The Concept of Lenition As the Phonemic Linguistic Phenomena
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Begus Gasper
Post-Nasal Devoicing and a Probabilistic Model of Phonological Typology Gašper Beguš [email protected] Abstract This paper addresses one of the most contested issues in phonology: the derivation of phonological typology. The phenomenon of post-nasal devoicing brings new insights into the standard typological discussion. This alternation — “unnatural” in the sense that it operates against a universal phonetic tendency — has been reported to exist both as a sound change and as synchronic phonological process. I bring together eight identified cases of post-nasal devoicing and point to common patterns among them. Based on these patterns, I argue that post-nasal devoicing does not derive from a single atypical sound change, but rather from a set of two or three separate sounds changes, each of which is natural and well- motivated. When these sound changes occur in combination, they give rise to apparent post-nasal devoicing. Evidence from both historical and dialectal data is brought to bear to create a model for explaining future instances of apparent unnatural alternations. By showing that sound change does not operate against universal phonetic tendency, I strengthen the empirical case for the generalization that any single instance of sound change is always phonetically motivated and natural, but that a combination of such sound changes can lead to unnatural alternations in a language’s synchronic grammar. Based on these findings, I propose a new probabilistic model for explaining phonological typology within the channel bias approach: on this model, unnatural alternations will always be rare, because the relative probability that a combination of sound changes will occur collectively is always smaller than the probability that a single sound change will occur. -
(1'9'6'8'""159-83 and in Later Publica- (1972 539
FINAL WEAKENING AND RELATED PHENOMENA1 Hans Henrich Hock University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign 1: Final devoicing (FD) 1.1. In generative phonology, it is a generally accepted doctrine that, since word-final devoicing (WFD) is a very common and natural phenomenon, the ob- verse phenomenon, namely word-final voicin~ should not be found in natural language. Compare for instance Postal 1968 184 ('in the context----'~ the rules always devoice rather than voice'), Stampe 1969 443-5 (final devoicing comes about as the result of a failure t~ suppress the (innate) process of final devoicing), Vennemann 1972 240-1 (final voicing, defined as a process increasing the complexity of affected segment~ 'does not occur.')o 1.2 One of the standard examples for WFD is that of German, cf. Bund Bunde [bUnt] [bUndeJ. However Vennemann (1'9'6'8'""159-83 and in later publica- tions) and, following him, Hooper (1972 539) and Hyman (1975 142) have convincingly demonstrated that in Ger- man, this process applies not only word-finally, but also syllable-finally, as in radle [ra·t$le]3 'go by bike' (in some varieties of German). The standard view thus must be modified so as to recognize at least one other process, namely syllable-final devoicing (SFD). (For a different eA""Planation of this phenomenon compare section 2.3 below.) 2· Final voicing (or tenseness neutralization) 2 1 A more important argument against the stan- dard view, however, is that, as anyone with any train- ing in Indo-European linguistics can readily tell, there is at least one 5roup, namely Italic, where there is evidence for the allegedly impossible final voicing, cf PIE *siyet > OLat. -
Lenition and Optimality Theory
Lenition and Optimality Theory (Proceedings of LSRL XXIV, Feb. 1994) Haike Jacobs French Department Nijmegen University/Free University Amsterdam 1. Introduction Since Kiparsky (1968) generative historical phonology has relied primarily on the following means in accounting for sound change: rule addition, rule simplification, rule loss and rule reordering. Given that the phonological rule as such no longer exists in the recently proposed framework of Optimality theory (cf. Prince and Smolensky 1993), the question arises how sound change can be accounted for in this theory. Prince and Smolensky (1993) contains mainly applications of the theory to non-segmental phonology (that is, stress and syllable structure), whereas the segmental phonology is only briefly (the segmental inventory of Yidiny) touched upon. In this paper, we will present and discuss an account of consonantal weakening processes within the framework of Optimality theory. We will concentrate on lenition in the historical phonology of French, but take into account synchronic allophonic lenition processes as well. This paper purports to demonstrate not only that segmental phonology can straightforwardly be dealt with in optimality theory, but, moreover, that an optimality-based account of lenition is not thwarted by the drawbacks of previous proposals. This paper is organized as follows. In section 2, we will present the main facts of lenition in the historical phonology of French. After that, section 3 briefly discusses previous analyses of this phenomenon, mainly concentrating on their problematic aspects. Section 4 considers the possibilities of accounting for lenition in Optimality theory. Finally, in section 5 the main results of the present paper are summarized. -
The Phonology, Phonetics, and Diachrony of Sturtevant's
Indo-European Linguistics 7 (2019) 241–307 brill.com/ieul The phonology, phonetics, and diachrony of Sturtevant’s Law Anthony D. Yates University of California, Los Angeles [email protected] Abstract This paper presents a systematic reassessment of Sturtevant’s Law (Sturtevant 1932), which governs the differing outcomes of Proto-Indo-European voiced and voice- less obstruents in Hittite (Anatolian). I argue that Sturtevant’s Law was a con- ditioned pre-Hittite sound change whereby (i) contrastively voiceless word-medial obstruents regularly underwent gemination (cf. Melchert 1994), but gemination was blocked for stops in pre-stop position; and (ii) the inherited [±voice] contrast was then lost, replaced by the [±long] opposition observed in Hittite (cf. Blevins 2004). I pro- vide empirical and typological support for this novel restriction, which is shown not only to account straightforwardly for data that is problematic under previous analy- ses, but also to be phonetically motivated, a natural consequence of the poorly cued durational contrast between voiceless and voiced stops in pre-stop environments. I develop an optimality-theoretic analysis of this gemination pattern in pre-Hittite, and discuss how this grammar gave rise to synchronic Hittite via “transphonologization” (Hyman 1976, 2013). Finally, it is argued that this analysis supports deriving the Hittite stop system from the Proto-Indo-European system as traditionally reconstructed with an opposition between voiceless, voiced, and breathy voiced stops (contra Kloekhorst 2016, Jäntti 2017). Keywords Hittite – Indo-European – diachronic phonology – language change – phonological typology © anthony d. yates, 2019 | doi:10.1163/22125892-00701006 This is an open access article distributed under the terms of the CC-BY-NCDownloaded4.0 License. -
UC Berkeley Proceedings of the Annual Meeting of the Berkeley Linguistics Society
UC Berkeley Proceedings of the Annual Meeting of the Berkeley Linguistics Society Title Perception of Illegal Contrasts: Japanese Adaptations of Korean Coda Obstruents Permalink https://escholarship.org/uc/item/6x34v499 Journal Proceedings of the Annual Meeting of the Berkeley Linguistics Society, 36(36) ISSN 2377-1666 Author Whang, James D. Y. Publication Date 2016 Peer reviewed eScholarship.org Powered by the California Digital Library University of California PROCEEDINGS OF THE THIRTY SIXTH ANNUAL MEETING OF THE BERKELEY LINGUISTICS SOCIETY February 6-7, 2010 General Session Special Session Language Isolates and Orphans Parasession Writing Systems and Orthography Editors Nicholas Rolle Jeremy Steffman John Sylak-Glassman Berkeley Linguistics Society Berkeley, CA, USA Berkeley Linguistics Society University of California, Berkeley Department of Linguistics 1203 Dwinelle Hall Berkeley, CA 94720-2650 USA All papers copyright c 2016 by the Berkeley Linguistics Society, Inc. All rights reserved. ISSN: 0363-2946 LCCN: 76-640143 Contents Acknowledgments v Foreword vii Basque Genitive Case and Multiple Checking Xabier Artiagoitia . 1 Language Isolates and Their History, or, What's Weird, Anyway? Lyle Campbell . 16 Putting and Taking Events in Mandarin Chinese Jidong Chen . 32 Orthography Shapes Semantic and Phonological Activation in Reading Hui-Wen Cheng and Catherine L. Caldwell-Harris . 46 Writing in the World and Linguistics Peter T. Daniels . 61 When is Orthography Not Just Orthography? The Case of the Novgorod Birchbark Letters Andrew Dombrowski . 91 Gesture-to-Speech Mismatch in the Construction of Problem Solving Insight J.T.E. Elms . 101 Semantically-Oriented Vowel Reduction in an Amazonian Language Caleb Everett . 116 Universals in the Visual-Kinesthetic Modality: Politeness Marking Features in Japanese Sign Language (JSL) Johnny George . -
Labialized Consonants in Iraqw Alain Ghio1 Maarten Mous2 and Didier Demolin3
Labialized consonants in Iraqw Alain Ghio1 Maarten Mous2 and Didier Demolin3, Aix-Marseille Univ. & CNRS UMR7309 – LPL1, Universiteit Leiden2, Laboratoire de phonétique et phonologie, CNRS-UMR 7018, Sorbonne nouvelle3 Iraqw a Cushitic language spoken in Tanzania has a set of labialized consonants /ŋw, kw, gw, qw ́, xw/ in its phonological inventory (Mous, 1993). This study makes a comparison between labial movements involved in the production of these consonants and compares them with the gestures of the bilabial nasal [m] and the labiovelar approximant [w]. Data were recorded combining acoustic, EGG and video data. The latter were taken by using simultaneous front and profile images, first at normal speed (25 fps) and then at high-speed (300 fps). Data were recorded with 4 women and 5 men. Results show that the labialized consonants [ŋw, kw, gw, qw ́, xw] are produced with a gesture different from the bilabial nasal and the labiovelar approximant that both involve some lip rounding and protrusion. The labialized consonants show a slow vertical opening movement of the lips with a very slight inter-lip rounding. Figure 1 compares lips positions immediately after the release of the different closures for [kw and qw ́] and in the middle of the gesture of [m] and [w]. Figure 1. Lips front and profile positions shortly after the closure release of [kw] and [qw ́] showing a small inter-lip rounding for [qw ́]. [w] and [m] show both lip rounding and protrusion. High-speed video confirms 2 different types of labial gestures. These findings sustain a claim made by Ladefoged & Maddieson (1996) who suggested 2 possible types of labial gestures involved in the production of labial consonants. -
Lecture 5 Sound Change
An articulatory theory of sound change An articulatory theory of sound change Hypothesis: Most common initial motivation for sound change is the automation of production. Tokens reduced online, are perceived as reduced and represented in the exemplar cluster as reduced. Therefore we expect sound changes to reflect a decrease in gestural magnitude and an increase in gestural overlap. What are some ways to test the articulatory model? The theory makes predictions about what is a possible sound change. These predictions could be tested on a cross-linguistic database. Sound changes that take place in the languages of the world are very similar (Blevins 2004, Bateman 2000, Hajek 1997, Greenberg et al. 1978). We should consider both common and rare changes and try to explain both. Common and rare changes might have different characteristics. Among the properties we could look for are types of phonetic motivation, types of lexical diffusion, gradualness, conditioning environment and resulting segments. Common vs. rare sound change? We need a database that allows us to test hypotheses concerning what types of changes are common and what types are not. A database of sound changes? Most sound changes have occurred in undocumented periods so that we have no record of them. Even in cases with written records, the phonetic interpretation may be unclear. Only a small number of languages have historic records. So any sample of known sound changes would be biased towards those languages. A database of sound changes? Sound changes are known only for some languages of the world: Languages with written histories. Sound changes can be reconstructed by comparing related languages. -
L Vocalisation As a Natural Phenomenon
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by University of Essex Research Repository L Vocalisation as a Natural Phenomenon Wyn Johnson and David Britain Essex University [email protected] [email protected] 1. Introduction The sound /l/ is generally characterised in the literature as a coronal lateral approximant. This standard description holds that the sounds involves contact between the tip of the tongue and the alveolar ridge, but instead of the air being blocked at the sides of the tongue, it is also allowed to pass down the sides. In many (but not all) dialects of English /l/ has two allophones – clear /l/ ([l]), roughly as described, and dark, or velarised, /l/ ([…]) involving a secondary articulation – the retraction of the back of the tongue towards the velum. In dialects which exhibit this allophony, the clear /l/ occurs in syllable onsets and the dark /l/ in syllable rhymes (leaf [li˘f] vs. feel [fi˘…] and table [te˘b…]). The focus of this paper is the phenomenon of l-vocalisation, that is to say the vocalisation of dark /l/ in syllable rhymes 1. feel [fi˘w] table [te˘bu] but leaf [li˘f] 1 This process is widespread in the varieties of English spoken in the South-Eastern part of Britain (Bower 1973; Hardcastle & Barry 1989; Hudson and Holloway 1977; Meuter 2002, Przedlacka 2001; Spero 1996; Tollfree 1999, Trudgill 1986; Wells 1982) (indeed, it appears to be categorical in some varieties there) and which extends to many other dialects including American English (Ash 1982; Hubbell 1950; Pederson 2001); Australian English (Borowsky 2001, Borowsky and Horvath 1997, Horvath and Horvath 1997, 2001, 2002), New Zealand English (Bauer 1986, 1994; Horvath and Horvath 2001, 2002) and Falkland Island English (Sudbury 2001). -
The American Intrusive L
THE AMERICAN INTRUSIVE L BRYAN GICK University of British Columbia The well-known sandhi phenomenon known as intrusive r has been one of the longest-standing problems in English phonology. Recent work has brought to light a uniquely American contribution to this discussion: the intrusive l (as in draw[l]ing for drawing and bra[l] is for bra is in southern Pennsylvania, compared to draw[r]ing and bra[r] is, respectively, in British Received Pronunciation [RP]). In both instances of intrusion, a historically unattested liquid consonant (r or l) intervenes in the hiatus between a morpheme-final nonhigh vowel and a following vowel, either across or within words. Not surprisingly, this process interacts crucially with the well- known cases of /r/-vocalization (e.g., Kurath and McDavid 1961; Labov 1966; Labov, Yaeger, and Steiner 1972; Fowler 1986) and /l/-vocalization (e.g., Ash 1982a, 1982b), which have been identified as important markers of sociolinguistic stratification in New York City, Philadelphia, and else- where. However, previous discussion of the intrusive l (Gick 1999) has focused primarily on its phonological implications, with almost no attempt to describe its geographic, dialectal, and sociolinguistic context. This study marks such an attempt. In particular, it argues that the intrusive l is an instance of phonological change in progress. Descriptively, the intrusive l parallels the intrusive r in many respects. Intrusive r may be viewed simplistically as the extension by analogy of a historically attested final /r/ to words historically ending in a vowel (gener- ally this applies only to the set of non-glide-final vowels: /@, a, O/). -
Phonetic Factors Contributing to the Inception and Evolution of Sound Change
DOI: 10.17469/O2101AISV000002 DANIEL RECASENS Phonetic factors contributing to the inception and evolution of sound change This paper uses experimental evidence for showing that, depending on the case, sound changes may be triggered primarily by either articulatory variation (as for changes occurring through segmental weakening or strengthening) or by acoustic equivalence (as for vowel nasalization or for segmental substitutions involving syllable-final stops of different places of articulation). It also argues for a multiple evolutionary pathway in the case of specific sound changes such as dark /l/ elision or the palatalization of Latin /kt, ks/ in Romance.The role of word prominence in vowel assimilations and dissimilations and how sound changes originate in the individual are also looked into. In recent times more attention has been paid to how sound changes spread through the lexicon and the linguistic community (Labov, 1994; Phillips, 2006; Wang, 1969) than to the phonetic factors which contribute to the origin of sound change. Fortunately the situation is improving thanks to the pioneering work of Ohala (see section 1.2) and an increasing number of books and articles on this research topic (Solé, Recasens, 2012; Yu, 2013). This scenario is in clear contrast with the one existing during the last decades of the XIX century and the first decades of the XX century, as revealed by outstanding publications on the articulatory causes of sound change which appeared at that time (Grammont, 1933; Millardet, 1910; Rousselot, 1897-1901). One reason for the present lack of interest in the phonetic causes of sound change is to be sought in the special emphasis that structuralist and generative linguists have put into the study of synchronic phonology much to the exclusion of diachronic aspects and phonetic variation. -
Exceptions to Rhotacism Kyle Gorman University of Pennsylvania Counterexamples to a Grammatical Rule Are of Interest Only If
Proceedings of CLS 48 (2012), 279-293 © Chicago Linguistic Society 2014. All rights reserved. 279 Exceptions to rhotacism* Kyle Gorman University of Pennsylvania Counterexamples to a grammatical rule are of interest only if they lead to the construction of a new grammar of even greater generality or if they show some underlying principle is fallacious or misformulated. (Chomsky & Halle 1968:ix) 1 Introduction With sporadic exceptions (Saussure 1877), intervocalic s merges with r in Old Latin. (1) The sound change: s > r = V V Earlier intervocalic s is found in archaic inscriptions (e.g., Lases for later Lares ‘local deities’; Baldi 2002:213f.) and implicated by comparative reconstruction (e.g., Latin flōrale ‘floral’ vs. Vestinian flusare; Watkins 1970). This change was actuated no later than the 4th century BCE, as indicated by Cicero’s comment that L. Papirius Crassus, consul in 336 BCE and dictator in 339 BCE, was the first of his line to spell his cōgnōmen as Papirius rather than the ancestral Papisius. Numerous s-r alternations in Classical Latin derive from this sound change. For instance, many nouns have nominative and vocative singulars ending in s, but an intervocalic r in the singular obliques and throughout the plural. (2) Paradigm of ‘honor’: nom. gen. dat. acc. abl. voc. sg. honōs honōris honōrī honōrem honōre honōs pl. honōrēs honōrum honōribus honōrēs honōribus honōrēs These s-r alternations—and their ultimate demise in late Latin (see §5)—are widely cited as examples of non-derived environment blocking and of intraparadig- matic leveling. Nearly all discussions of these alternations assume that the underly- ing representation of ‘honor’ is /hono:s/, so that the oblique r is the intervocalic allophone of /s/ (e.g., Albright 2005:19, Foley 1965:62, Gruber 2006:142, Hes- lin 1987:134, Kenstowicz 1996:377, Kiparsky In press, Klausenburger 1976:314, Matthews 1972:19, Roberts 2012:88, Touratier 1975:264, Watkins 1970:526). -
The Sound Patterns of Camuno: Description and Explanation in Evolutionary Phonology
City University of New York (CUNY) CUNY Academic Works All Dissertations, Theses, and Capstone Projects Dissertations, Theses, and Capstone Projects 6-2014 The Sound Patterns Of Camuno: Description And Explanation In Evolutionary Phonology Michela Cresci Graduate Center, City University of New York How does access to this work benefit ou?y Let us know! More information about this work at: https://academicworks.cuny.edu/gc_etds/191 Discover additional works at: https://academicworks.cuny.edu This work is made publicly available by the City University of New York (CUNY). Contact: [email protected] THE SOUND PATTERNS OF CAMUNO: DESCRIPTION AND EXPLANATION IN EVOLUTIONARY PHONOLOGY by MICHELA CRESCI A dissertation submitted to the Graduate Faculty in Linguistics in partial fulfillment of the requirement for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy, The City Universtiy of New York 2014 i 2014 MICHELA CRESCI All rights reserved ii This manuscript has been read and accepted for the Graduate Faculty in Linguistics in satisfaction of the dissertation requirement for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy. JULIETTE BLEVINS ____________________ __________________________________ Date Chair of Examining Committee GITA MARTOHARDJONO ____________________ ___________________________________ Date Executive Officer KATHLEEN CURRIE HALL DOUGLAS H. WHALEN GIOVANNI BONFADINI Supervisory Committee THE CITY UNIVERSITY OF NEW YORK iii Abstract THE SOUND PATTERNS OF CAMUNO: DESCRIPTION AND EXPLANATION IN EVOLUTIONARY PHONOLOGY By Michela Cresci Advisor: Professor Juliette Blevins This dissertation presents a linguistic study of the sound patterns of Camuno framed within Evolutionary Phonology (Blevins, 2004, 2006, to appear). Camuno is a variety of Eastern Lombard, a Romance language of northern Italy, spoken in Valcamonica. Camuno is not a local variety of Italian, but a sister of Italian, a local divergent development of the Latin originally spoken in Italy (Maiden & Perry, 1997, p.