CHAPTER IV

CASTE AND STATUS AMONG MUSLIMS IN AHMADNAGAR

In this chapter we propose to investigate in detail the account of 12 occupational groups out of 25 occupational groups surveyed.

Detail Account of 12 Occupational Groups

Out of 12 occupational groups which were studied in detail, Tarabatkar, Rangrez, Pinjari and Momin are craftsman groups, Bagban, Tamooli, Gao-quasab, Bakkar-quasab are trading groups and Bawarchi is service group. Remaining three are religious sects, viz., Bohra, Shia Imami Ismaili and Mahdavi.

Excluding these religious sects, the first charac­ teristic of these occupational groups is that they bear distinct names. These names are derived from the traditional occupations which members of these groups either pursued in the past or are engaged in today.

The second characteristic of these groups is their association with traditional occupation. Traditionally the Tambatkars were metal craftsman particularly in copper. They used to mint coins, cast cannons apart from casting and manufacturing utensils. In addition to this they were engaged in two other kinds of occupations, viz., oil pressing

114 115 and owners of modikhana. The former is to extract oil from sesame and the latter storing of foodgrains and other goods and its distribution. In these occupations are still followed by them. In Ahmadnagar few families of Tambatkars are still following their traditional occupation of metal craftsman exclusively. But the nature of their occupation has changed in the course of time. They do not cast metal any more. Instead, they prepare utensils out of brass sheets casted in the factory by way of hammering it. The copper is being replaced by brass for its utility and it being cheaper than copper. Beef-butching is traditional occupation of Gao-quasabs. Ninety per cent follow its traditional calling. Fruit business in traditional occupa­ tion of Bagbans and &0 per cent are engaged in this trade. Goat-butching is traditional occupation of Bakkar-quasabs. Almost entire group was reported to be following its tradi­ tional occupation. Momins are handloom weavers and weaving is their traditional occupation. Only three families were reported to follow its traditional occupation. Selling betel leaves is traditional occupation of Tambolis. Seventy per cent families were reported to follow its traditional occupation. Cotton teasing and preparing mattresses is traditional occupation of Pinjaris. About $0 per cent are engaged in its traditional callings. Rangrez are dyers. Dyeing clothes is their traditional occupation. Only one family was reported to be following it and two families were following it as side-business. Bawarchis are 116 professional cooks and cooking is their traditional occu­ pation. Almost entire group is following its traditional occupation.

There is no economic interdependence among these groups as observed in villages revolving around land and based on Jajmani System.

It is clear from the above description that some of the groups do not follow its traditional callings completely and occupational changes have taken place. In fact due to industrialization and urbanization occupational changes have occurred. There is a tendency among members of the group which can no more practise its traditional occupation to take to other callings.

Bohras, Shia Imami Ismailis and Mahdavis are religious sects. Bohras and Shia Imami Ismailis are business communities and do not practise any particular occupation as their tradi­ tional occupation. Mahdavis were once Jahagirdars and v.Tere engaged in agriculture.

The third attribute of these groups is Janat-bandi or caste organization. The caste organisation is called as Jamat-bandi. 'This system is the traditional expression of communal solidarity in a concrete form, designed to regulate the affairs of the community and to apply sanctions against the infractions of the communal code. 117

A caste organisation is normal prerequisite for any caste. The caste organizations exist among the Muslim groups in Ahmadnagar. Misra has reported the existence of caste 2 organizations among the Muslim communities in . Hutton also mentions about an out-casted man of the Muslim Chamargaurs of Banda has to serve food to his own caste men and Hindu Chamargaurs of the place and some Brahmins to 3 reinstate his status in nis caste. The Jarnat-bandi as it exists in the Muslim groups in Ahmadnagar can broadly be divided into two categories. Those caste councils which are more traditional in manner and the office of the head is hereditary. The rules regarding code of conduct and the functioning of such organisations is un­ written. All such organizations fall into first category. On the other hand there are some caste organizations which run on formal basis, which has written constitution and the office bearers of which are elected. Jamat Organization Among Tambatkar

The jamat organization among Tambatkar is a formal one and registered as 'Nagori Muslim Misgar Jamat Trust, Ahmadnagar, No. F-17.'4

The organisation has written constitution in which objects of the organization, rules and regulations regarding the membership to the trust, powers and privileges of the board of trustees, meetings of the board of trustees, dis- 118 qualification and expulsion of the trustees/members/office bearers, etc., are defined in detail.

Membership Criteria : All persons belonging to the Nagori Muslim Misgar Jamat staying in Ahmadnagar and born of Nagori Muslim Misgar father can become member provided he is above 18 years, he must be citizen of India, he should apply for membership in the prescribed form, and his membership should be approved by the board of trustees.

The organization maintains a register in which full name of the member, his address, date of the approval of his membership and the signature of the member is given.

Such members registered with the trust have right to vote at the election and if willing to contest it. Those not fulfilling the above-mentioned conditions have no right to vote.

There are five constituencies in and some districts of . These include the cities, towns, villages coming under its jurisdiction. The Ahmadnagar constituency includes Ahmadnagar City, its cantonment, Bhingar, Kedgaon, M.I.D.C. industrial area, and the area falling within the periphery of 5 kilometers of the above-mentioned places.

Board of Trustees and Office Bearers

For the management of properties and affairs of the trust, the board of trustees constituting not less than nine members are elected. Out of these President, General Secretary and Treasurer are elected. The remaining act as members. The 119 executive body remains in power for the period of five years.

Maintenance of Records

The trust keeps a minute book in which clear report of the proceedings at each of the meetings is kept. It also maintains a register in which complete list of the movable and immovable property is given which is verified by the trustees from time to time. It maintains accounts of the trust properties which is audited yearly.

Source of Income

The jamat organization has movable and immovable property from which the organization gets regular rent. Apart from this, donations in cash and kind, gifts, bequests are accepted.

At present it has a Misgar Educational Board which runs a primary school, high school and a sewing class for ladies. The educational board also looks after the Misgar library and sports club. The jamat also runs a Madrasa to impart reli­ gious education to children. It also looks after the main­ tenance of two mosques and the burial ground. The organization helps people in settling their disputes. It provides monetary help to the needy and poor. It gives financial help by way of scholarships to the promising students. It helps aged, helpless and widows.

In an informal discussion with the members the author was informed that, though excommunication is prohibited by law, if any person violates the norms of the jamat is excommuni cat ed. 120

Jamat Organization among; Gao-quasab

The jamat organization among the Gao-quasab is informal one. The head of the panchayat is called 'Chaudhari' whose position is hereditary. There is no formal executive body and no written constitution. The rules and regulations which govern the life of its members are orally followed and transmitted.

Mode of Functioning

When any matter is to be discussed or any member violates the norm, the Chaudhari convenes the meeting of entire commu­ nity at a fixed place. The offender is summoned before him and the entire community. The Chaudhari or one of the elders explains the nature of the offence committed and calls upon the offender to admit it or justify it. The Chaudhari after taking suggestions and opinions from the assembled members pronounces the decision of the group.

Any person who does not agree to the opinion can express it. At this juncture the Chaudhari takes opinion from other members. The decision is taken on consensus of opinions.

Nature of Punishment

If the offender is proved guilty, he is penalised depending on the nature of his offence. The offender is excommunicated if the offence is very grave and the entire community in the district is intimated about it. If the offence is not so grave, in such cases the offender is 121 nominally fined. The fine is just 10 paisa. This is just to make him and the assembled realise that the person has violated the norm.

If an excommunicated member wishes to be taken back in the community, in such case the offender admits his fault and renders his apology. The person then feeds the entire commu­ nity after which he is readmitted in the community.

When marriage is settled, both the parties have to take formal consent of the Chaudhari prior to the solemnization of nikah.

The organization settles disputes among its members, arranges religious functions and helps the needy and poor. It is interesting to note that if a group member is caught slaughtering cow without proper licence, the organization helps him out in every possible way.

Jamat Organization Among Bagban

The Jamat Organization among Bagban is registered as 'Ahmadnagar Bagban Trust , B-124.1 It has a governing body consisting of Chairman, Vice-Chairman, Secretary, Treasurer and three trustees.

Membership Criteria

Male head of the household and adult males over 18 years can become member and have power of voting, provided they have paid the membership fees which is Re. l/- per head per year. 122

The Governing Body

The governing body consists of seven office bearers and trustees. First of all the candidates are nominated by the members. If the nomination number exceeds seven, in such case election takes place. The nominated/elected candidates choose office bearers among themselves by consensus and the remaining work as trustees. The office bearers remain in power for the period of three years.

Rules and their Execution

There is no written constitution and rules and regulations are passed over orally.

When marriage is settled, both the parties have to inform about it to the Jamat organization and take its permission. Failing to do so, not a single member from the Jamat will attend their wedding. At the time of taking permission, both the parties together have to pay Rs.5l/- as a donation which is compulsory. In case the parties are poor and unable to pay the donation, in such cases they are exempted from it.

If any party does not inform and obtain permission from the Jamat, the party is penalised and has to pay the fine which is decided by the Jamat organization. The author was acquainted with one such case. Mr. A did not inform about the settlement of his son's marriage and did not obtain permission. When Jamat came to know about this, Mr. A was summoned before 123 the Jamat and was told about the consequences he would face. Mr. A realized his mistake and rendered his apology. He was fined Rs. 125/-. In addition to this he paid the compulsory donation of Rs. 5l/_ (See Appendix A).

The author was informed that the marriage should take place within the Sagban community, failing to which the offender is excommunicated.

If marriage enga^anent^oroKen without any proper reason, the person is fined Rs. 500/- (See Appendix B). Any offender who has violated the norm is given understanding. He is summoned before the Jamat. There he admits his fault in front of everybody and renders his apology. The Jamat excuses him depending on the nature of his fault.

Source of Income

Besides membership subscription, the trust has its own property - Jamatkhana and a social centre - which is rented out. The Jamat also accepts voluntary donations. Bagbans have separate mosque and an independent burial ground. The Imam's salary and the maintenance expenses of the mosque and grave-yard are met by the trust.

Social Functions of the Jamat Organization

The organization has established separate fund known as Ahmadnagar Bagban Talimi Fund which caters educational needs of the poor and needy students. The organization settles the disputes among its members. It maintains its property records. It helps the poor and the widow by way of giving monetary 124 assistance to them. It organises religious functions.

Jamat Organization Among Bakkar-quasab

Two jamat organizations among Bakkar-quasab are operating independently for two localities in the city. They are 'Bakkar-quasab Jamat Zendigate Trust' and 'Bakkar-quasab Jamat Juna Mangal Bazar Trust1. Since both operate on the same principle, we would delineate the functioning of one jamat organization.

The jamat organization among Bakkar-quasab is informal. The head of the organization is called 'Chaudhari' whose position is hereditary.

Membership Criteria

Every male head of the household and adult male is member of the organization. There is no membership subscrip­ tion.

The Governing Body

The governing body consists of one Chaudhari and four panch. These panch are nominated by the jamat. One of the panch serves as treasurer and looks after the organization's accounts. The panch remain in power throughout their life. There is no written constitution. The rules and regulations governing life of its members are orally followed and transmitted. 125

Mode of Functioning

When anybody commits any offence or violates the norm, the Chaudhari calls up the meeting of the entire community. The offender is summoned before the council. One of the panch explains the nature of the offence committed. The offender either has to admit his wrong deed or defend it. The Chaudhari pronounces the decision after consulting panch. If proved guilty, the offender is fined depending on the nature of his offence. The highest amount of fine is Rs.l5l/- and the severe form of punishment is excommunication.

If an excommunicated member wishes to be taken back in the community, in such case the offender admits his fault and renders his apology before the council after which he is readmitted in the community.

Source of Income

The fine is credited into the accounts of Jaraat. Besides this, the organization has jamat-khana which is rented out. For each marriage the couple has to denote Rs.5l/- (Rs. 15/- from bride and Rs. 36/- from groom) to the Jamat which is called 'khushi*. Sometimes goat-butching is lavied 10 paisa per goat to meet the expenses.

The organization settles disputes among its members, penalises him who does not abide by panchayat rules. The Bakkar-quasabs have separate mosque and burial ground the maintenance of which is looked after by the organization. 126

Jamat Organization among; Momins

The jamat organization among Momins is formed in September 19&4 and registered as 'Ahmadnagar District Julaha (Momin) Jamat Trust, Ahmadnagar'.J The organization has written constitution wherein the objects of the organisation are spelt out.

Membership Criteria

Male head of the family and every adult male in the family above 18 years can become member of the organization. The membership subscription per head is Rs. 2/- per annum.

Governing Body

For the management of affairs of the trust, the board of trustees constituting not more than seven members and not less than two members are elected. This body elects chairman and secretary from amongst them and the remaining act as trustees. The executive body remains in power for five years.

Source of Income

Since the trust is recently formed, it does not have any movable or immovable property. However, the organization accepts voluntary donations. The interest on such donations becomes the property of the organization. «t the time of marriage, both the parties have to pay Rs.25/- as donation. (Rs. 15/- from groom's party and Rs. lo/- from bride's party). 127

The lower of Trustees

The trustees are vested with the power to call the meeting, to implement the schemes, formulate rules, if required alter them, etc. In case if there arises any vacancy in the trust, it should be filled with majority of votes. In cane if there remains only one trustee, he has full power and right to appoint the office bearers.

Since the organization is recently formed, it has yet to gain firm ground and function smoothly.

Jamat Organization Among Tamboli

The jamat organization among Tamboli is formal and known as 'Anjumane Ittehade Tambolian Jamat'. It has a governing body consisting of President, Vice-President, Secretary, Joint Secretary, Treasurer and Mutwalli.

Membership Criteria

All male head of the household and adult males of the community are members of the jamat organization and have right to elect the executive body. A meeting of all members is convened by the out-going president in which the new body is elected.

The Governing Body

The governing body consists of six office bearers mentioned above. In addition to this there is an advisory committee consisting of seven members elected by the jamat. 128

The main function of this Committee is to advice and assist the executive body. The president has right and power to remove any member of this committee and appoint new one if the former is found not performing his duty properly. The duty of the Mutwalli is to look after the maintenance of mosque and burial ground and management of other property belonging to the trust. The executive body and the members on the advisory committee remain in power for the period of five years.

Rules and their Execution

There is no written constitution. Rules and regula­ tions are orally followed and passed on, which are implemented by the executive body. A meeting is convened by the president if any member violates the norm. The offender is summoned before the Council. The president or one of the executive members explains the nature of his wrong deed and calls upon the offender to admit it or make his defence. If proved guilty the offender is penalised depending upon the nature of his offence. In most of the cases he is fined or debarred from the membership for a short period. The fine is credited into the jamat account. The severe form of penalty is ex­ communication which is very rare. If an excommunicated member desires to be taken back in the jamat, in such case he should present himself before the council. He admits his fault and renders apology after which he is readmitted in the community. 129

Source of Income

The organisation has movable and immovable property from which it gets regular rent. Besides this, donations are accepted.

The organization functions at various levels. Apart from local council, there is Taluka level council, district level council and state level council which solve problems of jamat members. The organization besides settling other disputes tries to settle disputes among husband and wife. It tries to smoothen the strained marital relations. A person seeking divorce has to present himself before the local council and give his justification. To avoid unnecessary expenses, the organization arranges mass marriages of prospected brides and grooms of the community at a nominal charge. It provides monetary help to the needy and poor. It organizes various religious functions.

Jamat Organization Amon^ Mahdavis

The ja^at organization among Mahdavis is informal one. There is no executive body nor does there exist any written constitution. The Murshid, i.e., the local religious priest is the head of the jamat and the entire jamat functions as organization. The office of the Murshid is hereditary. Elder members act as panch. There is no specific criteria for membership. Generally all male head of the household and adult males are considered its members. The rules and 130 regulations which govern the life of its members are orally followed and transmitted.

If any person misbehaves or violates the code of conduct, in such case a word is passed around about his misdeed. Elder persons approach the Murshid and acquaint him with all the facts. The Murshid then calls the meeting of the entire jamat. The offender is summoned before the jamat. One of the elders explains the nature of the offence committed, and calls upon the offender to admit it or make his defence. The Murshid gives his decision in consultation with the elders, depending on the status of the offender. The offender if proved guilty, has to pay the fine in cash or feed the entire community. The fine goes to the Murshid. If the offender refuses to admit his i'ault, in such case, he is excommunicated. No member is allowed to keep any sort of social contact with him.

If the offender wishes to be taken back in the commu­ nity, then again the meeting of the entire jamat is called up. The misdeed of the offender is declared to the community. The offender admits his fault and renders his apology to the community. He agrees to pay the fine or feed the entire community, whichever is convenient to him, after which he is readmitted in the community.

Jamat Organization Among Rangrez

The jamat organization among Rangrez is formal 131 and known as 'Beradari Rangrezan Dakkhani'. It has written constitution namely 'Dasture Amal Beradari Rangrezan Dakkhan'. The organization which is recently formed covers Maharashtra State, State, and Andhra Pradesh in its jurisdiction and those Rangrez living in these states.

Aims and objects of the organization, the designations of the managing committee, total number of its members, mode of its functioning, the powers and privileges of managing committee are spelt out in detail in the Jamat constitution.

The membership fee for 'Beradari Rangrezan Dakkhan1 is Rs. 11/- per head per annum.

Twenty two members are nominated to form the managing committee. Out of these nine office bearers are elected. They are Sadar (President), four naib Sadar (Vice-President), Secretary, two naib secretary (Joint Secretary), Treasurer and the remaining thirteen work as members. The managing committee looks after the entire territory coming under its jurisdiction mentioned earlier.

The meeting of the managing committee is called once a year at any place which comes under its jurisdiction. Emergency meetings can be called if necessary. The organi­ zation maintains a register in which clear report of the proceedings of each meeting is kept and signed by all those who attend the meeting. The defaulter of the jamat cannot 13 2 sign the register.

The beradari elects an 'Intejamiya Committee' to solve the problems of its members.

Inte.lamiya Committee

The Intejamiya Committee consists of a Sadar (President), four naib Sadar (Vice-President), a Secretary, three naib secretary (Joint Secretary), a Treasurer and twelve members.

The Committee elects the office bearers by way of majority of opinion. In case of equal votes, the Sadar will cast his decisive vote. The Intejamiya Committee is elected after every three years in the annual meeting of the beradari.

If required this term can be extended.

The constitution defines the mode of its functioning and the power and duties of the executive members of the

Intejamiya Committee.

The Committee will ascertain the truth in the presence of both the parties, when any matter or dispute is placed before it, and give its judgement which will be considered as the judgement of entire beradari.

Anybody not satisfied with the judgement can appeal before the managing committee in its annual meeting. If the beradari after thorough enquiry uphelds the judgement given by the Intejamiya Committee, can take any action whichever it thinks proper a0ainst the suitor. 133

Customs and Regulations regarding Engagement, Marriage and Divorce

Engagement

At the time of engagement according to custom, the groom's party will bring four pairs of clothes, the ornaments of silver weighing not less than 10 tolas and not more than 51 tolas. (1 tola is equal to approximately 10 grams.) Sweets weighing between 1 Kg. and 5 Kgs. and 250 grams of dry fruit. If anybody brings more than what is prescribed, will be considered as defaulter of the beradari. Presenting golden ornaments is not allowed.

After engagement both the parties have to send Rs. 10/- by Money Order to the treasurer and obtain receipt, and inform the secretary about the engagement in writing. Failing to do so will be considered as defaulter.

In case the parties want to break the engagement due to any reason, both the parties should inform about it to the Intejamiya Committee. The decision of the Committee will be binding on both the parties.

If both the parties intend to break the engagement willingly, in such case, they should inform about it to the Committee so as to keep the record. Failing to do so will be considered as defaulter of the beradari.

Marriage

No person can marry outside the beradari (community). 134

Whosoever breaches this norm, and all those who help him will be treated as defaulter of the beradari.

The amount of Mahr fixed is Rs. 25l/-. For the marriage purpose both the parties will have to send Rs. 25/- each to the treasurer and obtain receipt.

There are other minute rules regarding how many times food will be served to the marriage party, inclusion of local beradari for food, and regarding number of guests, etc.

If the groom demands dowry in the form of wristwatch, ring, dress, etc., he will be considered as an offender by the beradari.

Divorce

No one can divorce his wife under any circumstances. If such situation arises, both the parties should inform about it to the Intejamiya Committee. The beradari, if thinks it proper would permit to give divorce or find out any other solution. If any person divorces his wife without informing about it to the beradari, the said person will be fined Rs. 5,000/- to Rs. 10,000/-. Besides this, the beradari can impose any other penalty on him.

Whosoever divorces his wife without informing about it to the beradari, it will be binding on him to present himself before the beradari and admit his fault, otherwise no one from the beradari will form any relationship with him. If anybody found giving him girl for marriage, will equally be 135 treated as defaulter of the beradari.

There are other minute rules regarding the number of times food to be served at the time of mourning, decision of the beradari or Intejamiya Committee to call emergency meetings, etc.

Among two Shia Ismaili communities the nature of Jamat organization is very sophisticated. They have written constitution and the local head of the organization is appointed by the religious head of that community and all powers are concentrated in the hands of religious heads. He is the final authority to decide the matters.

Jamat Organization Among Daudi Bohras

The religious head of the Daudi Bohra community is called Dai-mutlaq (Sayyidna). Dai appoints one representative for each city/town/village who is called Amil. Amil selects few names from among the local people and sends the list to Sayyidna for his approval to form the local organization. After the approval of Sayyidna the organization is formed.

Membership Criteria

A person born of a Bohra father and Bohra mother is a member of jamat provided the youth has taken mithaq.

Form of the Local Organisation

(1) President (Amil) (2) Secretary (3) Trustees. 136

The number of trustees is not fixed. The local body remains in power for three years.

Mode of Functioning

There is a written constitution centering around the fact that all the council members will obey Sayyidna and execute his orders. Sayyidna directs his orders to the Amil. Amil looks after the religious activities and imple­ mentation of Sayyidna's orders. He is vested with power to deal with all minor things. He refers important matters or cases to Sayyidna who is the final authority. Every adult Bohra youth, on attaining the age of puberty, has to take mithaq. Mithaq is an oath of allegiance to the religious doctrines and to Sayyidna. It is Amil who administers mithaq on behalf of Sayyidna.

Any member who violates the norm is either fined or excommunicated depending upon the nature of his offence. Excommunication is the worst form of punishments particularly among Bohras. If any member refuses to obey the orders (Farman) given by the Sayyidna, in such a case Sayyidna pronounces Baraat (excommunication) on him. A member on whom baraat is pronounced is cut off from his family, parents, wife and children, brothers and sisters. He is denied of his right to enter a mosque. He is not allowed in the houses of Bohra Muslim friends or relatives and he is not permitted to marry in a Bohra Muslim family. If death occurs in Bohra 137 house, a permission is to be obtained from the local Arail for his burial on behalf of Sayyidna. In case a person is excommunicated and if death occurs in his house, he is denied the right to bury the dead in the burial ground and funeral prayers. No one from the jaraat is allowed to join the funeral procession.

If the offender repents over his mistake and wishes to be taken back in the community, then in such case, he has to approach to Sayyidna directly. The Sayyidna then will summon the Amil and other Committee members. There the offender has to admit his misdeed and render his apology in writing to Sayyidna. Again he has to take the mithaq after which he is forgiven and taken back in the community.

Source of Income

The jamat gets income from the following sources. A Daudi Bohra has to pay a number of compulsory taxes.

1. Every household has to pay some tax monthly aepending upon the financial position of its members.

2. At the time of festival, taxes are levied on a person who is giving dinner.

3. In times of difficulty the Bohras take a vow to spare particular amount as vow money if their problem is solved.

4. Rental income from the local jamat property. 133

This amount is collected by the Amil. The salary of the Amil and other expenses are met from the collected amount and the remaining amount is sent to the Sayyidna.

The Jamat Organization Among Shia Imami Ismaili

The jamat organisation among the Shia Imami Ismaili is known as 'Ismailia Association of India1. It has written constitution, namely, 'The Constitution of the Shiya Imami 7 Ismaili Muslims in India'.\ His Highness Prince Karim Aga Khan the 49th Imam is the religious head of the community.

The organization has two bodies for religious and administrative purpose. Each operates on three different levels. Federal Council for all India level, regional council and local council. Each regional council controls the stat&s, cities, towns coming under its jurisdiction.

The local council at Ahmadnagar comes under the jurisdiction of 'Ismaili Association Local Board of Poona'. The local council consists of chairman, secretary and some members which are appointed by the Imam. The executive body remains in pov.rer for three years.

The local council looks after the jamat-khana and religious night schools. Each jamat-khana has one 'Mukhi' and 'Kamadiya' who look after the jamatkhana, burial ground, religious night school and other religious activities. The children are given religious education in the night school. 139

Functions of the Council

The council besides settling other disputes among its members tries to negotiate and settle the dispute among husband and wife. The judgement of the council is binding on both the parties.

Financial Assistance

The organization has two trusts, namely, 'Aga Khan Foundation* and 'Diamond Jubilee Trust'. These two trusts help in solving all kinds of financial problems of its members. The 'Diamond Jubilee Trust' particularly gives the financial assistance to the needy and promising poor students who wi sh to pursue higher education.

It will be seen from the above account that jamat organization has undergone change in recent time. The' jamat-bandi among Tambatkar, Bagban, Tamboli, Rangrez and Momin are taking the form of formal organization. Whereas the traditional pattern is preserved in relatively backward communities like Gao-quasab and Bakkar-quasab. Two Shia Ismaili communities have very sophisticated form of jamat organization. The Pinjaries and Bawarchies do not have jamat organization.

Most of the organisations have separate fund to help their youth in case they face difficulty in taking education. It also helps thera in solving their livelihood needs. It helps the widow, needy and the poor. 1A0

Though excommunication is legally forbidden in 1962, it is one of the effective means of controlling the members in the hands of most of the organisations. The jamat-bandi among all occupational groups shows the tendency to maintain social entity of each group.

Thus it can be said that the jamat-bandi is undergoing change in keeping pace with time. It strengthens the internal cohesion within the community and provides a sense of security among its members.

The fourth characteristic of these groups is that they are endogamous units. The most striking feature of Hindu caste system is strict endogamy. It is such a dominent feature of caste society that Westerrnarck regards endogamy as the essence of caste system.

Among Muslim groups in Ahmadnagar two Shia Ismaili communities are strict endogamous units. They prefer marriages within their communities. Though the respondents reported that 'it will not make any difference if a boy or a girl marries outside the community' but in actual practice they observe strict endogamy.

Mahdavis were once practising strict endogamy. They prefer marriage relations within their sect. But if proper match is not available, there is a tendency these days to form marriage unions with Sayyad and Shaikh. 141

Gao-ouasab, Bakkar-quasab, Bagban, Tamboli and Rangrez are strict endogamous groups. They marry among themselves. Any attempt to breach the rule is either met with excommu­ nication from the group or faces the problem of arranging marriage of his children within the group. Tambatkar is also an endogamous group. They prefer marriage relations among themselves. But the breach of the rule does not meet witii the severe penalty. The violator is not outcasted but gets unvoluntary recognition to such unions.

Momin and Bawarchi prefer marrying among themselves, but when they do not find proper match in their own group, they establish marriage relations outside the group.

Respondents among Gao-quasab, Bakkar-quasab, Bagban, Tamboli and Rangrez could not cite any single example of intercaste marriage. However, there are few instances where a Mahdavi married to a Tambatkar girl, a Bohra girl married to non-Bohra and a Mahdavi married to a non-Mahdavi girl.

The fifth attribute of these occupational groups is that there is some hierarchical gradation among them. One of the salient features of caste system is hierarchical placements of various occupational groups. The basis of this hierarchical placement, i.e., pollution and ritual purity is deeply rooted in religious ideology. As a result society gets divided into number of strata, depending on the relative status of each caste group. Caste claim higher status by reference to the 142 criteria of being ritually pure which originates from practising particular occupation and differences of diet. Srinivas observes that the essence of hierarchy in the absence of equality among the units which are associated Q with ranked differences of diet and occupation. Mayor observes that 'occupations are regarded as having different value, in some cases being ritually distin­ guished, and in other varying in the general prestige attached to them.' In other words the principle of hierarchy of occupations is based on the ritual and social significance adhered to them. Consequently some occupations are ranked high and others low.

•The ideal theory of castes laid down certain duties as common to all of them and some as specific to each.' Accordingly the Brahmins were allotted the duty of teaching and officiating as priests at the sacrifices of other castes. The Kshatriyas were assigned the duty of administration and protection of life, the Vaishyas were allotted the work of trading and lastly, the Sudras were given the duty of serving the other castes.

Bougie observes that 'the priestly class possesses a privileged position everywhere, and often holds the highest 12 rank. ' But it is in India where it dominates without any contradiction. As a result, born for the religious functions, Brahmins occupy the highest position in social hierarchy. He 143

•asserts his superiority over everyone else from his monopoly of the performance of rites necessary in everyone's life, as 13 well as from his commensal exclusiveness. Similarly castes engaged in fighting, administration and protection of life occupy next highest position after Brahmins, followed by castes who engage in trade. Mayor observes that 'any work which is connected with dead things or bodily emissions pollutes seriously',1 4 hence considered low. Consequently the tanner and the sweeper are placed at the bottom of the scale. Similarly Barber's work involves handling hair and nail after they are separated from body. These things defile man who handles them. Hence the Barber occupies higher position than that of tanner and sweeper. Srinivas also observes that 'working with leather is a low occupation, because handling hide is defiling, ... only Untouchables 15 work with leather', hence are the bottom of the scale. Similarly Butchery, Herding swine, tapping and sale of toddy are low occupations. Those castes engaged in these occupations take up low position in social hierarchy. Barber and Washerman's work involves handling dirt, thereby making their occupation unclean. Consequently they occupy lower position in the scale but higher than untouchable castes. Closely related to occupation, caste hierarchy is related to hierarchy in diet. Srinivas observes that •vegetable food is superior to meat, and there is again hierarchy in meat. Beef is the lowest of all, while pork 144 chicken, and mutton follow in order of superiority.' Eating pig is considered a mark of very low castes because pig eats human excrement among other things. The same consideration applies in a less strict way to chickens. 17 Accordingly the eaters of mutton, chicken and pork follow in order of inferiority. Only untouchables who are at the bottom of the scale eat beef and carrion. The Brahmins who are at the apex of the caste hierarchy eschew non-vegetarian food. 'The vegetarians base their superiority on the doctrine 16 of non-violence....' They assert that meat eating has been always regarded as demeaning.

The notion of pollution and ritual purity is funda­ mental in caste system. It is also closely associated with the nature of occupation and differences of diet. The Brahmins get superior status because they were assigned religious duties to be performed. They could approach the innermost recesses of temples, teach sacred literature and officiate sacrifice. Bougie observes that the sacrificer attains sacred character by officiating sacrifice which is transmitted to his descendents. The infinite superiority of the Brahmins and the very hierarchy of Hindu caste underlies in the idea that, 'he who speaks to the God seems a God himself : he who lights the sacred fire becomes agneya, participates in the nature of fire'1 9' and hence pure. Dutt also holds the same view by stating that 'the prestige of the Brahman caste is the cornerstone of the whole organization. '2 0 Brahmins avoid taking non-vegetarian diet strictly. On the other hand the untouchables are the bottom 145 of the scale because their work is connected with dead things or bodily emission which pollutes seriously and secondly, they consume beef and carrion.

What we are trying to point out is that religious factor coupled with occupation and differences of diet plays dominant role in placing people into different hierarchical groups.

The fundamental principle of Islam is the oneness of Goci and brotherhood among its followers. Islam aims at the establishment of an egalitarian society in which there should not be any distinction among men on the basis of family, birth or state. All Muslims are equal in the sight of Allah. But the structure of Muslim society in India does not depict the Islamic ideal of social equality. 21 Ali has pointed out 'ethnic group' hierarchy among the Muslims in a district in Southern Bihar. The Muslims in Hindpidi Section of Ranchi city are ranked into three blocks, viz., high, middle and low, whereas in Itki village they are ranked into high, middle and medium blocks. He observes that 'no commensal distance exists among the * Ali observes that both in city and village Sayyads are ranked highest because they happen to be the descendants of Prophet Muhammad through his daughter Fatima. The Pathans rank next to Sayyads due to their ruling and fighting back­ ground. In the city the Bhangis are assigned lowest rank owing to the unclean nature of their occupation. In the village, where Bhangis are absent, Shahs are assigned lowest position in the hierarchy due to their occupation of begging. 146

various Muslim ethnic groups, except in the case of the Bhangis vis-vis the others, and even then the distance is not judged in terms of 'ritual pollution'. In South India, 22 D'Souza has clearly shown that the Moplahs of the west coast are divided into five ranked sections. The rank highest and the the lowest. Arabis, Malbaris and Pusalars form the middle order respectively. Dube has pointed out that the Muslims of Lakshadweep islands were divided into three ranked sections.' The Koyas rank highest.

* D'Souza observes that among the Moplahs the Thangals occupy highest position in social hierarchy by virtue of their descent from the revered family of the Prophet. The Arabs rank next to Thangals by worthiness of the fact that they trace their liniage from Arabia, the holy country in the Muslim world. The Pusalars rank next to Arabis. They are converts from among the Hindu fisherman caste Mukkuvans. The neo-converts get slightly inferior status. Because of this and their low occupation of fishing, they are assigned low status in Moplah society. The Ossans are group of barbers who are ranked lowest by virtue of their very low occupation. Besides this D'Souza lists five main criteria of social ranking. They are : Hypergamy, Custom of fixed manr, Deferential treatment, Use of special articles of distinction and segregation. *# Stating their occupations Dube mentions that the Koyas were priests. Though traditionally they have been landlords, all religious positions were the privileges of Koyas. The Malumis were sailors whose traditional occupation was to sail the craft for Koyas for transportation of goods. The Melacheris were servants involving in menial works like coconut plucking, tree climbing and toddy tapping. The Malumis and Melacheris work for Koyas. The Koyas were the priests of the mosque. Only the Koyas could specialize in the recitation of verses from Koran or the names of the saints and participate in the mauloods conducted on various socio-religious occasions. It was the exclusive privilege of the Koyas to chant verses. This and the other privileges enjoyed by the Koyas were denied to Malumis and Malacheris. These were similar to the privileges enjoyed by Brahmins in Hindu caste hierarchy. However, Dube holds that the disabilities attached to lower castes were an integral part of the deference structure and no idea of pollution or ritual purity is attached to them. 147

Next to Koyas rank Halumis who rank higher than Melacheris. Bhatty has shown that two Ashraf castes and eighteen non- Ashraf castes are related to each other in hierarchical ^ 25 pattern in Kasauli village of . has shown the existence of social ranking among Muslim castes of Calcutta. The Sayyads occupy the highest position and the Lai Begis the lowest. The remaining occupational groups occupy the intermediary ranks. He feels that the idea of pollution is present among them. There are no restrictions in interdining among the members belonging to the groups in the first three categories. On the other * Bhatty observes that at the apex of the hierarchy is the dominant caste which enjoys superior status in relation to other castes. Each non-Ashraf caste is bound to an occupa­ tion. The hierarchical status of these castes is determined by the nature of its occupation. According to her ranking the nature of the occupation is done on two principles. First, which is more important is a socially accepted notion of purity or impurity, cleanliness or uncleanliness in terms of which the contents of an occupation, including materials handled, can be measured. Second is the closeness of occupations to the Ashraf castes. Accordingly Nats, who skin dead animals and make drums, are placed near the bottom of the scale while Julahas and are at the top. Dhobis who deal in washing soiled clothes are placed closer to the Nats than to the Julahas. Nirasis on the other hand, rank next to the Julahas by virtue of their proximity to the Ashrafs. Bhatty further points out that among the non- Ashraf castes rules of commensality and marriage are largely governed by norms of the cleanliness or uncleanliness of different occupations. ** Siddiqui holds that descent, foreign origin are important factors in assigning ranks and enjoy higher privilege and prestige. Similarly the occupations implying manual work and dependence on others occupy lower or low position in social hierarchy. #*# He has broadly specified four categories. (1) Groups claiming foreign origin. (2) Groups of indigeneous origin recruited from superior ruling and fighting castes. (3) Groups with traditional occupation. (4) Groups engaged in 'unclean' occupations, pp. 247-250, 262-263. i4a

hand members of groups within these categories do not eat or drink with Lai Bagis the unclean caste. Bhattacharya has pointed out the existence of social hierarchy among the Muslims of Rural . He observes that the Sayyad, Shaikh, Pathan and Mughal form the upper stratum, Shah Fakir the lower while Momin and form the lowest stratum of the society. He feels that the notion of ritual purity and pollution is present in the relations among these groups. Ansari mentions that Ashrafs 'occupy the highest rank in the 27 Muslim caste hierarchy' among the Muslim castes in Uttar Pradesh.

It is clear from the above deliberations that a notion of caste hierarchy exists among Muslim castes. It is also clear that religious factors such as descent to Prophets

* Bhattacharya feels that occupation plays dominant role in caste ranking. The upper Muslim ethnic groups live mainly by agriculture. The traditional occupation of Momins is weaving, Shahs are religious mendicants and Patuas are engaged in the occupation of painting Hindu God and Goddesses. Though begging is an occupation generally regarded as low among the Muslims, yet Shah Fakirs are ranked higher than Momins and Patuas by virtue of the fact that they are religious mendicants. Patuas are ranked low because the occupation in which they are involved is considered lowest by the local Muslims. #* Ansari observes that Ashraf occupy the highest rank in Muslim caste hierarchy by virtue of their descent to foreign lands, trace their lineage from the nobility of Mecca and Madina and their descent to the rulers of medieval India. 149 family, tracing lineage to the hallowed country in the Muslim world, right to perform certain rituals, foreign origin, proximity to Ashraf castes and nature of the occupa­ tions are determinant factors in ranking various castes. The idea of ritual purity and pollution is partially present in some areas.

Different castes in different areas are not ranked according to any definite set of criteria. All the scholars who have studied Muslim castes used different criteria for their social ranking. A city is regarded as melting pot for castes where it becomes more difficult to use any yardstick for caste ranking. Moreover where large number of castes exist, there is always disagreement among its members regarding their caste status, for the members of intermediate castes think that their caste is superior than other castes.

In the present study it was decided to go by majority of opinion and agreement on common consensus to rank various groups. In Ahmadnagar the factors mentioned earlier like descent to Prophet's family, tracing lineage to the holy country in the Muslim world, foreign origin, nature of the occupations play decisive role in ranking various groups.

* Levy has acknowledged this factor. He observes that Prophet himself became the basis of status system. Slight degree of relation to him or tribe to which he belonged was regarded as a mark of high distinction. Ahmad in addition to this adds the degree of Islamization of customs and ritual practices of the group as the basis of social stratification. 150

All Ashraf categories occupy highest position in social hierarchy among Ahmadnagar Muslims. It was observed that the Sayyads claim highest position in social hierarchy which is recognized by other Muslim groups, by virtue of their descent to the Prophet through his daughter Fatimah, and her husband, nephew of the Prophet, AIL Shaikh rank next to Sayyads. They justify their claim by stating that they are the descendants of the tribe to which Prophet Muhammad and his close associates belonged. Next in order rank Mughals and Pathan. Mughals and Pathans claim higher rank than other Muslim groups owing to two reasons. First, they claim that they are the descendants of the noble families of rulers of medieval India and occupied high position in the courts. Secondly, prior to the foundation of Ahmadnagar kingdom, there was a constant flow of foreigners in Deccan from the coast round the Persian Gulf and from Iran, Iraq and Arabia, the countries where Islam grew and spread. The armies in the Bahamani kingdom was mostly comprised of foreigners. Thus by virtue of belonging to noble families, their fighting background and tracing their lineage to the hallowed country in the Muslim world, the Mughals and Pathans claim higher status than other groups.

To determine the status of various occupational groups the respondents were given list of 25 groups and were asked to rank them accordingly. But as the list was long the respondents were unable to rank them. Hence this technique 151 was discarded. Instead, they were asked to rank them into three hierarchical groups - high, middle and low taking into account factors of ranking, i.e., traditional occupation, descent, socio-economic and educational attainment of each group.

The result was, 37 respondents ranked Tambatkar in the high, 54 respondents ranked Rangrez, Tamboli, Bagban, Patwegar, Maniyar, Bakkar-quasab, , Momin and Gao-quasab in the middle, and 40 respondents ranked Pinjari in the low group. The Ashraf category was not included in the list. The denial of hierarchical order by 31 respondents was due to the influence of Islamic ideology of equality.

There is a tendency among people belonging to various occupational groups to call themselves Shaikh. Rangrez consider themselves superior than Tambatkars because accord­ ing to them Tambatkars are Teli (oil presser) and hence should occupy lower position than Rangrez. Gao-quasabs call themselves Quraishi and claim to be the descendants of Quraishi tribe, the tribe to which Prophet Muhammad belonged, and try to elevate their their status.

Thus the whole Muslim community in Ahmadnagar, as we observe, fall into two status category - one higher and the other lower. Higher status group consists of Sayyad, Shaikh, Mughal, Pathan and the lower status group consists of occu­ pational groups spreading from Tambatkar to Pinjari. 152

All Muslims in Ahmadnagar eat non-vegetarian diet. However, they avoid four types of non-vegetarian food. That which dies of itself, blood, flesh of swine and that over which any name other than of Allah has been invoked. The first three things are avoided because uncleanness is attached to them while the fourth is avoided because spiritual side is affected. The reason being the invocation of other than Allah's name, or sacrificing for idols, asso­ ciates one with idolatry. Eating goat meat or beef meat does not lead to any social differentiation as observed among Hindu castes. Similarly they avoid drinking alcohol on account of its intoxication. This does not mean that all Muslims in Ahmadnagar are teetotaller. Those who consume it are looked down upon.

The ideological basis of caste hierarchy, i.e., pollution and ritual purity does not find place in Muslim groups of Ahmadnagar. Secondly the ranking among these groups is not as rigid as it is found in Hindu caste system. Lastly, the concept of pollution is fundamental to caste system which makes it unique from other systems of social differentiation.

* The propounders of 'The Modern Caste School of Race Relations' have tried to interpret the race relations among the White and the Negro in the Southern States of United States on the basis of Indian caste system. But we feel that they have failed to take the cognizance of the notion of pollution which is most crucial and fundamental to caste system and which is totally absent among the race relations. For detail information see 'The Modern Caste School of Race Relations'. 153

Hutton observes that 'this taboo is probably the keystone of the whole system.,J Pollution is communicated by contact of any kind touching, dining, sex or any other. Srinivas mentions that 'contact between members of the same caste, or between members of castes which are structurally very near 33 each other, does not result in pollution. *JJ Whereas the structural distance between the castes is very wide, the resultant pollution of a high caste member is very grave. 'When a Brahmin eats food cooked by an Untouchable, the resultant pollution is so great that he or she has to be excommunicated. Pollution does not merely occur by touch. Impurity can be transmitted by the mere shadow of an un­ touchable or by his approaching within a certain distance. Ghurye and Hutton mention such type of pollution once prevalent in the Southern India and with it culturally defined distance which members of the lower castes have to

maintain. 'In some cases' Hutton mentions that 'mere sight 35 might be enough to cause pollution'. ' But in Islam the concept of pollution or untouchabi- lity is totally against the Islamic principle of social equality and brotherhood. However, the notion of pollution and untouchability exists, to some extent, in Muslim castes in different parts of the country.

In Muslim castes of Uttar Pradesh Ansari mentions that a Muslim Bhangi (sweeper) is not permitted to enter a mosque. 154

.... in almost all the households of Ashraf, Muslim and clean occupational castes, that Bhangis, either Muslim or non-Muslim, are generally served food in their own containers. If they do not have their own bowls they are served in clay pots which are not again used to serve clean caste members. Bhangis are given water to drink in such a way that the jar does not touch even their lips.

Siddiqui has shown that the practice of ritual purity and pollution exists among the Muslim castes of Calcutta. He points out that members of clean castes do not eat or drink with the Lai Begis a caste of Muslim scavengers but Lai Begis receive all sorts of food from the clean castes. •The Dafalis, who work as priests for the Lai Begis, or the Qalanders, who sometimes live in their neighbourhood, refuse 37 to accept food or water from Lai Begis. Bhattacharya feels that the notion of ritual purity is present among the Muslim castes of Rural West Bengal. He observes that 'they have a concept of purity and pollution'. a y as pointed out that the notion of ritual purity and pollution exist in the Muslim castes of Kasauli village of Uttar Pradesh. She observes that 'among the non-Ashraf castes rules of commensality and marriage are governed by norms of the cleanliness or uncleanliness of different occupations. No ritually pure or impure caste or untouchable caste like Bhangi (sweeper) is existing among Muslim groups of 155

Ahmadnagar. Though Pinjari rank at the lowest rung of the social hierarchy, they are not treated as untouchables. They are at the lowest rung owing to their socio-economic condition and lack of literacy in that community. Similarly Gao-quasab, Kanjar, Gaundi and Takari also rank low in social hierarchy but there is no restriction on food or social intercourse. All groups participate in ceremonies like marriage, circumcision, akika, etc. Bawarchi is hired to cook the food on all such occasions which is accepted by all the invitees.

Though all occupational groups have separate mosques for their daily prayer, people belonging to all groups assemble in Jama mosque to offer Friday prayers. There is no restriction on any person offering his prayer in any mosque. On occasions like Ramzan Id and Bakkar Id, large number of people assemble on Idgah (a place where Id prayers are offered) to offer their prayers. They stand behind the Imam, in rows shoulder to shoulder irrespective of their occupational groups and social ranks. They offer their prayers Muslim as a whole. After the prayer people exchange greetings by embarassing their fellowmen.

Two Shiaite communities have their separate mosques for daily and Friday prayers. They offer Id prayers in their mosques respectively.

The Mahdavis have separate mosque where they offer 156 their daily and Friday prayers. They can offer prayer in oth$r mosques but do not offer it behind the non-Mahdavi Imam.

It is clear from the foregoing deliberations that some of tf-he major characteristics of caste exist among the various occupational groups in Ahmadnagar. Thus to conclude we can say that castes exist among the Muslims of Ahmadnagar but Iits nature is far imperfect as compared to Hindu caste system, and they do not meet with all its characteristics.

Though castes are associated with traditional occupa­ tion, there is no economic interdependence among these castes as observed in most of the villages revolving around land and based on barter system.

A notion of hierarchy exists among Muslim castes of Ahmadnagar but its ideological basis, i.e., the concept of pollution and ritual purity does not find place.

No ritually pure or impure caste or untouchable caste exists among the Muslim castes of Ahmadnagar. 157

REFERENCES AND NOTES

Satish C. Misra, Muslim Communities in Gufjarat. Asia Publishing House, Bombay, 1964, p.139.

2 Ibid. pp. 139-149.

3 4.H. Hutton. Castes in India. Fourth Edition. Oxford University Press, Bombay. 1963, p.105.

The constitution of 'Nagpri Muslim Misgar Jamat Trust, Ahmadnagar*, Published by Hon. Secretary, 1943/49. M. Azad Road, Ahmadnagar.

Trust i^eed document. Ahmadnagar District Julsha (Momin) cfamat Trust, Ahmadnagar, made by Dr. Abdul Aziz Ambekar, IJendigate, Ahmadnagar, 19^4.

Munawwarali Imamali Rangrez. Dastur Amal Aain. Published by Muslim Biradari Rangrezan Dakkhan. Ichalkaranji, 19#5.

7 The Constitution of the Shiya Imami Ismaili Muslims in Jndia,. Published by H.R.H. Prince Aga Khan Ismailia Federal Council for India, Bombay, 1963.

S 33. A. Westermarck, History of Human Marriage. 5th ed. , Vol. II, 1929, p. 59, as quoted in G.3. Ghurye. Caste, Class and Occupation. Popular Book Depot, Bombay, 196l, p. 17.

M.N. Srinivas. 'The Social System of a Mysore Village', p.79 in The Dominant Caste and Other Essays. Oxford University Press, , 19#7. 158

10 Adrin C. Mayer. Caste and Kinship in Central India, l^outlege & Kegan Paul, London, i960, p.74.

11 G. S. Ghurye. Op.cit. p.80.

12 Celestin Bougie. 'The hierarchy of Caste and the Priesthood*. p.52. in Essays on the Caste System. Cambridge University Press. London, 1971.

13 Adrin C. Mayor. Op.cit., p.45.

14 ibid. p. 74.

15 H.N. Srinivas. Op.cit. p.81.

16 |bid. p.80.

17 ?bid. p. 80.

18 idrin C. Mayor. Op.cit. pp.44-45.

19 Cfelestin Bougie. Op.cit. pp. 59-60.

20 Nripendra Kumar Dutt. Origin and Growth of Caste in India. Vol.1, Firma, K.L. Mukhopadhyay, Calcutta, 1968. p.3.

21 Hasan Ali. 'Elements of Caste among the Muslims in a District in Southern Bihar', pp.30-32. in Caste and Social Stratification Among Muslims in India. Imtiaz Ahmad (Ed.) Manohar, New Delhi, 1978.

22 Victor 5. D'Souza. 'Status Groups among the Moplahs on the South-West Coast of India', pp. 45-49. in Imtiaz Ahmad (Ed. ). Ibid.

23 Leela Dube. 'Caste Analogues among the Laccadive (Lakshadweep) Muslims', pp.69-78 in Imtiaz Ahmad (Ed.), Ibid. 159

2k Zarina Bhatty. 'Status and Power in a Muslim Dominated Village of Uttar Pradesh*, pp.211-212. in Imtiaz Ahmad (Ed.). Ibid.

25 M.K.A. Siddiqui. 'Caste among the Muslims of Calcutta1, pp. 260-264. in Imtiaz Ahmad (Ed.). Ibid.

26 Ranjit K. Bhattacharya. 'The Concept and Ideology of Caste among the Muslims of Rural West Bengal', pp. 2#5-292. in Imtiaz Ahmad (Ed.). Ibid.

27 Ghaus Ansari. Muslim Caste in Uttar Pradesh. The Ethnographic and Folk Culture Society. Lucknow, i960, p.36.

28 Renben Levy. The Social Structure of Islam. Cambridge University Press. London. 1957. p. 56.

29 Imtiaz Ahmad (Ed.) 'Endogamy and Status Mobility anong the Siddiqui Shaikhs of Allahabad, Uttar Pradesh'. pp. 1S2-192. Op. cit.

30 Muhammad Ali. The Religion of Islam. The Ahamadiyya Anjuman Ishaat Islam, Lahore, Pakistan, 19#3. pp.705-710.

31 Cromwell Oliver Cox. Caste, Class & Race. Monthly Review Press, New York. 1959. pp. 4S9-503.

32 J.H. Hutton. Op. cit. p.71.

33 M.N. Srinivas. Religion and Society among the Coorgs of South India. Asia Publishing House, Bombay. 1952, 1965. p.26. 160

34 Ibid. p.26.

35 J.H. Hutton. Op. cit., p.Si.

36 Ghaus Ansari. Op.cit., p.50.

37 M.K.A. Siddiqui. Op. cit., pp.26o-26l.

3# Ranjit K. Bhattacharya. Op.cit. pp. 290

39 Zarina Bhatty. Op. cit. pp. 210-211.