Why Regional Parties?: Clientelism, Elites, and the Indian Party System Adam Ziegfeld Index More Information

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Why Regional Parties?: Clientelism, Elites, and the Indian Party System Adam Ziegfeld Index More Information Cambridge University Press 978-1-107-11868-3 - Why Regional Parties?: Clientelism, Elites, and the Indian Party System Adam Ziegfeld Index More information Index 2014 election (India) Argentina Bharatiya Janata Party and, electoral success clientelism in, 120 of, 189–90 Peronist Party in, 68 coalition era after, durability of, 188–9 regional parties in, 11, 33 regional parties after, 189–90 Asom Gana Parishad (AGP), 38, 40 SPM government following, 187–90 as opportunistic faction, 230 regional support for, 94 Aam Aadmi Party (AAP), 31, 48–9 Assam (state) programmatic politics and, 89–90 opportunistic factions in, 223–4 African party systems, 19 regional parties in, 98, 180, 214 agrarian national parties. See Janata Dal Australia, regional parties in, 33 Akali Dal. See Shiromani Akali Dal autonomist parties. See regionalist parties All India Anna Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (AIADMK), 38–9, 182 backward caste. See Other Backward Classes Tamil Maanila Congress (Moopanar) and, Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP), 20, 31, 48, 161 107 clientelistic strategies of, 63 All India Communist Party, 161–2 electoral success of, 180 All India Forward Bloc (AIFB), 44–5, 163 programmatic politics and, 88–9 All India Indira Congress (Tiwari), Scheduled Caste voters and, 87 43, 177 Bandhopadhyay, Debabrata, 110 All India Majlis-e-Ittehadul Muslimeen Banerjee, Mamata, 186–7 (AIMIM), 25, 47 Bangla Congress (BAC), 43, 162, 186–7 All India N. R. Congress (AINRC), 49 Berhampore, 110–11 All India Trinamool Congress (AITC), 43, 199, bhadralok castes, 247–8, 250 233 Bhajan Lal. See Haryana Janhit Congress All India United Democratic Front (AUDF), Bharati, Uma, 161–2 47–8 Bharatiya Jana Sangh (BJS), 157, 165, 222–4 Andhra Pradesh (state) Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), 20 ideological factions in, 218–21, 227–8 clientelistic strategies of, 63, 86–7 regional parties in, 214 electoral strike rate of, 188–9 Anti-Defection Law, 153, 193–4 under Modi leadership, 1 Anushilan Samiti, 108–9 as opportunistic faction, 229–33 Apna Dal (AD), 47–8 organization of, 165 277 © in this web service Cambridge University Press www.cambridge.org Cambridge University Press 978-1-107-11868-3 - Why Regional Parties?: Clientelism, Elites, and the Indian Party System Adam Ziegfeld Index More information 278 Index Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) (cont.) clientelism programmatic politics and, 88–9 African party systems influenced by, 19 2014 election and, electoral success of, alternative hypotheses to, 137–42 189–90 in Argentina, 120 vote winning by, 86 assumptions about, 119–21 Bharatiya Janshakti Party (BJSP), 161–2, 233 Bahujan Samaj Party and, 63 Bharatiya Kranti Dal (BKD), 229–33 benefits to voters under, 59–60 Bharipa Bahujan Mahasangh (BBM), 47–8 Bharatiya Janata Party and, 63, 86–7 Bhati, Devi Singh, 104–5. See also Rajasthan in Brazil, 245–6 Samajik Nyaya Manch contingent exchange of goods and services, Bhutto, Zulfikar Ali, 252 54 Bihar (state) cross-national data on, 82–3 opportunistic factions in, 221–4 decentralized vote-winning and, 115, 121–3 regional parties in, 214–15 defined, 14–15, 52–6 Biju Janata Dal (BJD), 41 democracy and, 4, 15 Binner, Hermes, 33 Democratic Accountability and Linkages Bodoland People’s Front (BPF), 49 Project (DALP) data, 82–3 Brazil distribution of goods and, 53 clientelism in, 245–6 elites and, 75–8, 207 Law 9096 in, 245–6 ethnographic accounts of, 121 party system in, 245–6 face-to-face transactions as part of, 115 party-switching in, 246 as fixed political feature, 120–1 political elites in, 245–6 incumbency and, 81 regional parties in, 7, 245–6 in India, 80–3 Indian National Election Study (INES), 82–5 cartel parties, 122 institutions and, 129, 137–9 castes in Italy, 54–5 bhadralok, 247–8, 250 national parties and, 115–31 EBCs, 42 in Pakistan, 252 Ezhavas, 248–9 party types, 64–5 Kshatriya Mahasabha, 155–7 permissive institutions and, 142 Kutch Rajput Sabha, 155–7 personalistic appeals in, 55–6 OBCs, 41–2, 93, 200–2, 241–2 political exchange involving, 63–4 politicization of, 200–2 programmatic politics compared to, 53 Rajput, 104–5 regional parties and, 4, 14–16, 58–71, regional parties supported by, 40, 42, 200–2, 115–31, 142, 145–50 241–2 state capacity and, 53 Scheduled Castes, 40, 87, 190, 248–9 as vote-winning strategy, 54–5 Tamil Maanila Congress (Moopanar) and, 108 clientelistic democracies, 4, 15, 56–7. See also Telugu Naickers, 102–3 India causality, direction of, 177–81 alternative hypotheses for explaining, centralization, of government 137–42 fiscal, 74 likelihood of benefits to voters in, 61–4 horizontal, 12, 138 national parties in, 69–71 Chakraborty, Manoj, 110–11 party success in, 65–7 Chaudhuri, Tribid, 109–11 party systems in, 72–3 Chota Nagpur Santhal Parganas Janata Party party type and, 67 (CNSPJP), 156 political exchange and, 63–4 Chiranjeevi, 42–8 regional parties in, 69–71, 133–4 Chowdhury, Adhir Ranjan, 110–11 voter benefits in, 59–60 Chowdhury, Saifuddin, 161–2 voter indifference in, 69–71 Christian democratic parties, 77 voter preferences in, 58–9, 69–71 © in this web service Cambridge University Press www.cambridge.org Cambridge University Press 978-1-107-11868-3 - Why Regional Parties?: Clientelism, Elites, and the Indian Party System Adam Ziegfeld Index More information Index 279 coalition governments. See also single-party contested elections majority governments cross-regional laws for, 139 benefits to politicians under, 181–4 in India, absence of cross-regional rules for, causality and, 177–81 153 Council of Ministers in, 182 by political factions, 209–10 durability of, 188–9 Council of Ministers, 182 elite behavior in, 184–7 Country Liberal Party, 33 increased support for regional parties under, cross-regional contestation laws, 139 182–3 in India, 175–9 Dalal, Karan Singh, 81 Janata Dal in, 176 Dange, S. A., 161–2 during 1990s, 173–5 decentralization, of government as political shift, 170–1 constitutional amendments and, 191 President’s Rule under, 183–4 fiscal, 117–18, 138, 152, 191–3 regional parties and, 171–3, 181–4 horizontal, 117–18, 138 regional party success and, 17 in India, 152 regionalist parties and, 184–5 party system nationalization influenced by, seat-sharing agreements and, 180–1 12–13 Colombia, regional parties in, 33 political, 137 communist parties, 77, 247–50. See also Left regional parties as result of, 190–1 parties decentralized vote-winning organizational advantages of, 248–50 clientelism and, 121–3 political elites and, 247–8 in India, 154–6 Scheduled Castes and, 248–9 programmatic politics and, 122–3 Communist Party of India (CPI), 31, 44–5 decentralized voting, 115 electoral mobilization by, 165 democracy. See also clientelistic democracies; electoral success of, 158, 174 programmatic democracies as ideological faction, 220–1, 226–7 clientelism and, 4, 15 splintering of, 161–2 in India, overview of, 254–5 VFI scores of, 161 internal party, 126, 215 Communist Party of India (Marxist) (CPM), political accountability and, 6 24–5, 31 political factions in beginning stages of, electoral success of, 158, 174 208–9 organization of, 126 Democratic Accountability and Linkages VFI scores for, 161 Project (DALP), 82–3 Communist Party of India (Marxist-Leninist) Desai, Morarji, 182 (Liberation) (CPI(ML)(L)), 44–5 Desiya Murpokku Dravida Kazhagam concentrated minorities, 140 (DMDK), 42–8 concentration of power dismissal of state governments. See President’s horizontal centralization and, 12 Rule party system nationalization influenced by, distribution of goods, 53 12–13 Downs, Anthony, 58 Concurrent List, 190 Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (DMK), 38–9, confessional parties, 57, 76–7 101–2, 185 Congress. See Indian National Congress as ideological faction, 219–20, 227 Congress (I), 176 Self-Respect Movement and, 165 Congress (O), 43, 159, 175–6, 186–7, 224 Tamil Maanila Congress (Moopanar) as Congress (R), 159, 175–6 political ally, 106–7 Congress (S), 176 Dravidar Kazhagam (DK), 219–20 Congress (U), 43, 159–60, 175–6 Congress Socialist Party (CSP), 221, EBCs. See Extremely Backward Castes 248–9 ECI. See Election Commission of India © in this web service Cambridge University Press www.cambridge.org Cambridge University Press 978-1-107-11868-3 - Why Regional Parties?: Clientelism, Elites, and the Indian Party System Adam Ziegfeld Index More information 280 Index economic disparity, regional party success and, sustainability of, 212–13 141, 145, 197–200, 207, 238–41 at time of democratization, 208–9 An Economic Theory of Democracy (Downs), variation in sorting patterns across Indian 58 states, 216–24 Election Commission of India (ECI) federalism classification of political parties by, 31–2 in India, 11 Congress (I) recognition by, 176 political decentralization and, 137 Lok Sabha and, 32 fiscal centralization, 74 new parties and, classification of, 184 fiscal decentralization, 117–18, 138, 152, party registration with, 153 191–3 Vidhan Sabha and, 32 fiscal transfers, 39 electoral feudalism, 251 Forward Bloc. See All India Forward Bloc electoral thresholds, 138, 152–3 Fourth Front, 186 elites, political in beginning stages of democracy, 208–9 Ganatantra Parishad, 155–7 in Brazil, 245–6 Gandhi, Indira, 128, 175–6 clientelism and, 75–8, 207 Gandhi, Rajiv, 176, 179 in coalition governments, 184–7 Gandhi Kamaraj Congress (GKC), 43 communist parties and, 247–8 Ghosh, P. C., 157 defined, 57 Gopalasamy, V., 101–3 fiscal centralization and, 74 Telugu Naickers and, 102–3 ideological factions among, 206, 225–8 Gorkha Janmukti Morcha (GJM), 49 ideology of, 72 Gowri Amma, K. R., 161–2 in Japan, 69 Gujarat (state) in national parties, 68–9 opportunistic factions in, 221–4 party systems influenced by, 67–9, 71–6 regional parties in, 214–15 party type influenced by, 67–9, 76–8 Gujarat Parivartan Party (GPP), 161–2, 233 predictions for, 211–14 regional parties and, 4, 16–18, 68–9, 73–5, Haryana (state) 224–30 opportunistic factions in, 223–4 regional party formation and, 207–14 regional parties in, 214–15 sorting patterns for, 215–16, 224–31 Haryana Janhit Congress (Bhajan Lal) in Taiwan, 69 (HJCBL), 44 ethnic party, 9.
Recommended publications
  • Telangana State Election Commission
    TELANGANA STATE ELECTION COMMISSION Recognized National Political Parties Sl. Symbols in Symbols Name of the Political Party No. English / Telugu Reserved Elephant 1 Bahujan Samaj Party ఏనుగు Lotus 2 Bharatiya Janata Party కమలం Ears of Corn & Sickle 3 Communist Party of India కంకి కొడవ젿 Hammer, Sickle & Star 4 Communist Party of India (Marxist) సుత్తి కొడవ젿 నక్షత్రం Hand 5 Indian National Congress చెయ్యి Clock 6 Nationalist Congress Party గడియారము Recognized State Parties in the State of Telangana Sl. Symbols in Name of the Party Symbols Reserved No. English / Telugu All India Majlis-E-Ittehadul- Kite 1 Muslimeen గా젿 పటం Car 2 Telangana Rastra Samithi కారు Bicycle 3 Telugu Desam Party స ైకిలు Yuvajana Sramika Rythu Ceiling Fan 4 Congress Party పంఖా Recognised State Parties in other States Sl. Symbols in Symbols Name of the Political Party No. English / Telugu Reserved Two Leaves All India Anna Dravida Munnetra 1 Kazhagam ర ండు ఆకులు Lion 2 All India Forward Bloc స ంహము A Lady Farmer 3 Janata Dal (Secular) Carrying Paddy వరి 롋పుతో ఉనన మహిళ Arrow 4 Janata Dal (United) బాణము Hand Pump 5 Rastriya Lok Dal చేత్త పంపు Banyan Tree 6 Samajwadi Party మరిి చెటటు Registered Political Parties with reserved symbol - NIL - TELANGANA STATE ELECTION COMMISSION Registered Political Parties without Reserved Symbol Sl. No. Name of the Political Party 1 All India Stree Shakthi Party 2 Ambedkar National Congress 3 Bahujan Samj Party (Ambedkar – Phule) 4 BC United Front Party 5 Bharateeya Bhahujana Prajarajyam 6 Bharat Labour Party 7 Bharat Janalok Party 8
    [Show full text]
  • Downloaded from the ACCORD As the “Saviours”, and Darfurians Negatively As Only Just the “Survivors”
    CONTENTS EDITORIAL 2 by Vasu Gounden FEATURES 3 Paramilitary Groups and National Security: A Comparison Between Colombia and Sudan by Jerónimo Delgådo Caicedo 13 The Path to Economic and Political Emancipation in Sri Lanka by Muttukrishna Sarvananthan 23 Symbiosis of Peace and Development in Kashmir: An Imperative for Conflict Transformation by Debidatta Aurobinda Mahapatra 31 Conflict Induced Displacement: The Pandits of Kashmir by Seema Shekhawat 38 United Nations Presence in Haiti: Challenges of a Multidimensional Peacekeeping Mission by Eduarda Hamann 46 Resurgent Gorkhaland: Ethnic Identity and Autonomy by Anupma Kaushik BOOK 55 Saviours and Survivors: Darfur, Politics and the REVIEW War on Terror by Karanja Mbugua This special issue of Conflict Trends has sought to provide a platform for perspectives from the developing South. The idea emanates from ACCORD's mission to promote dialogue for the purpose of resolving conflicts and building peace. By introducing a few new contributors from Asia and Latin America, the editorial team endeavoured to foster a wider conversation on the way that conflict is evolving globally and to encourage dialogue among practitioners and academics beyond Africa. The contributions featured in this issue record unique, as well as common experiences, in conflict and conflict resolution. Finally, ACCORD would like to acknowledge the University of Uppsala's Department of Peace and Conflict Research (DPCR). Some of the contributors to this special issue are former participants in the department's Top-Level Seminars on Peace and Security, a Swedish International Development Cooperation Agency (Sida) advanced international training programme. conflict trends I 1 EDITORIAL BY VASU GOUNDEN In the autumn of November 1989, a German continually construct walls in the name of security; colleague in Washington DC invited several of us walls that further divide us from each other so that we to an impromptu celebration to mark the collapse have even less opportunity to know, understand and of Germany’s Berlin Wall.
    [Show full text]
  • Chapter 43 Electoral Statistics
    CHAPTER 43 ELECTORAL STATISTICS 43.1 India is a constitutional democracy with a parliamentary system of government, and at the heart of the system is a commitment to hold regular, free and fair elections. These elections determine the composition of the Government, the membership of the two houses of parliament, the state and union territory legislative assemblies, and the Presidency and vice-presidency. Elections are conducted according to the constitutional provisions, supplemented by laws made by Parliament. The major laws are Representation of the People Act, 1950, which mainly deals with the preparation and revision of electoral rolls, the Representation of the People Act, 1951 which deals, in detail, with all aspects of conduct of elections and post election disputes. 43.2 The Election Commission of India is an autonomous, quasi-judiciary constitutional body of India. Its mission is to conduct free and fair elections in India. It was established on 25 January, 1950 under Article 324 of the Constitution of India. Since establishment of Election Commission of India, free and fair elections have been held at regular intervals as per the principles enshrined in the Constitution, Electoral Laws and System. The Constitution of India has vested in the Election Commission of India the superintendence, direction and control of the entire process for conduct of elections to Parliament and Legislature of every State and to the offices of President and Vice- President of India. The Election Commission is headed by the Chief Election Commissioner and other Election Commissioners. There was just one Chief Election Commissioner till October, 1989. In 1989, two Election Commissioners were appointed, but were removed again in January 1990.
    [Show full text]
  • Growing Cleavages in India? Evidence from the Changing Structure of Electorates, 1962-2014
    WID.world WORKING PAPER N° 2019/05 Growing Cleavages in India? Evidence from the Changing Structure of Electorates, 1962-2014 Abhijit Banerjee Amory Gethin Thomas Piketty March 2019 Growing Cleavages in India? Evidence from the Changing Structure of Electorates, 1962-2014 Abhijit Banerjee, Amory Gethin, Thomas Piketty* January 16, 2019 Abstract This paper combines surveys, election results and social spending data to document the long-run evolution of political cleavages in India. From a dominant- party system featuring the Indian National Congress as the main actor of the mediation of political conflicts, Indian politics have gradually come to include a number of smaller regionalist parties and, more recently, the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP). These changes coincide with the rise of religious divisions and the persistence of strong caste-based cleavages, while education, income and occupation play little role (controlling for caste) in determining voters’ choices. We find no evidence that India’s new party system has been associated with changes in social policy. While BJP-led states are generally characterized by a smaller social sector, switching to a party representing upper castes or upper classes has no significant effect on social spending. We interpret this as evidence that voters seem to be less driven by straightforward economic interests than by sectarian interests and cultural priorities. In India, as in many Western democracies, political conflicts have become increasingly focused on identity and religious-ethnic conflicts
    [Show full text]
  • Nationalist Congress Party Introduction
    Nationalist Congress Party Introduction Nationalist Congress Party, which came into existence only ten years ago, has within this short span of time become a significant party in India. This party was whole-heartedly welcomed by the people from the very inception in June 1999. The people gave such a massive support to the party in the parliamentary elections that was held in 1999, just three months after the formation of the party that the Election Commission of India after assessing the performance of the party in the elections, which the party fought all alone, conferred the “National Recognized Party” status to the party which was the only instance in the history of the country of any party obtaining the national status within such a short period after its formation. Now, NCP has strong functioning units in almost all the states and union territories of the country. The party is in government in three states, Maharashtra, Nagaland and Goa. We have our representatives in ten more states; Kerala, Gujarat, Haryana, Bihar, Orissa, Jharkhand, Arunachal Pradesh, Nagaland, Manipur and Assam. NCP will be ten years old by 10th June 2009. We are thankful to the people for the support they have given us. We are proud of the party’s growth in these years. By the time we celebrate our next birthday, after the elections, NCP will emerge as a leading party in our country capable of playing a decisive role in shaping the future of the country. What NCP stands for NCP stands for a democratic secular society wedded to equality and social justice as well committed to preserve the unity and integrity of our country.
    [Show full text]
  • Social Media Stars:Kerala
    SOCIAL MEDIA STARS: KERALA Two people whose reach goes beyond Kerala and its politics — Congress MP Shashi Tharoor and BJP’s surprise candidate for the Thiruvananthapuram Assembly constituency former cricketer S Sreesanth — lead the Twitter charts in the state. Chief Minister Oommen Chandy and BJP state president K Rajasekaran are also active, often tweeting in Malayalam. Due to long-standing alliances in the state, the United Democratic Front (UDF) led by the Congress has a handle of its own, in addition to independent handles of the parties. Neither the Left Front nor its leaders seem to have figured out Twitter. In the last of a four-part series on social media stars in the poll-bound states of Tamil Nadu, West Bengal, Assam and Kerala, N Sundaresha Subramanian looks at the Twitter scene in God’s Own Country OOMMEN CHANDY Chief Minister, Kerala (Congress) Twitter Handle: @Oommen_Chandy Tweets No. of followers 6,129 51.4K SHASHI THAROOR Congress MP, Thiruvananthapuram Twitter Handle: @ShashiTharoor S SREESANTH Tweets No. of followers BJP candidate, Thiruvananthapuram 30.8K 4.09M Twitter Handle: @sreesanth36 Tweets No. of followers 6,268 1.04M PARTY HANDLES UDF KERALA V MURALEEDHARAN Twitter Handle: @udfkerala BJP veteran Tweets No. of followers Twitter Handle: @MuraliBJP 103 4,602 Tweets No. of followers 625 4,415 CPI(M) KERALAM Twitter Handle: @CPIM_Keralam KUMMANAM RAJASEKHARAN Tweets No. of followers 4,127 State president, BJP 958 Twitter Handle: @Kummanam Tweets No. of followers BJP KERALAM 1,324 10.8K Twitter Handle: @BJP4Keralam Tweets No. of followers RAMESH 3,993 4,906 CHENNITHALA Home Minister , Kerala (Congress) Twitter Handle: @chennithala KERALA CONGRESS Tweets No.
    [Show full text]
  • Secrets of RSS
    Secrets of RSS DEMYSTIFYING THE SANGH (The Largest Indian NGO in the World) by Ratan Sharda © Ratan Sharda E-book of second edition released May, 2015 Ratan Sharda, Mumbai, India Email:[email protected]; [email protected] License Notes This ebook is licensed for your personal enjoyment only. This ebook may not be re-soldor given away to other people. If you would like to share this book with another person,please purchase an additional copy for each recipient. If you’re reading this book and didnot purchase it, or it was not purchased for your use only, then please return to yourfavorite ebook retailer and purchase your own copy. Thank you for respecting the hardwork of this author. About the Book Narendra Modi, the present Prime Minister of India, is a true blue RSS (Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh or National Volunteers Organization) swayamsevak or volunteer. More importantly, he is a product of prachaarak system, a unique institution of RSS. More than his election campaigns, his conduct after becoming the Prime Minister really tells us how a responsible RSS worker and prachaarak responds to any responsibility he is entrusted with. His rise is also illustrative example of submission by author in this book that RSS has been able to design a system that can create ‘extraordinary achievers out of ordinary people’. When the first edition of Secrets of RSS was released, air was thick with motivated propaganda about ‘Saffron terror’ and RSS was the favourite whipping boy as the face of ‘Hindu fascism’. Now as the second edition is ready for release, environment has transformed radically.
    [Show full text]
  • Arunachal Pradesh Legislative Assembly
    ARUNACHAL PRADESH LEGISLATIVE ASSEMBLY ORIGIN AND GROWTH With the enactment of the NEFA Panchayat Raj Regulation (No.3 of 1967), the grounding for the Legislative Assembly of Arunachal Pradesh was prepared. This Regulation introduced a three-tier system: Gram Panchayat at the Village level, Anchal Samiti at the Block level and Zilla Parishad at the District level. An apex Advisory Body, known as the Agency Council with the Governor of Assam as its Chairman, came into being on 29th December, 1969. A step further in the direction was taken with the enactment of NEFA (Administration) Supplementary Regulation, 1971 (No. 4 of 1971) which provided for replacement of the Agency Council by Pradesh Council and appointment of five Counselors’, one from each District, who were in charge of various development departments. This Pradesh Council thus came into being on 2nd October, 1972. As a natural outcome, the demand for a Legislative Assembly was pressed in every sitting of the Pradesh Council which made the Union Government to send a study team to assess the standard of Parliamentary acumen attained by the people of Arunachal Pradesh. The Union Government, after studying all aspects of the matter, agreed to the demand of the people for a Legislative Assembly, and on 15 August 1975, the Pradesh Council was converted into the Provisional Legislative Assembly of the Union Territory with all the members of the Pradesh Council becoming members of the Provisional Legislative Assembly and the Councilors being given the rank of Ministers. STRUCTURE OF LEGISLATURE Arunachal Pradesh has unicameral Legislature ever since its inception.
    [Show full text]
  • Village Politics in Kerala—I
    THE ECONOMIC WEEKLY February 20, 1965 Village Politics in Kerala—I Kathleen Gough The arrest of 800 Leftist Communists at the end of 1964, 150 of them from Kerala, raises such questions as who supports the Leftists, why, and how political parties operate in Kerala*s villages. I shall discuss these questions with reference to a village in central Kerala, using comparative data from a second village in the northern part of the State. My first acquaintance with these villages was in 1948 and 1949. 1 returned to restudy them between April and September 1964, It is not suggested that these villages are typical of Kerala communities. Both, for example, contain a majority of Leftist Communist supporters, and both form wards within Leftist-dominated panchayats. (1 do not know what proportion of Kerala's 922 panchayats are dominated by the Leftists, but probably rather less than a third, judging by estimates received from district party offices). In both villages only one other party, the Congress, has an active organization, In both, the S S P and the Rightist Communists each, in 1964, had only one or two supporters; in the northern village, some half dozen Muslim families supported the Muslim League. Kerala's smaller parties, such as the Revolutionary Socialist Party and the Christian Karshaka Thozhilali Party, are more locally based and in these villages had no supporters at all. Situated in the midland farming areas, the two villages can also afford no insight into politics on the large tea and rubber estates to the east, the coastal fishing or coir or cashew-nut processing communities, or the bigger ports.
    [Show full text]
  • Failure of the Mahagathbandhan
    ISSN (Online) - 2349-8846 Failure of the Mahagathbandhan In the Lok Sabha elections of 2019 in Uttar Pradesh, the contest was keenly watched as the alliance of the Samajwadi Party, Bahujan Samaj Party, and Rashtriya Lok Dal took on the challenge against the domination of the Bharatiya Janata Party. What contributed to the continued good performance of the BJP and the inability of the alliance to assert its presence is the focus of analysis here. In the last decade, politics in Uttar Pradesh (UP) has seen radical shifts. The Lok Sabha elections 2009 saw the Congress’s comeback in UP. It gained votes in all subregions of UP and also registered a sizeable increase in vote share among all social groups. The 2012 assembly elections gave a big victory to the Samajwadi Party (SP) when it was able to get votes beyond its traditional voters: Muslims and Other Backward Classes (OBCs). The 2014 Lok Sabha elections saw the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) winning 73 seats with its ally Apna Dal. It was facilitated by the consolidation of voters cutting across caste and class, in favour of the party. Riding on the popularity of Narendra Modi, the BJP was able to trounce the regional parties and emerge victorious in the 2017 assembly elections as well. But, against the backdrop of anti-incumbency, an indifferent economic record, and with the coming together of the regional parties, it was generally believed that the BJP would not be able to replicate its success in 2019. However, the BJP’s performance in the 2019 Lok Sabha elections shows its continued domination over the politics of UP.
    [Show full text]
  • Political Economy of India's Fiscal and Financial Reform*
    Working Paper No. 105 Political Economy of India’s Fiscal and Financial Reform by John Echeverri-Gent* August 2001 Stanford University John A. and Cynthia Fry Gunn Building 366 Galvez Street | Stanford, CA | 94305-6015 * Associate Professor, Department of Government and Foreign Affairs, University of Virginia 1 Although economic liberalization may involve curtailing state economic intervention, it does not diminish the state’s importance in economic development. In addition to its crucial role in maintaining macroeconomic stability, the state continues to play a vital, if more subtle, role in creating incentives that shape economic activity. States create these incentives in a variety of ways including their authorization of property rights and market microstructures, their creation of regulatory agencies, and the manner in which they structure fiscal federalism. While the incentives established by the state have pervasive economic consequences, they are created and re-created through political processes, and politics is a key factor in explaining the extent to which state institutions promote efficient and equitable behavior in markets. India has experienced two important changes that fundamentally have shaped the course of its economic reform. India’s party system has been transformed from a single party dominant system into a distinctive form of coalitional politics where single-state parties play a pivotal role in making and breaking governments. At the same time economic liberalization has progressively curtailed central government dirigisme and increased the autonomy of market institutions, private sector actors, and state governments. In this essay I will analyze how these changes have shaped the politics of fiscal and financial sector reform.
    [Show full text]
  • List of Participating Political Parties and Abbreviations
    Election Commission of India- State Election, 2008 to the Legislative Assembly Of Rajasthan LIST OF PARTICIPATING POLITICAL PARTIES PARTY TYPE ABBREVIATION PARTY NATIONAL PARTIES 1 . BJP Bharatiya Janata Party 2 . BSP Bahujan Samaj Party 3 . CPI Communist Party of India 4 . CPM Communist Party of India (Marxist) 5 . INC Indian National Congress 6 . NCP Nationalist Congress Party STATE PARTIES - OTHER STATES 7 . AIFB All India Forward Bloc 8 . CPI(ML)(L) Communist Party of India (Marxist-Leninist) (Liberation) 9 . INLD Indian National Lok Dal 10 . JD(S) Janata Dal (Secular) 11 . JD(U) Janata Dal (United) 12 . RLD Rashtriya Lok Dal 13 . SHS Shivsena 14 . SP Samajwadi Party REGISTERED(Unrecognised) PARTIES 15 . ABCD(A) Akhil Bharatiya Congress Dal (Ambedkar) 16 . ABHM Akhil Bharat Hindu Mahasabha 17 . ASP Ambedkar Samaj Party 18 . BHBP Bharatiya Bahujan Party 19 . BJSH Bharatiya Jan Shakti 20 . BRSP Bharatiya Rashtravadi Samanta Party 21 . BRVP Bhartiya Vikas Party 22 . BVVP Buddhiviveki Vikas Party 23 . DBSP Democratic Bharatiya Samaj Party 24 . DKD Dalit Kranti Dal 25 . DND Dharam Nirpeksh Dal 26 . FCI Federal Congress of India 27 . IJP Indian Justice Party 28 . IPC Indian People¿S Congress 29 . JGP Jago Party 30 . LJP Lok Jan Shakti Party 31 . LKPT Lok Paritran 32 . LSWP Loktantrik Samajwadi Party 33 . NLHP National Lokhind Party 34 . NPSF Nationalist People's Front ASSEMBLY ELECTIONS - INDIA (Rajasthan ), 2008 LIST OF PARTICIPATING POLITICAL PARTIES PARTY TYPE ABBREVIATION PARTY REGISTERED(Unrecognised) PARTIES 35 . RDSD Rajasthan Dev Sena Dal 36 . RGD Rashtriya Garib Dal 37 . RJVP Rajasthan Vikas Party 38 . RKSP Rashtriya Krantikari Samajwadi Party 39 . RSD Rashtriya Sawarn Dal 40 .
    [Show full text]