Audio-Visual Factors in Stop Debuccalization in Consonant Sequences Keith Johnson Department of Linguistics UC Berkeley
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UC Berkeley Proceedings of the Annual Meeting of the Berkeley Linguistics Society
UC Berkeley Proceedings of the Annual Meeting of the Berkeley Linguistics Society Title Perception of Illegal Contrasts: Japanese Adaptations of Korean Coda Obstruents Permalink https://escholarship.org/uc/item/6x34v499 Journal Proceedings of the Annual Meeting of the Berkeley Linguistics Society, 36(36) ISSN 2377-1666 Author Whang, James D. Y. Publication Date 2016 Peer reviewed eScholarship.org Powered by the California Digital Library University of California PROCEEDINGS OF THE THIRTY SIXTH ANNUAL MEETING OF THE BERKELEY LINGUISTICS SOCIETY February 6-7, 2010 General Session Special Session Language Isolates and Orphans Parasession Writing Systems and Orthography Editors Nicholas Rolle Jeremy Steffman John Sylak-Glassman Berkeley Linguistics Society Berkeley, CA, USA Berkeley Linguistics Society University of California, Berkeley Department of Linguistics 1203 Dwinelle Hall Berkeley, CA 94720-2650 USA All papers copyright c 2016 by the Berkeley Linguistics Society, Inc. All rights reserved. ISSN: 0363-2946 LCCN: 76-640143 Contents Acknowledgments v Foreword vii Basque Genitive Case and Multiple Checking Xabier Artiagoitia . 1 Language Isolates and Their History, or, What's Weird, Anyway? Lyle Campbell . 16 Putting and Taking Events in Mandarin Chinese Jidong Chen . 32 Orthography Shapes Semantic and Phonological Activation in Reading Hui-Wen Cheng and Catherine L. Caldwell-Harris . 46 Writing in the World and Linguistics Peter T. Daniels . 61 When is Orthography Not Just Orthography? The Case of the Novgorod Birchbark Letters Andrew Dombrowski . 91 Gesture-to-Speech Mismatch in the Construction of Problem Solving Insight J.T.E. Elms . 101 Semantically-Oriented Vowel Reduction in an Amazonian Language Caleb Everett . 116 Universals in the Visual-Kinesthetic Modality: Politeness Marking Features in Japanese Sign Language (JSL) Johnny George . -
Lecture 5 Sound Change
An articulatory theory of sound change An articulatory theory of sound change Hypothesis: Most common initial motivation for sound change is the automation of production. Tokens reduced online, are perceived as reduced and represented in the exemplar cluster as reduced. Therefore we expect sound changes to reflect a decrease in gestural magnitude and an increase in gestural overlap. What are some ways to test the articulatory model? The theory makes predictions about what is a possible sound change. These predictions could be tested on a cross-linguistic database. Sound changes that take place in the languages of the world are very similar (Blevins 2004, Bateman 2000, Hajek 1997, Greenberg et al. 1978). We should consider both common and rare changes and try to explain both. Common and rare changes might have different characteristics. Among the properties we could look for are types of phonetic motivation, types of lexical diffusion, gradualness, conditioning environment and resulting segments. Common vs. rare sound change? We need a database that allows us to test hypotheses concerning what types of changes are common and what types are not. A database of sound changes? Most sound changes have occurred in undocumented periods so that we have no record of them. Even in cases with written records, the phonetic interpretation may be unclear. Only a small number of languages have historic records. So any sample of known sound changes would be biased towards those languages. A database of sound changes? Sound changes are known only for some languages of the world: Languages with written histories. Sound changes can be reconstructed by comparing related languages. -
Is Phonological Consonant Epenthesis Possible? a Series of Artificial Grammar Learning Experiments
Is Phonological Consonant Epenthesis Possible? A Series of Artificial Grammar Learning Experiments Rebecca L. Morley Abstract Consonant epenthesis is typically assumed to be part of the basic repertoire of phonological gram- mars. This implies that there exists some set of linguistic data that entails epenthesis as the best analy- sis. However, a series of artificial grammar learning experiments found no evidence that learners ever selected an epenthesis analysis. Instead, phonetic and morphological biases were revealed, along with individual variation in how learners generalized and regularized their input. These results, in combi- nation with previous work, suggest that synchronic consonant epenthesis may only emerge very rarely, from a gradual accumulation of changes over time. It is argued that the theoretical status of epenthesis must be reconsidered in light of these results, and that investigation of the sufficient learning conditions, and the diachronic developments necessary to produce those conditions, are of central importance to synchronic theory generally. 1 Introduction Epenthesis is defined as insertion of a segment that has no correspondent in the relevant lexical, or un- derlying, form. There are various types of epenthesis that can be defined in terms of either the insertion environment, the features of the epenthesized segment, or both. The focus of this paper is on consonant epenthesis and, more specifically, default consonant epenthesis that results in markedness reduction (e.g. Prince and Smolensky (1993/2004)). Consonant -
1 Deconstructing Markedness in Sound Change
Deconstructing markedness in sound change typology: Notes on θ > f and f > θ1 Juliette Blevins CUNY Graduate Center ABSTRACT Many sound changes have been attributed to misperception (Ohala 1981, 1993). When two sounds A and B are perceptually similar, A can be misperceived as B and vice versa. One sound change attributed solely to perceptual similarity is θ > f (Blevins 2004). Misperception of [θ] as [f] yields θ > f, while hearing [f] as [θ] should lead to f > θ changes. Context-free shifts of θ > f are attested, but regular f > θ changes are rare. Recent research questions the existence of f > θ changes and the perceptual basis of θ > f changes. Historical, typological, experimental, developmental, and language contact data reviewed here support the original perceptual account of θ > f and f > θ, suggesting that the observed asymmetry can be explained phonetically and structurally, without reference to markedness (cf. Andersen 2008). Keywords: Sound change, markedness, perceptual similarity, dental fricative 1 This article is an updated version of earlier work on this topic, namely Blevins, Juliette. 2011. Perceptual similarity and sound change typology: Notes on θ > f and f > θ. Manuscript, CUNY, referred to in Blevins (2015), my chapter contribution to the Oxford Handbook of Historical Phonology. A later 2014 version of the same manuscript was in circulation, and I thank all those who offered suggestions for improvement. 1 1. Asymmetries in sound change typology It has long been observed that there are asymmetries in sound change typology. A > B is common, but B > A is rare, as in the common debuccalization of s > h, but the rare strengthening of h > s. -
Phonetic Factors Contributing to the Inception and Evolution of Sound Change
DOI: 10.17469/O2101AISV000002 DANIEL RECASENS Phonetic factors contributing to the inception and evolution of sound change This paper uses experimental evidence for showing that, depending on the case, sound changes may be triggered primarily by either articulatory variation (as for changes occurring through segmental weakening or strengthening) or by acoustic equivalence (as for vowel nasalization or for segmental substitutions involving syllable-final stops of different places of articulation). It also argues for a multiple evolutionary pathway in the case of specific sound changes such as dark /l/ elision or the palatalization of Latin /kt, ks/ in Romance.The role of word prominence in vowel assimilations and dissimilations and how sound changes originate in the individual are also looked into. In recent times more attention has been paid to how sound changes spread through the lexicon and the linguistic community (Labov, 1994; Phillips, 2006; Wang, 1969) than to the phonetic factors which contribute to the origin of sound change. Fortunately the situation is improving thanks to the pioneering work of Ohala (see section 1.2) and an increasing number of books and articles on this research topic (Solé, Recasens, 2012; Yu, 2013). This scenario is in clear contrast with the one existing during the last decades of the XIX century and the first decades of the XX century, as revealed by outstanding publications on the articulatory causes of sound change which appeared at that time (Grammont, 1933; Millardet, 1910; Rousselot, 1897-1901). One reason for the present lack of interest in the phonetic causes of sound change is to be sought in the special emphasis that structuralist and generative linguists have put into the study of synchronic phonology much to the exclusion of diachronic aspects and phonetic variation. -
The Sound Patterns of Camuno: Description and Explanation in Evolutionary Phonology
City University of New York (CUNY) CUNY Academic Works All Dissertations, Theses, and Capstone Projects Dissertations, Theses, and Capstone Projects 6-2014 The Sound Patterns Of Camuno: Description And Explanation In Evolutionary Phonology Michela Cresci Graduate Center, City University of New York How does access to this work benefit ou?y Let us know! More information about this work at: https://academicworks.cuny.edu/gc_etds/191 Discover additional works at: https://academicworks.cuny.edu This work is made publicly available by the City University of New York (CUNY). Contact: [email protected] THE SOUND PATTERNS OF CAMUNO: DESCRIPTION AND EXPLANATION IN EVOLUTIONARY PHONOLOGY by MICHELA CRESCI A dissertation submitted to the Graduate Faculty in Linguistics in partial fulfillment of the requirement for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy, The City Universtiy of New York 2014 i 2014 MICHELA CRESCI All rights reserved ii This manuscript has been read and accepted for the Graduate Faculty in Linguistics in satisfaction of the dissertation requirement for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy. JULIETTE BLEVINS ____________________ __________________________________ Date Chair of Examining Committee GITA MARTOHARDJONO ____________________ ___________________________________ Date Executive Officer KATHLEEN CURRIE HALL DOUGLAS H. WHALEN GIOVANNI BONFADINI Supervisory Committee THE CITY UNIVERSITY OF NEW YORK iii Abstract THE SOUND PATTERNS OF CAMUNO: DESCRIPTION AND EXPLANATION IN EVOLUTIONARY PHONOLOGY By Michela Cresci Advisor: Professor Juliette Blevins This dissertation presents a linguistic study of the sound patterns of Camuno framed within Evolutionary Phonology (Blevins, 2004, 2006, to appear). Camuno is a variety of Eastern Lombard, a Romance language of northern Italy, spoken in Valcamonica. Camuno is not a local variety of Italian, but a sister of Italian, a local divergent development of the Latin originally spoken in Italy (Maiden & Perry, 1997, p. -
Toward a Unified Theory of Chain Shifting
OUP UNCORRECTED PROOF – FIRST-PROOF, 04/29/12, NEWGEN !"#$%&' () TOWARD A UNIFIED THEORY OF CHAIN SHIFTING *#'+, -. ./,0/, !. I"#$%&'(#)%" Chain shifts play a major role in understanding the phonological history of English—from the prehistoric chain shift of Grimm’s Law that separates the Germanic languages from the rest of Indo-European, to the Great Vowel Shift that is often taken to define the boundary between Middle English and Early Modern English, to the ongoing chain shifts in Present-Day English that are used to estab- lish the geographical boundaries between dialect regions. A chain shift may be defined as a set of phonetic changes affecting a group of phonemes so that as one phoneme moves in phonetic space, another phoneme moves toward the phonetic position the first is abandoning; a third may move toward the original position of the second, and (perhaps) so on. Martinet (12(3) introduced the argument that chain shifts are caused by a need for phonemes to maintain margins of security between each other—so if a phoneme has more phonetic space on one side of it than on others, random phonetic variation will cause it to move toward the free space but not back toward the margins of security of phonemes on the other side. Labov (3414: chapter 5) gives a lucid exposition of the cognitive and phonetic argu- ments underlying this account of chain shifting. Despite their value as a descriptive device for the history of English, however, the ontological status of chain shifts themselves is a matter of some doubt. Is a 559_Nevalainen_Ch58.indd9_Nevalainen_Ch58.indd -
Slouching Toward Optimality: Coda Reduction in OT-CC John J
University of Massachusetts Amherst ScholarWorks@UMass Amherst Linguistics Department Faculty Publication Series Linguistics January 2007 Slouching toward optimality: Coda reduction in OT-CC John J. McCarthy University of Massachusetts, Amherst, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarworks.umass.edu/linguist_faculty_pubs Part of the Morphology Commons, Near Eastern Languages and Societies Commons, and the Phonetics and Phonology Commons Recommended Citation McCarthy, John J., "Slouching toward optimality: Coda reduction in OT-CC" (2007). Phonological Studies (Journal of the Phonological Society of Japan). 74. Retrieved from https://scholarworks.umass.edu/linguist_faculty_pubs/74 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Linguistics at ScholarWorks@UMass Amherst. It has been accepted for inclusion in Linguistics Department Faculty Publication Series by an authorized administrator of ScholarWorks@UMass Amherst. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Slouching Towards Optimality: Coda Reduction in OT-CC* John J. McCarthy University of Massachusetts Amherst Abstract. There is a well-established asymmetry in the behavior of medial consonant clusters: the first consonant in the cluster can undergo assimilation or deletion, but the second consonant in the cluster cannot. This article presents an explanation for that asymmetry based on a version of Optimality Theory with candidate chains (McCarthy (2006a)). The key idea is that a consonant can only assimilate or delete if it first loses its place features by debuccalizing, and debuccalization is only possible in coda position. Keywords: OT, coda, assimilation, candidate chain. 1. Introduction Medial consonant clusters are often simplified or assimilated: /patka/ → [paka], /pamka/ → [paŋka]. There is an interesting asymmetry in these processes: they always target the first member of the cluster for deletion or assimilation. -
August 25-26, 1969
Fourth International Conference on Salish Languages University of Victoria August 25-26, 1969 LABIALIZATION IN NOOTKAN William H. Jacobsen Jr. University of Nevada A well-known phonological characteristic of most of the Indian languages of the Northwest is the presence of contrast ing pairs of plain and labialized dorsal consonants. In 1920 Boas observed: The study of phonetics indicates that certain features have a limited and well-defined distribution which, on the whole, is conttnuous. To give an example: the extra ordinary development of the series of k sounds and of laterals (1 sounds) is common to the most diverse languages of the NOrth Pacific coast, while in California and east of the Rocky mountains this characteristic feature disappears •••• The labialization of k sounds following an 0 or u is widely spread in the eftreme-Northwest, arid infrequent 'Outside of that territory. Later he elaborated on this statement, in the context of making comparisons to the phenomenon as occurring in Kwakiutl: The labialization of k sounds after 0 and u is a widely spread phenomenon on the Pacific coast~. Tn Chinook when a u vowel precedes a k sound and the latter is either followed oy a vowel or is a prefix, it must be labial~zed or followed by a vowel of the u group (HAIL I, 569). In Tlingit k sounds preceded by 0 or u-change the following i and e to 0 and u ~ibid. p. 16;). A similar type of labia~ization of-k after --a, 0, and -u occurs in Kutenai (IJAL IV, p. -
The Sonority Controversy. (Phonology and Phonetics.)
Steve Parker (ed.) (2012). The sonority controversy . (Phonology and Phonetics.) Berlin & Boston: De Gruyter Mouton. Pp. xvi + 487. Clàudia Pons-Moll University of Barcelona The sonority controversy , edited by Steve Parker, comprises twelve contributions, written from a variety of angles, about sonority. * The book is structured around five sections: “Sonority and Phonotactics”, with six contributions; “Sonority and Phonetics”, with three contributions; and “Sonority and Language Acquisition”, “Sonority and Sign Language”, and “Sonority and Computational Modeling”, each with a single contribution. Preceding these sections, the reader will find a brief introduction, in which the editor identifies the need for a contribution on this topic, emphasizes the controversial character of the notion of sonority and allied topics, summarizes the articles that integrate the volume and shows how they are interconnected. Despite the long-established argumentations based on sonority, dating back at least from Sievers (1876), the subject of sonority alone had never previously been the explicit focus of an entire book. Aware of this, the editor has sought to fill the gap with a fresh, comprehensive overview of the field. The new summary provided is extremely valuable. As discussed below, most contributions provide cutting-edge results framed within the latest phonological models and nourished by the most advanced phonetic and computational techniques. Several phonological models, submodels and refinements, including Optimality Theory, Stochastic Optimality Theory, Harmonic Grammar, the Split Margin Theory, relational alignment, relational alignment in stringency form, or the P-map, and a rich set of techniques and methodologies, including real-time magnetic resonance imaging (MRI), motion capture, or the latest connectionist networks, support the proposals. -
The Application of English Theories to Sorani Phonology
Durham E-Theses The Application of English Theories to Sorani Phonology AHMED, ZHWAN,OTHMAN How to cite: AHMED, ZHWAN,OTHMAN (2019) The Application of English Theories to Sorani Phonology, Durham theses, Durham University. Available at Durham E-Theses Online: http://etheses.dur.ac.uk/13290/ Use policy The full-text may be used and/or reproduced, and given to third parties in any format or medium, without prior permission or charge, for personal research or study, educational, or not-for-prot purposes provided that: • a full bibliographic reference is made to the original source • a link is made to the metadata record in Durham E-Theses • the full-text is not changed in any way The full-text must not be sold in any format or medium without the formal permission of the copyright holders. Please consult the full Durham E-Theses policy for further details. Academic Support Oce, Durham University, University Oce, Old Elvet, Durham DH1 3HP e-mail: [email protected] Tel: +44 0191 334 6107 http://etheses.dur.ac.uk The Application of English Theories to Sorani Phonology Zhwan Othman Ahmed A thesis submitted in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy School of Modern Languages and Cultures Durham University 2019 Abstract This thesis investigates phonological processes in Sorani Kurdish within the framework of Element Theory. It studies two main varieties of Sorani spoken in Iraq which are Slemani and Hawler. Since the phonology of SK is one of the least studied areas in Kurdish linguistics and the available studies provide different accounts of its segments, I start by introducing the segmental system of the SK dialect group. -
Stop Epenthesis in English F Marios Fourakis Centra L Institute for the Deaf
Journal of Phonetics (1986) 14, 197 22 1 I Stop Epenthesis in English f Marios Fourakis Centra l Institute for the Deaf. 818 South Euclid, St. Louis, Mis souri 63110. U.S.A. and Robert Port lndiana University , Bloomington, Indiana 47405, U.S.A. Received 14th May 1985. and in revisedform I Ith January 1986 Some phonologists have claimed that the insertion of a stop between a sonorant and a fricative consonant in syllable-final sonorant fricative clusters follows from universal constraints on the human speech perception and produ ction mechanism. Others have claimed that the intrusive stops are products of language or dialect specific phonological rules that are stated in the grammar . In this experiment we examined the produ ction of sonorant - fricative and sonorant-stop fricative clusters by two groups of English speakers. One spoke a South African dialect and the other an American mid-western dfalect. The words tested ended in clusters of [n) or [l) plus [s) or [ts) and their voiced counterparts. Spectrographic analysis revealed that the South African speakers maintained a clear contrast between sonorant fricative and sonorant-stop-fricative clusters. The American speakers always inserted stops after the sonorant if the fricative was voiceless, but when the fricative was voiced, they more often omitted the stop in underlying clusters containing a stop (/ldz/ or /ndz/) but sometimes inserted a stop in clusters such as /n2/ or /lz/. Measurements of the durations of the vowels, sonorants, stops and the final fricatives were made from the spectrograms . The inserted stop in the American productions was significantly shorter than the underlying one and its presence also affected the duration of the preceding nasal.