea that self-interest could somehow work to the general welfare was essentially absent.2 Adam Smith and the nineteenth-century classical economists saw the system of natural liberty harmonizing, to a greater or lesser extent, self-interest and social interest, allowing the market to function with a minimum of direct control by government. -
The Standard of Living Debate in International Perspective: Measures and Indicators
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by Research Papers in Economics This PDF is a selection from an out-of-print volume from the National Bureau of Economic Research Volume Title: Health and Welfare during Industrialization Volume Author/Editor: Richard H. Steckel and Roderick Floud, Eds. Volume Publisher: University of Chicago Press Volume ISBN: 0-226-77156-3 Volume URL: http://www.nber.org/books/stec97-1 Publication Date: January 1997 Chapter Title: The Standard of Living Debate in International Perspective: Measures and Indicators Chapter Author: Stanley L. Engerman Chapter URL: http://www.nber.org/chapters/c7427 Chapter pages in book: (p. 17 - 46) 1 The Standard of Living Debate in International Perspective: Measures and Indicators Stanley L. Engerman 1.1 Determining the Standard of Living Probably the most famous debate on economic change has been that known as “the standard of living debate,” about the impact of the British industrial revolution.’ This debate began among individuals living in those times, contin- ues today, and will go on, no doubt, tomorrow. The debate’s vehemence has several distinct sources-the politics of the British class struggle, comparisons of British growth with the pattern of communist economic growth in the twen- tieth century, and more general questions of the attitudes toward society and culture that emerged in modern times. Given the broad and emotion-laden sweep of the issues in the British case, it is perhaps surprising that no such prolonged debate has arisen for most of the other nations that developed subsequently.