Figures for the Soul

FIGURES FOR THE SOUL

ELIZABETH DWYER BARRINGER-LINDNER FELLOW FIGURES FOR THE SOUL

ELIZABETH DWYER BARRINGER-LINDNER FELLOW

Front Cover (left to right):

Albrecht Dürer German, 1471-1528 The Scourging of Christ (The Flagellation of Christ) from the Engraved Passion series (1507-1512), 1512 Engraving, 4 9/16 x 3 in. (11.59 x 7.62 cm) Museum Purchase with Curriculum Support Funds, 1982.5

Hendrick Goltzius, Dutch, 1558 – 1617 Pietà, 1596 Engraving, 7 1/2 x 5 1/8 in. (19.05 x 13.02 cm) (sheet) Museum Purchase with Curriculum Support Funds, 1988.28

The Fralin Museum of Art’s programming is made possible by the generous support of The Joseph and Robert Cornell Memorial Foundation.

The exhibition is also made possible through generous support of the Arts$, the Suzanne Foley Endowment Fund, WTJU 91.1 FM albemarle Magazine, and Ivy Publications LLC’s Charlottesville Welcome Book. CATALOGUE

ROTATION I Figures for the Soul “Among all the paintings here, PRINTS BY those by Dürer interest me the most…[his] are figures which ALBRECHT DÜRER remain in the soul.” Of the many who have praised Albrecht Dürer Arranged chronologically, the following — Johann Gottfried von Herder, 1788 (1471–1528), none so eloquently capture the works chart his evolving technique from the aesthetic of his work as von Herder. Today rudimentary design of early woodcuts to esteemed as the premier artist of the Northern the refined modulation of late engravings. Renaissance and the father of German Art, Among the Museum’s stunning examples Dürer mastered painting, drawing, watercolor, are twinned prints from two of his most cel- art theory, and mathematics. Yet, his greatest ebrated series, the Large Passion and the contribution rests in the field of graphic arts. Engraved Passion. Devotional tracts on loan With the advent of the printing press and the from Special Collections exhibit the often ensuing popularity of the print, Dürer was the overlooked use of religious prints as visual first to elevate printmaking to an art form. aids for prayer and meditation. Ultimately, Drawing on works from The Fralin Museum these images inspired devotion as well as of Art and the Albert and Shirley Small Special technical imitation by rivals and successors, Collections Library at the University of Virginia, demonstrating why Dürer’s religious prints this exhibition examines one of Dürer’s foremost deserve renewed consideration. achievements: the religious print. “A talented man THE EARLY YEARS without learning is This maxim poses a fitting motto for one so godfather, which likely inspired his earliest like a rough mirror.”1 extensively trained. Born in Nuremberg, an woodcuts: book illustrations of saints and fools. affluent trading center in southern Germany, As an adult, Dürer traveled to the Upper Rhine, — Albrecht Dürer Dürer was the third of eighteen children. Italy, and the Netherlands, impressing upon the As a youth, he received instruction in reading, artist a variety of regional styles. By the time writing, arithmetic and Latin, as well as of his death in 1528, Dürer as artist, naturalist, tutorials on the necessity of loving God and writer had ushered German art from the and neighbor.2 ornament of the Gothic to the order of the Re- naissance.3 Initially apprenticed as a goldsmith under his father Albrecht the Elder (1427–1502), Dürer left a silverpoint self-portrait as testament to his early talent. By 1487, he was apprenticed under the local painter Michael Wolgemut, who simultaneously served as a designer under Dürer’s godfather and publishing titan Anton Koberger. Dürer also assisted his

1Veit Örtel (1501–1578) became Chair of Greek at the Protestant University at Wittenberg after Philip Melanchthon, whose close friendship with Dürer is widely acknowledged. It is Örtel who recounts Dürer’s profession: “A talented man without learning is like a rough mirror” (Homo ingeniosus sine erudition est quasi speculum impolitum). See Hans Rupprich, ed., Dürer, Schriftlicher Nachlass. I: Autobiographische Schriften. Briefwechsel. Dichtungen, Beischriften, Notizen und Gutachten. Zeugnisse zum persönlichen Leben (Berlin: Deutscher Verein für Kunstwissenschaft, 1956), 326, app. 4, quoted in Peter Skrine, “Dürer and the Temper of His Age,” in Essays on Dürer, ed. C. R. Dodwell (Manchester, UK: Manchester University Press; Toronto and Buffalo: University of Toronto Press, 1973), 24–42, 27, n. 9.

2In a family memoir, Dürer recalls: “This my dear Father was very careful with his children to bring them up in the fear of God; for it was his highest wish to train them well that they might be pleasing in the sight both of God and man” (Dieser mein lieber vatter hat großen fleiß auf seine kinder, die auf die ehr gottes zu ziehen. Dann sein höchst begehren war, daß er seine kinder mit zucht woll aufbrechte, damit sie vor gott und den menschen angenehm würden). For the German and English transcriptions, see, respectively, Hans Rupprich, ed., Dürer, Schriftlicher Nachlass. I: Autobiographische Schriften. Briefwechsel. Dichtungen, Beischriften, Notizen und Gutachten. Zeugnisse zum persönlichen Leben (Berlin: Deutscher Verein für Kunstwissenschaft, 1956), 30, ll. 182-86; and William Martin Conway, trans. and ed., The Writings of Albrecht Dürer (London: Peter Owen Ltd., 1958), 35.

3For further reading on Dürer’s life and legacy, see Ernst Rebel, “‘Apelles Germaniae.’ Coordinates of Dürer’s Life and Art,” in Albrecht Dürer: Master Drawings, Watercolors, and Prints from the Albertina, ed. Andrew Robison and Klaus Albrecht Schröder (Washington D.C.: National Gallery of Art; Munich, London and New York: Delmonico Books/Prestel, 2013), 7–15; the inveterate Erwin Panofsky, Albrecht Dürer, 3rd ed. (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1948), 4–10; and the charming T. D. Barlow, Woodcuts of Albrecht Dürer (London: Penguin Books, 1948), 5–25. FIGURES FOR THE SOUL FIGURES FOR THE SOUL

1 Wild Man Holding Two Shields with a Hare and a Moor’s Head, c. 1480s Martin Schongauer German, c. 1445/50–1491 Engraving, 3 1/8 in. diam. (sheet) Museum Purchase with Curriculum Support Funds, 1986.4

From 1490 to 1494, a period known as the Of the 115 engravings today attributed to “years of travel” (Wanderjahre), Dürer toured Schongauer, perhaps Dürer consulted this the Upper Rhine along the western border of late work.6 The wild man, a motif medieval the Holy Roman Empire.4 During this time, it in origin, is variably defined as an eccentric is certain that he visited Colmar, home to the creature and an incarnation of man’s fall painter and engraver Martin Schongauer.5 from grace.7 Schongauer rendered the woolly The untimely death of Schongauer just pri- figure by using a burin, or metal-tipped tool, or to Dürer’s arrival precluded the artists to incise the design on a copperplate.8 Here from meeting; however, Dürer did meet with his hallmark use of parallel- and cross-hatch- Schongauer’s brothers, who permitted the ing lends volume to rock, grass and figure, study of his surviving works. while the gracefully executed line of shield and hair account for his longstanding epithet “charming Martin” (Hübsch Martin).9

4Dürer records the Wanderjahre in a 1524 family history, recounting: “When I had finished my learning, my Father sent me off, and I stayed away four years till he called me back again. As I had gone forth in the year 1490 after Easter (Easter Sunday was April 11), so now I came back again in 1494, as it is reckoned, after Whitsuntide” (Und da ich außgedient hat, schickt mich mein vatter hinwegg, und bliebe vier jahr außen, biß daß mich mein vater wider fodert. Und alß ich im 1490 jar hinwegg zog, nach Ostern, darnach kam ich wider, alß man zehlt 1494 nach Pfingsten). For the German and English tran- scriptions, see, respectively, Hans Rupprich, ed., Dürer, Schriftlicher Nachlass. I: Autobiographische Schriften. Briefwechsel. Dichtungen, Beischriften, Notizen und Gutachten. Zeugnisse zum persönlichen Leben (Berlin: Deutscher Verein für Kunstwissenschaft, 1956), 31, ll. 205–210; and William Martin Conway, trans. and ed., The Writings of Albrecht Dürer (London: Peter Owen Ltd., 1958), 35.

5On the life and legacy of Schongauer, see Jane C. Hutchison, “Martin Schongauer: ‘Pictorum Gloria’ (Ca. 1450–1491),” in The Illustrated Bartsch, ed. Walter L. Strauss (New York: Abaris Books, 1996), 8 commentary, pt. 1: 1–9.

6On the statistics of Schongauer’s extant prints, see Till-Holger Borchert, ed., Van Eyck to Dürer: The Influence of Early Netherlandish Painting on European Art, 1430–1530, exh. cat. (New York and London: Thames & Hudson, 2011), 319, cat. no. 152. On this print, see Walter L. Strauss, ed., The Illustrated Bartsch (New York: Abaris Books, 1980–96), 8: 301, cat. no. 105; 8 commentary, pt. 1: 263, cat. no. 0801.104.

7For a brief introduction to this motif, see William S. Heckscher, “Wild Men in the Middle Ages: A Study in Art, Sentiment, and Demonology by Richard Bernheimer,” The Art Bulletin 35, no. 3 (Sept. 1953): 241–43.

8On the intaglio process of engraving, see Felix Brunner, A Handbook of Graphic Reproduction Processes (Switzerland: Arthur Niggli Teufen, 1962), 81–84.

9On Hübsch Martin, see Lothar Schmitt, “Dürer and Schongauer,” in The Early Dürer, ed. Daniel Hess and Thomas Eser, trans. Martina Stökl (London: Thames & Hudson; Nuremberg: Germanisches Nationalmuseum, 2012), 312–24, 313, n. 10; and Hutchison, “Martin Schongauer: ‘Pictorum Gloria’ (Ca. 1450–1491),” 5. For the less literal translation of “charming,” see Ian Chilvers, ed., The Oxford Dictionary of Art, 3rd ed. (Oxford and New York: Oxford University Press, 2004), s.v. “Schongauer, Martin,” 638. 10 11 FIGURES FOR THE SOUL FIGURES FOR THE SOUL

2 The Holy Family with Saint Elizabeth and the Infant Saint John the Baptist, c. 1499–1501 Italian, c. 1460/70–1516 Engraving, 5 1/8 x 6 3/8 in. (plate) Museum Purchase with Curriculum Support Funds, 1988.17

Dürer’s lifelong interest in Italian classicism one of Jacopo’s earliest prints, The Holy Fam- awakened during his first visit to Venice ily.13 This episode, drawn from an apocryphal (1494–1495), where he may have met Jaco- account, depicts the meeting of the Infant po de’ Barbari.10 This Venetian painter and Christ and John the Baptist shortly after his printmaker was the first to introduce Dürer to Presentation at the Temple. Set in a rolling a measured system for rendering the human landscape, evocative of the Venetian main- form. “I would rather have come into posses- land, the scene exhibits textbook techniques sion of his knowledge than of a kingdom,” of German engraving. Lines curved at vary- Dürer would later confess.11 ing intervals create rounded surfaces, while delicate cross-hatchings render shadow. Ja- Though little is known of Jacopo, he is con- copo may have also consulted Dürer’s prints, sidered one of the first Italian Renaissance where similarly plumed clouds punctuate the artists who travelled north.12 The exchange horizon. of artistic ideas across the Alps emerges in

10After more than a century of research, little is known of Jacopo de’ Barbari. For a recent biographical sketch, see Jay A. Levenson, Konrad Oberhuber and Jacquelyn L. Sheehan, Early Italian Engravings from the National Gallery of Art (Washington D.C.: National Gallery of Art, 1973), 341–55, esp. 344 for his ties to Dürer. On Dürer’s interest in Italy, see William Martin Conway, trans. and ed., The Writings of Albrecht Dürer (London: Peter Owen Ltd., 1958), 8.

11Letter from Dürer to childhood friend, Willibald Pirckheimer, Nuremberg 1523. The original passage reads: “Der wies mir man und weib, dÿ er aws der mas gemacht het, und das ich awff dÿse tzeit liber sehen wolt, was sein mainung wer gewest dan ein new kunigraich...” On this episode, see Hans Rupprich, ed., Dürer, Schriftlicher Nachlass. I: Autobiographische Schriften. Briefwechsel. Dichtungen, Beischriften, Notizen und Gutachten. Zeugnisse zum persönlichen Leben (Berlin: Deutscher Verein für Kunstwissenschaft, 1956), 101–102, ll. 20–25; Walter L. Strauss, The Book of Hours of the Emperor Maximilian the First (New York: Abaris Books, 1974), 2: 503, quoted in Andrew Robison, “The Drawings of Albrecht Dürer,” in Albrecht Dürer: Master Drawings, Watercolors, and Prints from the Albertina, ed. Andrew Robison and Klaus Albrecht Schröder (Washington D.C.: National Gallery of Art; Munich, London and New York: Delmonico Books/Prestel, 2013), 17–43, 28, n. 12; and Levenson, Oberhuber and Sheehan, Early Italian Engravings, 344–45, n. 18.

12Jacopo is esteemed as the first Italian Renaissance artist “of note” to venture north into Germany and the Netherlands. However, more than four decades earlier the Milanese Sforza family had sent a court painter by the name of Zanetto Bugatto to the Brussels-based workshop of Rogier van der Weyden (c. 1398/1400–1464). See, respectively, Levenson, Oberhuber and Sheehan, Early Italian Engravings, 341; and Marina Belozerskaya, Rethinking the Renaissance: Burgundian Arts Across Europe (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2002), 194–97.

13On this print, see Levenson, Oberhuber and Sheehan, Early Italian Engravings, 346–47, 360, cat. no. 137; and Walter L. Strauss, ed., The Illustrated Bartsch (New York: Abaris Books, 1999), 24 commentary, pt. 4: 16–17, cat. no. 2410.004.

12 13 FIGURES FOR THE SOUL FIGURES FOR THE SOUL

3 4 Stultifera navis (The Ship of Fools), Basiliensis Moriae encomium (Praise of Folly), Basileae (Basel), Johann Bergmann von Olpe, 1st March 1497 (Basel), H. Frobenius et N. Episcopius, 1540 Sebastian Brant Desiderus Erasmus German, 1458–1521 Dutch, c. 1466–1536 woodcut, 3/16 x 6 19/64 x 1 31/32 in. 6 3/16 x 4 21/64 x 1 3/8 in. On loan from the Albert and Shirley Small Special Collections Library On loan from the Albert and Shirley Small Special Collections Library

Dürer knew Sebastian Brant, a Strasbourg The 1497 Latin translation preserves this “Hear, thou knight of Christ; ride forth in the Despite his loyalty, Erasmus was no less crit- native, for whom he made an unsparing like- structure with minor additions.18 Ushering in name of the Lord, defend the truth, attain ical of the Church. Among his most popular ness in 1520.14 Today Brant is best known as the satire “On the State of Spiritual Abuse” the martyr’s crown.”21 In this call to action, works was the Praise of Folly.23 From its first the author of a biting moral satire titled The (fol. LXXXIII (r)) is a capped fool who leads Dürer appealed to the acclaimed theologian print run in 1511 to his death in 1536, thir- Ship of Fools.15 First issued in Basel in 1494, two eager donkeys. The spare design of the and scholar Erasmus of Rotterdam to take ty-six separate editions were issued from it chronicles a dizzying spectrum of vices. As woodcut is achieved by carving out empty up Martin Luther’s cause. Yet, Erasmus re- twenty-one printers in eleven cities.24 The the Prologue portends: “Here you will find of planes of space to level the scene with the mained loyal to the Roman Catholic Church, social satire centers on the wily words of Fol- fools no dearth / And everything you wish on printed surface.19 Scholars have sought for seeking reform within the established insti- ly, who ridicules ecclesiastical corruption. At earth.”16 Each of the 112 chapters contains an over a century to attribute many of these sim- tution. Perhaps Dürer’s disappointment may one point, Folly scorns the Pope, inquiring: epigraph, woodcut, and title with accompa- ple illustrations to Dürer.20 be seen in his engraved portrait of the schol- “How many advantages would these men be nying Latin verse.17 ar (cat. no. 14), whose unflattering features deprived of if they were ever assailed by wis- prompted Erasmus to concede: “That the dom? Wisdom did I say? No, even by a single portrait is not an altogether striking likeness grain of that salt mentioned by Christ.”25 is no wonder.”22

14On the life and legacy of Sebastian Brant, see Edwin H. Zeydel, Sebastian Brant (New York: Twayne Publishers, Inc., 1967), esp. 122–33; id., introduction to The Ship of Fools, by Sebastian Brant (New York: Columbia University Press, 1944), 1–8.

15On this satire, see John Van Cleve, Sebastian Brant’s The Ship of Fools in Critical Perspective, 1800–1991 (Columbia, SC: Camden House, 1993).

16Sebastian Brant, The Ship of Fools (New York: Columbia University Press, 1944), 58. 21See William Martin Conway, trans. and ed., The Writings of Albrecht Dürer (London: Peter Owen Ltd., 1958), 157-160; Richard Viladesau, The Triumph of the Cross: The Passion of Christ in Theology 17On the layout, see Peter Schmitt, “The ‘Upper Rhine Question’: Dürer’s Basel Book Illustrations,” in The Early Dürer, ed. Daniel Hess and Thomas Eser, trans. Martina Stökl (London: Thames & and the Arts, from the Renaissance to the Counter-Reformation (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2008), 285-87. Hudson; Nuremberg: Germanisches Nationalmuseum, 2012), 424–33, 426. 22On this admission, see Shelley Karen Perlove, ed., Renaissance, Reform, Reflections in the Age of Dürer, Bruegel, and Rembrandt. Master Prints from the Albion College Collection, exh. cat. (Dearborn, 18On the 1497 edition, deemed the first and most significant translation, see Zeydel, Sebastian Brant, 92. MI: University of Michigan-Dearborn, 1994), 85-87, cat. no. 5.

19On the history and process of producing woodcuts, see Felix Brunner, A Handbook of Graphic Reproduction Processes (Switzerland: Arthur Niggli Teufen, 1962), 41–44. 23For a general overview of the satire, see R. J. Schoeck, Erasmus of Europe: The Prince of Humanists, 1501-1536 (Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 1993), 95-108.

20While some deny his involvement, others have attributed between one- to two-thirds of the 115 illustrations to Dürer’s hand. On this debate and the designs assigned to Dürer, see Walter L. 24Clarence H. Miller, introduction to The Praise of Folly, by Desiderus Erasmus (New Haven and London: Yale University Press, 1979), ix-xxv, xiii. Strauss, ed., The Illustrated Bartsch (New York: Abaris Books, 1981), 10 commentary: 516–24, cat. nos. 1001.513a-bb; Willi Kurth, ed., The Complete Woodcuts of Albrecht Dürer (New York: Dover Publications, Inc., 1963), 13–14, cat. nos. 49–62; Peter Schmidt, “Why Woodcut? Dürer in Search of his Medium and Role,” in The Early Dürer, ed. Daniel Hess and Thomas Eser, trans. Martina Stökl 25“Quantum his abstulerit commoditatum, si semel incessiuerit sapientia? Sapientia dixi? Imo vel mica salis illius, cuius meminit Christus.” Desiderus Erasmus, Moriae encomium (Basileae: H. Frobenius et N. (London: Thames & Hudson; Nuremberg: Germanisches Nationalmuseum, 2012), 146–59, 149. Episcopius, 1540), fol. 266. Translation by id., The Praise of Folly, trans. Clarence H. Miller (New Haven and London: Yale University Press, 1979), 111.

14 15 “…Eminent are the images of THE PASSION SERIES the Passion of Our Lord, drawn recently by Albrecht From the early age of twenty-three until Latin verse in 1511.29 It is difficult to overes- his death at fifty-seven, Dürer explored the timate the immediate appeal and impact of Dürer and engraved and printed Passion theme in six separate print series.27 the Large Passion.30 On display are excerpts from two of his by him. Indeed, they are so most famous cycles the Large and Engraved In the Engraved Series, Dürer reimagined Passion. The first derives its name from the the Passion for the connoisseur.31 Completed exquisite, and executed in sheer size of the woodcut.28 Dürer complet- between 1507 and 1512, the cycle contains ed the Large Passion in intervals, designing fifteen prints with elegant detail and subtle the correct perspective, seven prints between 1496/97 and 1500 be- gradations of light and shadow. Though fore completing the final five in 1510. Initial- never issued in book form, Dürer often gave that merchants from all over ly sold as single sheets, the completed series the complete series as gifts. Europe purchase them to serve was bound in book form with accompanying as models for their artists.”26

— Johannes Cochlaeus, 1512

26Johannes Cochlaeus, Cosmographia Pomponij Mele: Authoris nitidissimi tribus libris digesta (Nuremberg, 1512): “…Quippe extant figurae passionis Domini (quas nuper Albertus Durer depinxit atque in aes excidit idemque impressit) adeo subtiles sane atque e vera perspectiva efformatae, ut mercatores ex tota Europa emant, suis exemplaria pictoribus.” See Hans Rupprich, ed., Dürer, Schriftlicher Nachlass. I: Autobiographische Schriften. Briefwechsel. Dichtungen, Beischriften, Notizen und Gutachten. Zeugnisse zum persönlichen Leben (Berlin: Deutscher Verein für Kunstwissenschaft, 1956), 293, no. 4. Translation by Peter Strieder, Albrecht Dürer: Paintings, Prints, Drawings, trans. Nancy M. Gordon and Walter L. Strauss (New York: Abaris Books, 1982), 9.

27Collectively, the series includes: the Albertina Passion (c. 1494), the Large Passion (1496/97-1500), the Engraved Passion (1507-12), the Small Passion (1508-11), the Green Passion (1504), and the Oblong Passion (1520-24). See Jordan Kantor, ed., Dürer’s Passions, exh. cat. (Cambridge, MA: Harvard Art Museums, 2000), 12-48, esp. 13, n. 1.

28For a general introduction to the Large Passion, see: Walter L. Strauss, ed., The Illustrated Bartsch (New York: Abaris Books, 1980-81), 10: 99-110, cat. nos. 4-15; 10 commentary: 246-56, cat. nos. 1001.204-215; Strieder, Albrecht Dürer, 266-67, cat. nos. 312-15; and Giulia Bartrum, Albrecht Dürer and His Legacy: The Graphic Work of a Renaissance Artist (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press; London: The British Museum Press, a division of the British Museum Co., 2002), 173-79, 118a-1.

29Benedikt Schwalbe (1456/59-1521), more commonly known by his Graecized name Benedict Cheldonius, compiled the accompanying verse. A native of Nuremberg and a mutual friend of Willibald Pirckheimer, this Benedictine monk frequently collaborated with Dürer. For a general introduction to the life and work of Cheldonius, see Franz Posset, Renaissance Monks: Monastic Humanism in Six Biographical Sketches, Studies in Medieval and Reformation Tradition CVIII (Leiden and Boston: Brill, 2005), 63-92; and David Hotchkiss Price, Albrecht Dürer’s Renaissance: Humanism, Reformation, and the Art of Faith (Ann Arbor, MI: The University of Michigan Press, 2003), 135-40.

30Studies on the early modern print uniformly reinforce the popular, as well as artistic, appeal of this series. One simply claims: “The impact of these books [including the Large Passion], in which text was of minor importance compared to the illustrations, must have been tremendous on both the general public and artist alike.” See Ellen Jacobowitz and Stephanie Loeb Stepanek, The Prints of Lucas van Leyden & His Contemporaries (Washington, D.C.: National Gallery of Art; Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1983), 33.

31For a general introduction to the Engraved Passion, see Strauss, ed., The Illustrated Bartsch, 10: 11-16, cat. nos. 3-18; 10 commentary: 18-60, cat. nos. 1001.003-018; Strieder, Albrecht Dürer, 272- 76, cat. nos. 323-38; and Bartrum, Albrecht Dürer and His Legacy, 171-73, 116a-d. FIGURES FOR THE SOUL FIGURES FOR THE SOUL

5 The Flagellation of Christ from the Large Passion series, c. 1496–1497 Albrecht Dürer German, 1471–1528 Woodcut, 15 1/4 x 10 7/8 in. (sheet) Museum Purchase with Curriculum Support Funds, 1982.4

One of seven woodcuts from the Large Pas- Dürer’s emotive rendering confronts the sion executed between 1497 and 1500, this viewer with what one theologian terms “the scene depicts the Flagellation.32 Bound to epic battle between good and evil.”33 Christ’s a central column, Christ appears amidst a classical form, no doubt inspired by Dürer’s crowd of grotesque figures, whose derisive time in Italy, remains unblemished as if fore- taunts are almost audible. Anguished, yet de- telling his imminent triumph.34 Close anal- fiant in posture, he braces before the reeds, ysis of his silhouette, created by dark vivid ropes, and fists rent his flesh. According to lines against planes of white, reveals a stylis- the Gospel, Christ was scourged just prior to tic trait typical of Dürer’s early prints.35 the Crucifixion in fulfillment of the Old Tes- tament Prophecy: “…he was wounded for our transgressions, he was bruised for our iniqui- ties: the chastisement of our peace was upon him; and with his stripes we are healed” (Is. 53:5).

32On this print, see Walter L. Strauss, ed., The Illustrated Bartsch (New York: Abaris Books, 1980-81), 10: 103, cat. no. 8 (117); 10 commentary: 249-50, cat. no. 1001.208; Willi Kurth, ed., The Complete Woodcuts of Albrecht Dürer (New York: Dover Publications, Inc., 1963), 21, cat. no. 122; and Giulia Bartrum, Albrecht Dürer and His Legacy: The Graphic Work of a Renaissance Artist (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press; London: The British Museum Press, a division of the British Museum Co., 2002), 173-79, 118a-1, esp. 118e.

33On the theological significance of Dürer’s Large Passion series, see Richard Viladesau, The Triumph of the Cross: The Passion of Christ in Theology and the Arts, from the Renaissance to the Counter-Ref- ormation (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2008), 145.

34On the “unusually classicized” quality of this scene, see David Hotchkiss Price, Albrecht Dürer’s Renaissance: Humanism, Reformation, and the Art of Faith (Ann Arbor, MI: The University of Michi- gan Press, 2003), 186-87, fig. 6.12.

35On the formal development of Dürer’s line and tonality, see Andrew Robison, “The Drawings of Albrecht Dürer,” in Albrecht Dürer: Master Drawings, Watercolors, and Prints from the Albertina, ed. Andrew Robison and Klaus Albrecht Schröder (Washington D.C.: National Gallery of Art; Munich, London, New York: Delmonico Books/Prestel, 2013), 17-43, 39.

18 19 FIGURES FOR THE SOUL FIGURES FOR THE SOUL

6 Christ Descending into Limbo from the Large Passion series, 1510 Albrecht Dürer German, 1471–1528 Woodcut, 15 3/4 x 11 1/4 in. (sheet) Museum Purchase with Curriculum Support Funds, 1987.1

Accounts from the New Testament and Designed in 1510, this scene displays Dürer apocryphal Gospel of Nicodemus document at the height of his skill.38 Far from the Flag- Christ’s descent into the depths of the un- ellation, where crowds crush, order and clar- derworld after the Crucifixion and before ity pervade the narrative. Precise systems the Resurrection.36 Dürer imaginatively me- of parallel- and cross-hatchings endow the morializes the event beneath a vaulted sky.37 woodcut with a spectrum of tonalities, in- Christ, crowned with the tri-radiant nimbus cluding a moderate grey tone that enriches halo symbolic of the Christian Trinity, kneels the depth of scene. with arm outstretched to gather saved souls exiled from the time of Creation. It is thought that here he reaches for his cousin, John the Baptist.

36According to Saint Paul, Christ “descended first into the lower parts of the earth” (Eph. 4:9) before ascending to Heaven. On the origins of this Roman Catholic belief, see Kate Mary Warren, “Harrowing of Hell,” The Catholic Encyclopedia, vol. 7 (New York: Robert Appleton Company, 1910), 28 Nov. 2014, .

37On this print, see Walter L. Strauss, ed., The Illustrated Bartsch (New York: Abaris Books, 1980-81), 10: 109, cat. no. 14; 10 commentary: 254-55, cat. no. 1001.214.; Willi Kurth, ed., The Complete Woodcuts of Albrecht Dürer (New York: Dover Publications, Inc., 1963), 30, cat. no. 217; and Giulia Bartrum, Albrecht Dürer and His Legacy: The Graphic Work of a Renaissance Artist (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press; London: The British Museum Press, a division of the British Museum Co., 2002), 173-79, 118a-1, esp. 118i.

38On the formal evolution of Dürer’s woodcuts, see T. D. Barlow, The Woodcuts of Albrecht Dürer (London: Penguin Books, 1948), 5-19.

20 21 FIGURES FOR THE SOUL FIGURES FOR THE SOUL

7 The Flagellation of Christ from the Engraved Passion series, 1512 Albrecht Dürer German, 1471–1528 Engraving, 4 9/16 x 3 in. (sheet) Museum Purchase with Curriculum Support Funds, 1982.5

Designed and executed more than a decade The emotive appeal of this image and accom- after the woodcut Flagellation, Dürer now panying scenes from the Engraved Passion stages this violent episode in the immediate were intended to inspire prayer and medita- foreground of the scene.39 Without crowd or tion. In a letter to Georg Spalatin, chaplain to clamor, Christ turns to embrace the column Friedrich the Wise, Elector of Saxony, Dürer before the blows of reed and rope. Meticulous explains: “I send you here two little prints of passages of minute hatchings create delicate the Cross…One is for your Worship.”41 Per- planes of light and shadow, highlighting haps one of these “little prints” was from the Christ as the unmediated focus of the view- Engraved series. Indeed, the prayer book of er.40 Friedrich the Wise integrates this complete series alongside manuscript prayers.42

39On this print, see Walter L. Strauss, ed., The Illustrated Bartsch (New York: Abaris Books, 1980-81), 10: 11, cat. no. 8; 10 commentary: 32, cat. no. 1001.008; and Giulia Bartrum, Albrecht Dürer and His Legacy: The Graphic Work of a Renaissance Artist (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press; London: The British Museum Press, a division of the British Museum Co., 2002), 171-73, 116a-d.

40On the formal cultivation of light and shadow, as well as the emergence of moderate tones, see Andrew Robison, “The Drawings of Albrecht Dürer,” in Albrecht Dürer: Master Drawings, Watercolors, and Prints from the Albertina, ed. Andrew Robison and Klaus Albrecht Schröder (Washington D.C.: National Gallery of Art; Munich, London, New York: Delmonico Books/Prestel, 2013), 17-43, 39; and Bartrum, Albrecht Dürer and his Legacy, 172-73, cat. no. 116d.

41William Martin Conway, trans. and ed., The Writings of Albrecht Dürer (London: Peter Owen Ltd., 1958), 90.

42Only recently has the accompanying text been identified. The first source is the Patris Sapientia (Wisdom of the Father), a medieval Latin hymn composed of eight strophes. Since the strophes are too few in number to pair with Dürer’s cycle of fifteen engraved images, prose prayers are also interspersed. See David Hotchkiss Price, Albrecht Dürer’s Renaissance: Humanism, Reformation, and the Art of Faith (Ann Arbor, MI: The University of Michigan Press, 2003), 131-32, 296, n. 50, 51.

22 23 FIGURES FOR THE SOUL FIGURES FOR THE SOUL

8 De vita et beneficijs salvatorie “Lord, my God, I desire to (The Imitation of Christ), Cologne, Ulrich Zel, c. 1488 Thomas à Kempis praise you...” (Domine deus meus Netherlandish writer, c. 1379/80–1471 4 13/32 x 3 11/32 x 43/64 in. laudare te desidero...) On loan from the Albert and Shirley Small Special Collections Library — The Imitation of Christ, fol. A.ii (v)

The contemplative devotion that Dürer’s Pas- Of the roughly fifty printed editions before sion series sought to inspire may be found in 1500, this pocketsize Imitation hosts a small the pages of The Imitation of Christ, today passage on the Flagellation. Here the narra- recognized as one of the most influential tor, often described as a “spiritual coach,” ex- books in western Christian history. Written horts the reader to praise Christ as the one between 1420 and 1427, the text is attribut- who endured scourging for the absolution of ed to Thomas à Kempis, a leading member sin.44 The reader must recall his “most tight of the northern reform movement known as binding to the column” (strictissima alli- the New Devotion (Devotio Moderna). Both gatione ad columna), a task made easier by text and movement urged the faithful to seek Dürer’s sensitive portrayals.45 a personal connection with Christ by medi- tating on his life and Passion.43

43For a general overview of The Imitation of Christ and New Devotion, see John Van Engen, introduction to Devotio Moderna: Basic Writings (New York and Mahwah: Paulist Press, 1988), 5-61.

44On the accessibility of its text, see Sally Cunneen, preface to The Imitation of Christ, by Thomas à Kempis, ed. and trans. Joseph N. Tylenda, S. J. (New York: Random House Inc., 1998), xv-xxvi, xv.

45The passage commences: “Laudo e honorifico te supplici cum laude: praecipue pro tua strictissima alligatione ad columnam durissimam ut nos a peccatorum nostrorum vinculis absolueres et perpetuae liberatati restitueres.” See Thomas à Kempis, De vita et beneficijs salvatorie Jhesu cristi devotissime meditationes cu[m] gratiaru[m] actione (Cologne: s. t. n., 1490), fol. G.iv. 24 25 FIGURES FOR THE SOUL FIGURES FOR THE SOUL

9

Saint Eustace, c. 1501 Albrecht Dürer German, 1471–1528 Engraving, 13 7/8 x 10 1/8 in. (sheet) Gift of The Joseph and Robert Cornell Memorial Foundation, 2004.1

“I believe that no man lives who can grasp The landscape of Saint Eustace testifies the whole beauty of the meanest living thing,” to this occupation.48 Drawn from the thir- Dürer once stated.46 Despite reservation, teenth-century hagiographies of the Golden Dürer took delight in recording the natural Legend (Legenda Aurea), the scene depicts world. Detailed drawings and watercolors the Roman general, Placidus, who converts to document flora and fauna, from tufts of grass Christianity after beholding Christ crucified to sprays of feathers.47 in miniature between the antlers of a stag. The size of this image, considered Dürer’s largest copperplate engraving, offers ample opportunity to explore the intricacies of his style. The greyhounds lingering in the fore- ground have charmed generations, including the sixteenth-century art historian Giorgio Vasari, who marveled how their varied pre- sentation “could not be more perfect.”49

46Louis Arthur Holman, Albert Dürer: The Man in His Own Eyes and in the Eyes of His Neighbors (Boston: Charles E. Goodspeed & Co., 1922), 5.

47On Dürer and nature, see Andrew Robison and Klaus Albrecht Schröder, eds., Albrecht Dürer: Master Drawings, Watercolors, and Prints from the Albertina, exh. cat. (Washington D.C.: National Gallery of Art; Munich, London and New York: Delmonico Books/Prestel, 2013), 29-34, 134-41, cat. nos. 37-39.

48On this print, see Walter L. Strauss, ed., The Illustrated Bartsch (New York: Abaris Books, 1980-81), 10: 51, cat. no. 57; 10 commentary: 128-29, cat. no. 10001.057; Giulia Bartrum, Albrecht Dürer and His Legacy: The Graphic Work of a Renaissance Artist (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press; London: The British Museum Press, a division of the British Museum Co., 2002), 140-42, cat. no. 74; and Anna Scherbaum, “Saint Eustace,” in Albrecht Dürer: Master Drawings, Watercolors, and Prints from the Albertina, exh. cat. (Washington D.C.: National Gallery of Art; Munich, London and New York: Delmonico Books/Prestel, 2013), 130-31, cat. no. 25.

49Giorgio Vasari, “Marc’ Antonio Bolognese and Others,” in Lives of the Painters, Sculptors and Architects, trans. Gaston du C. De Vere, vol. 1 (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1996), 80.

26 27 FIGURES FOR THE SOUL FIGURES FOR THE SOUL

10

Rhinoceros, 1515 Albrecht Dürer German, 1471–1528 Woodcut, 10 x 12 in. (sheet), Meder 273 Gift of the Honorable Hugh S. Cumming, 1982.30.5

Dürer never set eyes on a rhinoceros. His Dürer did delight in the rhinoceros, which he only encounter was a drawing sent by a Por- believed to be “swift, jolly and crafty.”52 Af- tuguese correspondent, who thought Dürer ter a detailed pen drawing, he designed this might also enjoy the creature that had cap- fanciful woodcut. Patterned shells give shape tivated Lisbon.50 Perhaps Dürer heard how to its impenetrable torso, drawing compari- King Dom Manuel I had organized an ex- son to Dürer’s own armorial designs.53 While periment to determine if the elephant really the anatomical inaccuracies are now widely was its historical foe.51 It is reported that the acknowledged, Dürer’s creature became the mere sight of the rhinoceros caused the ele- prototype for illustrated works on travel and phant to flee! natural history for the next three hundred years.54

50Dürer’s correspondent may have been the Moravian printer, Valentim Fernandes, who resided in Lisbon. On the colorful history of this print, see T. H. Clarke, The Rhinoceros from Dürer to Stubbs: 1515–1799 (London: Sotheby’s, 1988), 16-20.

51Pliny the Elder (AD 23-AD 79) initiated the rivalry, when describing the rhinoceros as “another natural born enemy of the Elephant.” The other reputed rival was the dragon. See The Natural History of Pliny, vol. 2, trans. John Bostock and H. T. Riley (London: George Bell & Sons, 1890), 259-60, chs. 11-12; 278, ch. 20.

52This charming account is drawn from the German inscription that accompanies the woodcut. For the complete inscription, as well as alternative translations, see Dr. James Parsons, Philosophical Transactions 42, no. 470 (1743): letter VIII, 524, quoted in Clarke, The Rhinoceros from Dürer to Stubbs, 20; James Byam Shaw, “Dürer as Engraver,” in Essays on Dürer, ed. C. R. Dodwell (Manchester, UK: Manchester University Press; Toronto and Buffalo: University of Toronto Press, 1973), 52; and Peter Strieder, Albrecht Dürer: Paintings, Prints, Drawings, trans. Nancy M. Gordon and Walter L. Strauss (New York: Abaris Books), 365.

53On this print, see: Willi Kurth, ed., The Complete Woodcuts of Albrecht Dürer (New York: Dover Publications, Inc., 1963), 35, cat. no. 299; Shaw, “Dürer as Engraver,” 52-53, fig. 11; Walter L. Strauss, ed., The Illustrated Bartsch (New York: Abaris Books, 1980-81), 10: 230, cat. no. 136; 10 commentary: 414-16, cat. no. 1001.336; Clarke, The Rhinoceros from Dürer to Stubbs, 20-23, fig. 2; and Bartrum, Albrecht Dürer and His Legacy, 285-87, cat. no. 243.

54While the longevity of Dürer’s print is widely acknowledged, a 1976 leaflet from the British Museum posited: “…probably no other animal picture has exerted such a profound influence on the arts.” See Shaw, “Dürer as Engraver,” 52; and Clarke, The Rhinoceros from Dürer to Stubbs, 20, 172, n. 14.

28 29 FIGURES FOR THE SOUL

11

The Rise and Fall of Man, c. 1513 Albrecht Altdorfer German, c. 1480–1538 Woodcut, set of 40 woodcuts, 2 7/8 x 1 15/16 in. (ea. image) Gift of Gertrude Weber, 2003.19.1-40

Albrecht Altdorfer’s specialty was the wood- Limbo depicts a haloed Redeemer beneath cut. By the second decade of the sixteenth a distorted demon. Far from the clarity that century, the demand for woodcuts by con- pervades Dürer’s scene, Altdorfer purpose- noisseurs and collectors inspired artists fully obscures Christ’s features, while using a like Altdorfer to test the expressive limits of dense linear network to blacken the depths of scale.55 Limbo. According to one estimate, the sheer detail seen in this cycle would have taken a Known as “the little Albert [Dürer],” he dis- skilled woodblock cutter two to three years played as much ingenuity and imagination to finish.58 as his namesake in the images produced for The Rise and Fall of Man.56 This cycle, com- posed of forty woodcuts, illustrates Chris- tian history from the Original Sin to the Last Judgment.57 Here Christ’s Descent into

55On the sixteenth-century woodcut and its relation to Altdorfer, see David Landau and Peter Parshall, The Renaissance Print, 1470-1550 (New Haven and London: Yale University Press, 1994), 202-6, 202.

56The French were the first to bequeath this diminutive to Altdorfer. See William Bell Scott, introduction to The Fall of Man by Albrecht Altdorfer, ed. Alfred Aspland, The Holbein Society’s Facsimile Reprints 12 (Manchester: Published for the Holbein Society by A. Bros., 1876), 7-17, 10. For a recent biographical sketch of this Regensburg native, see Christopher S. Wood, Albrecht Altdorfer and the Origins of Landscape, 2nd ed. (London: Reaktion Books, 2014), 79-96.

57On this print series, see Walter L. Strauss, ed., The Illustrated Bartsch (New York: Abaris Books, 1980), 14: 107-46, cat. nos. 1-40; Jacqueline and Maurice Guillaud, eds., Altdorfer and Fantastic Realism in German Art, exh. cat. (Paris: Guillaud Editions; New York: Rizzoli Books, 1984), 86-93, cat. nos. 39-80; Gisela Goldberg, Albrecht Altdorfer: Meister von Landschaft, Raum, Licht (Zürich: Verlag Schnell & Steiner München, 1988), 68-72, fig. 45; and Landau and Parshall, The Renaissance Print, 202-6.

58On this estimate, see Landau and Parshall, The Renaissance Print, 205-6.

30 FIGURES FOR THE SOUL FIGURES FOR THE SOUL

12

David Playing the Harp Before Saul, c. 1508 Lucas van Leyden Dutch, c. 1489/94–1533 Engraving, 10 1/16 x 7 1/8 in. (plate) Museum Purchase with Curriculum Support Funds, 1981.108

By the early sixteenth century, Lucas van This early print preserves the exceptional Leyden rivaled Dürer’s graphic genius.59 “I skill of Lucas.62 Considered one of his most am surprised,” remarked one man at a Ger- significant achievements, it depicts the Old man fair in 1520, “that there were so few of Testament shepherd and monarch, David, [Dürer’s] works…whereas the engravings of before King Saul (I Sm. 18:11). Despite the the Dutchman Lucas were so numerous.”60 melodic harmony of the youth’s harp, an en- Perhaps Dürer expressed similar astonish- raged Saul brandishes a spear, aiming it to- ment when he met the youth while traveling wards David. Enhancing the tension is the through the Netherlands in the early 1520s.61 broad tonal scale, indicative of Lucas’ style. Velvety black passages alongside moderate grays lend volume and depth to setting, fig- ures, and objects. The stunning relief-like effect endows the scene with a greater imme- diacy.

59The longstanding rivalry between Dürer and Lucas van Leyden began with sixteenth-century art historian Giorgio Vasari, who dedicated a biography to the Dutch artist. See Giorgio Vasari, “Marc’ Antonio Bolognese and Others,” in Lives of the Painters, Sculptors and Architects, trans. Gaston du C. De Vere, vol. 2 (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1996), 79-81, 79.

60Letter from Johannes Cochlaeus to Willibald Pirckheimer, Frankfurt 1520. See Joos Bruyn, “Lucas van Leyden en zijn leidse tijdgenoten in hun relatie tot Zuid-Nederland,” Miscellanea I.Q. van Regteren Altena (Amsterdam 1969), 44-47, trans. Peter Parshall, “Lucas van Leyden’s Narrative Style,” Nederlands Kunsthistorisch Jaarboek 29 (1978): 185-238, 230, quoted in Jacobowitz and Stepanek, The Prints of Lucas van Leyden & His Contemporaries, 13-14, n. 27.

61Dürer kept a diary or memory book during his visit to the Netherlands. While in Antwerp from the 8 of June to the 3 of July, 1521, he not only drew a metal-point portrait of Lucas, but also exchanged eight florins worth of his prints for those by the Dutch artist. See William Martin Conway, trans. and ed., The Writings of Albrecht Dürer (London: Peter Owen Ltd., 1958), 122-23.

62On this engraving, see Walter L. Strauss, ed., The Illustrated Bartsch (New York: Abaris Books, 1981), 12: 159, cat. no. 27; and Ellen S. Jacobowitz and Stephanie Loeb Stepanek, The Prints of Lucas van Leyden & His Contemporaries (Washington, D.C.: National Gallery of Art; Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1983), 64-65, cat. no. 13.

32 33 FIGURES FOR THE SOUL FIGURES FOR THE SOUL

13 Portrait of Martin Luther as an Augustinian Monk, 1521 Lucas Cranach the Elder German, 1472–1553 Engraving, second state, 8 1/4 x 6 in. (sheet) Gift of the Honorable Hugh S. Cumming, 1982.30.6

As one of the first European portrait engrav- the 1520s, it is documented that Dürer owned ers, Dürer memorialized burghers, electors, several written works by the reformer.66 scholars, cardinals, and reformers.63 Of all the sitters who sought his hand, only one proved Lucas Cranach, with whom Dürer had col- elusive: Martin Luther.64 He never met Lu- laborated years earlier, did portray Luther ther nor did he engrave his likeness, though with the clarity and conviction that defined not for want of admiration. “God helping me,” his writings.67 Seen in a bust-length profile wrote Dürer, “if I meet Dr. Martin Luther, I in- pose, Luther appears resolute in the cowl and tend to draw a careful portrait of him from habit of the Augustinian order to which he life and to engrave it on copper, for a lasting belonged. remembrance of a Christian man who helped me out of great distress.”65 By 1518, Luther recorded a gift from the artist, and as early as

63On his pioneering role as a portrait engraver, see Shelley Karen Perlove, ed., Renaissance, Reform, Reflections in the Age of Dürer, Bruegel, and Rembrandt. Master Prints from the Albion College Collection, exh. cat. (Dearborn, MI: University of Michigan-Dearborn, 1994), 85-87, cat. no. 5.

64Unlike his colleagues, Dürer insisted on drawing each of his sitters from life. Without the opportunity to study Luther from life, Dürer never rendered the reformer with the burin. On this theory, see David Hotchkiss Price, Albrecht Dürer’s Renaissance: Humanism, Reformation, and the Art of Faith (Ann Arbor, MI: The University of Michigan Press, 2003), 248.

65Letter from Albrecht Dürer to Georg Spalatin (1484-1545), Chaplain to Friedrich the Wise, Elector of Saxony, early 1520. See William Martin Conway, trans. and ed., The Writings of Albrecht Dürer (London: Peter Owen Ltd., 1958), 89-90.

66On the gift and writings, see ibid., 107; and Richard Viladesau, The Triumph of the Cross: The Passion of Christ in Theology and the Arts, from the Renaissance to the Counter-Reformation (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2008), 284-85.

67On this portrait engraving, see Walter L. Strauss, ed., The Illustrated Bartsch (New York: Abaris Books, 1980), 11: 318, cat. no. 6; Werner Schade, Cranach: A Family of Master Painters, trans. Helen Sebba (New York: G. P. Putnam’s Sons, 1980), 52, pl. 110; and Bodo Brinkmann, ed., Cranach, exh. cat. (London: Royal Academy of Arts; New York: Harry N. Abrams, 2007), 186-87, cat. no. 37.

34 35 FIGURES FOR THE SOUL FIGURES FOR THE SOUL

14

Erasmus of Rotterdam, 1526 Albrecht Dürer German, 1471–1528 Engraving, 9 3/4 x 7 1/2 in. (plate) Gift of Honorable Hugh S. Cumming, 1982.30.4

While traveling through the Netherlands cumbersome books may refer to his prolific (1520-1521), Dürer commonly gave Passion writings, including the Praise of Folly, while prints as gifts. One documented recipient a vase of violets and lilies-of-the-valley evoke was the theologian and scholar, Erasmus of modesty and purity. Each element, whether Rotterdam, who observed, “…if you should book clasp or quill pen, illustrates Dürer’s spread on pigments, you would injure the adept handling of the burin, which creates work.”68 soft gradations of light and shadow. Eras- mus would later profess to a mutual friend, This portrait embodies all of the excellence “[Dürer] is an artist, worthy never to die.”70 ascribed to Dürer.69 Erasmus, seen in the con- templative seclusion of his study, appears be- fore a lectern mid-composition. The ledge of

68While touring the Netherlands, Dürer kept a diary or memory book, in which he records: “I have also given Erasmus of Rotterdam a Passion engraved in copper.” See William Martin Conway, trans. and ed., The Writings of Albrecht Dürer (London: Peter Owen Ltd., 1958), 102. On Erasmus’ appraisal, see Shelley Karen Perlove, ed., Renaissance, Reform, Reflections in the Age of Dürer, Bruegel, and Rembrandt. Master Prints from the Albion College Collection, exh. cat. (Dearborn, MI: University of Michigan-Dearborn, 1994), 85-87, cat. no. 5.

69On this portrait engraving, see Walter L. Strauss, ed., The Illustrated Bartsch (New York: Abaris Books, 1980-81), 10: 94, cat. no. 107; 10 commentary: 238, cat. no. 1001.107; Perlove, ed., Renaissance, Reform, Reflections in the Age of Dürer, Bruegel, and Rembrandt, 85-87, cat. no. 5; and Giulia Bartrum, Albrecht Dürer and His Legacy: The Graphic Work of a Renaissance Artist (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press; London: The British Museum Press, a division of the British Museum Co., 2002), 295, cat. no. 254.

70Letter from Erasmus to Willibald Pirckheimer, Basle, 19 July 1523. The Latin reads: “S. Durerò gratulor ex animo: dignus est artifex qui nunquam moriatur.” See Peter Strieder, Albrecht Dürer: Paint- ings, Prints, Drawings, trans. Nancy M. Gordon and Walter L. Strauss (New York: Abaris Books), 372.

36 37 CATALOGUE

ROTATION II Figures for the Soul HENDRICK GOLTZIUS AND HIS LEGACY

Dutch biographer Karel van Mander (1548– tions from The Fralin Museum of Art and the 1606) was among the first to predict the fame Albert and Shirley Small Special Collections of printer and engraver Hendrick Goltzius Library at the University of Virginia. (1558–1617). In The Book of Painters (Het Schilder-boeck) (1604), Van Mander docu- Arranged chronologically, the following ments the rise of Goltzius from the son of prints trace Goltzius’ early influences and a stained–glass painter to the celebrated evolving aesthetic, capturing both the arti- Michelangelo of the North. These pages re- ficiality of Haarlem’s Mannerism and the or- veal a wry personality and a prolific talent, der of Italy’s Classicism. Collectively, these one widely regarded to rival that of Albrecht prints exhibit the versatile technique that Dürer. Today Goltzius is recognized as one of successors and specialists continue to cele- the last painter–engravers, whose command brate. of the graphic line equaled if not surpassed the draughtsmanship of the painter. Despite his innovative technique, little attention has been given to Goltzius outside specialist cir- cles. This exhibition examines his contribu- tions to the graphic canon by drawing selec- BIOGRAPHY

Born in 1558 on the German border in mod- Goltzius founded a studio, publishing house “. . . he has nothing to fear; ern-day Bracht, Hendrick Goltzius was a vi- and joint Academy with fellow artists. In 1600, vacious and at times insubordinate child.2 perhaps due to failing health, he dedicated for the fame of his works His youth was an index of disasters. At only himself solely to painting, relinquishing the shall live on.” a year old, he fell into the fire and severely workshop to his stepson Jacob Matham. By burned both hands. A well–meaning neigh- the time of his death in 1617, Goltzius had — Karel van Mander, 1604 bor in an attempt to remedy the pain ban- produced roughly 160 prints, 500 drawings daged them so tightly his tendons fused; and 50 paintings.3 Perhaps it is this profound he was never again able to fully extend his versatility that prompted Van Mander to ob- right hand, a tragedy he later documented. serve how he so loved his freedom. Despite the handicap, Goltzius possessed an exceptional aptitude for drawing, a skill that must have proven useful as an apprentice in his father’s stained–glass workshop. By 1575, he was accepted to train under the Dutch en- graver Dirck Volckertsz. Coornhert, whom he followed to Haarlem two years later. There

1Karel van Mander, The Lives of the Illustrious Netherlandish and German Painters from the first edition of the Schilder-boeck (1603-1604), ed. Hessel Miedema, 6 vols. (Doornspijk: Davaco, 1994-99), I: 402-3, fol. 286r.

2For a personal account of Goltzius’ life and legacy, see friend and fellow artist Van Mander, ibid., 384-407, fols. 281v-87r. For recent biographical studies, see Huigen Leeflang and Ger Luijten, eds., Hendrick Goltzius (1558-1617): Drawings, Prints and Paintings, exh. cat. (Zwolle: Waanders; Amsterdam: Rijksmuseum; New York: The Metropolitan Museum of Art; Toledo, OH: The Toledo Museum of Art, 2003), 12-21; and Walter L. Strauss, ed., The Illustrated Bartsch (New York: Abaris Books, 1980-82), 3: 7-8.

3On the rarely discussed statistics of Goltzius’ production, see Nadine Orenstein, “Hendrick Goltzius,” in Heilbrunn Timeline of Art History (New York: The Metropolitan Museum of Art, 2003), http://www.metmuseum. org/toah/hd/golt/hd_golt.htm. FIGURES FOR THE SOUL FIGURES FOR THE SOUL

1 Coat of Arms of Death, 1503 Albrecht Dürer German, 1471–1528 Engraving, 8 5/8 x 6 1/8 in. (sheet) Museum Purchase with Curriculum Support Funds, 1984.20

Albrecht Dürer, often called the Leonardo of corseted gown, hirsute figure or foliate detail. the North, was the first to elevate printmak- By the end of the sixteenth century, Goltzius ing to an independent art form.4 Among his would not only mimic but actively seek to roughly one hundred surviving engravings is challenge Dürer’s graphic legacy, going so this allegory of youth and old age.5 A young far as to circulate prints under Dürer’s name!6 woman in a fashionable dance hall costume with a bridal crown tolerates the advances of a wild man who symbolizes sexual desire. This print exhibits Dürer’s masterful line. Its precise networks of parallel- and cross-hatch- ing evoke a rich variety of textures, whether

4On Dürer’s life and legacy, see Ernst Rebel, “‘Apelles Germaniae.’ Coordinates of Dürer’s Life and Art,” in Albrecht Dürer: Master Drawings, Watercolors, and Prints from the Albertina, ed. Andrew Robison and Klaus Albrecht Schröder (Washington D.C.: National Gallery of Art; Munich, London and New York: Delmonico Books/Prestel, 2013), 7-15; Erwin Panofsky, Albrecht Dürer, 3rd ed. (Princ- eton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1948), 4-10; and T. D. Barlow, Woodcuts of Albrecht Dürer (London: Penguin Books, 1948), 5-25.

5On Dürer’s manifold production, see Panofsky, Albrecht Dürer, 10. On this print, also known as the Coat of Arms of Vanitas and the Coat of Arms with a Skull, see Walter L. Strauss, ed., The Illustrated Bartsch (New York: Abaris Books, 1980-81), 10 commentary: 223-24, cat. no. 1001.101 (109); and Giulia Bartrum, German Renaissance Prints, 1490-1550 (London: Published for the Trustees of the British Museum by the British Museum Press, 1995), 32-35, cat. no. 18.

6In the early 1590s, Goltzius rendered the Life of the Virgin, a series of prints executed after the manner of select Old Masters. According to Van Mander, Goltzius circulated the Circumcision under Dürer’s name to test his talent, if not his superiority. On this ploy, see Karel van Mander, The Lives of the Illustrious Netherlandish and German Painters from the first edition of the Schilder-boeck (1603- 1604), ed. Hessel Miedema, 6 vols. (Doornspijk: Davaco, 1994-99), I: 384-407, fols. 281v-87r, see also cat. no. 9.

44 45 FIGURES FOR THE SOUL

2 The Annunciation, 1553 Heinrich Aldegrever German, 1502–1561 Engraving, 4 1/4 x 2 3/4 in. (plate) Museum Purchase with Curriculum Support Funds, 1988.2

Among the next generation of German en- again suggest a spectrum of textures from gravers is a select group called the Little the gloss of a convex mirror to the stone of Masters, who patterned their small ornamen- fissured ruins. The vivid contrast of light tal prints after Dürer.7 One of the principle and shadow, an effect that often dramatiz- figures of this movement was Heinrich Alde- es Dürer’s narratives, provides Aldegrever’s grever known as “the Albert of Westphalia.”8 figures with volume and plasticity. After the In this early Annunciation, he sensitively mid–century death of Aldegrever and his fel- preserves Dürer’s aesthetic.9 Here, the Arch- low Little Masters, the Netherlands succeed- angel Gabriel has already greeted the Virgin, ed Germany as the leading center for print for the Holy Spirit in the form of a Dove has production.10 come to overshadow her (Lk. 1:26–38). Intri- cate systems of parallel– and cross–hatching

7For an introduction to the Little Masters, including Aldegrever, see William Bell Scott, The Little Masters (London: Sampson Low, Marston, Searle & Rivington, 1879), 17-23, 88-104; and A. Hyatt Mayor, Prints & People. A Social History of Printed Pictures (New York: The Metropolitan Museum of Art; Distributed by New York Graphic Society, 1971), n. pp., figs. 315-17.

8On Aldegrever’s life and epithet “Albert of Westphalia,” see Giulia Bartrum, German Renaissance Prints, 1490-1550 (London: Published for the Trustees of the British Museum by the British Museum Press, 1995), 179- 80; Clara Erskine Clement Waters, Painters, Sculptors, Architects, Engravers, and Their Works: A Handbook (Boston and New York: Houghton, Mifflin and Co., 1897), 19-20; and Ralph N. Wornum, The Epochs of Painting Characterized. A Sketch of the History of Painting, Ancient and Modern, Showing Its Gradual and Various Development from the Earliest Ages to the Present Time (London: C. Cox, 1847), 347.

9On this print, see Walter L. Strauss, ed., The Illustrated Bartsch (New York: Abaris Books, 1980), 16: 154, cat. no. 38 (373).

10It is widely acknowledged that Antwerp emerged as one of the preeminent printing centers in late sixteenth-century Europe. As early as 1581 in the Description of all the Low Countries (Descrittione de tutti i Paesi Bassi), Lodovico Guicciardini commends the printing house of Christopher Plantin as the leading establishment in Europe. See Werner Waterschoot, “Antwerp: books, publishing and cultural production before 1585,” in Urban Achievement in Early Modern Europe: Golden Ages in Antwerp, Amsterdam and London, ed. Patrick O’Brien (Cambridge and New York: Cambridge University Press, 2001), 233-48, esp. 233, n. 1.

46 FIGURES FOR THE SOUL FIGURES FOR THE SOUL

“I have also heard him say . . . he HAARLEM AND THE had never done anything with which he was entirely pleased or HEIGHT OF MANNERISM which satisfied him.”11 When the nineteen–year–old Goltzius ac- Goltzius’ fame rests on his unrivalled han- — Karel van Mander, 1604 companied his teacher to Haarlem in 1577, dling of the burin, the metal–tipped tool used he could not have foreseen his meteoric rise to incise the design of an engraving. Over the to success.12 Only a year later, he opened course of the 1580s, his technique evolved a publishing firm, and by 1580, his prints from a fine, delicate line to one with an in- achieved international recognition. That creasingly pronounced swell.14 This transfor- same year Cologne publisher Georg Braun mation in large part is due to Van Mander, solicited Goltzius to memorialize Leonardo’s who introduced his friend to the exaggerat- iconic Last Supper. By 1585, the Jesuits peti- ed drawings of the Bohemian court painter tioned him to illustrate the Gospels. Though Bartholomeus Spranger (1546–1611). From Goltzius turned down this collaboration, the 1585 to 1590, Goltzius favored artificial forms product of that proposed commision (cat. no. wrought with bold tapering lines, hallmarks 5) serves as a testament to the scope of proj- of Haarlem Mannerism or the so–called Golt- ects he received, and at times, rejected.13 zius Style (Goltziusstil).15 By 1590, at only thirty–two, he had issued nearly three–quar- ters of his known graphic productions.

11Karel van Mander, The Lives of the Illustrious Netherlandish and German Painters from the first edition of the Schilder-boeck (1603-1604), ed. Hessel Miedema, 6 vols. (Doornspijk: Davaco, 1994-99), I: 404-5, fol. 286v.

12On his rise to fame in Haarlem, see Huigen Leeflang and Ger Luijten, eds., Hendrick Goltzius (1558-1617): Drawings, Prints and Paintings, exh. cat. (Zwolle: Waanders; Amsterdam: Rijksmuseum; New York: The Metropolitan Museum of Art; Toledo, OH: The Toledo Museum of Art, 2003), 15-17.

13For the negotiations underlying this commission, see Leeflang and Luijten, eds., Hendrick Goltzius, 38-39; and Walter L. Strauss, ed., Hendrik Goltzius (1558-1617): The Complete Engravings and Woodcuts, 2 vols. (New York: Abaris Books, 1977), I: 343. For transcriptions of the original correspondences, including Goltzius’ own rejection on 29 June 1586, see Otto Hirschmann, Hendrick Goltzius, Meister der Graphik VII (Leipzig: Klinkhardt & Biermann, 1919), 9-11.

14On Goltzius’ stylistic development, see Bruce Davis, “Hendrick Goltzius and Printmaking: Between Renaissance and Baroque,” in Hendrick Goltzius and the Classical Tradition, ed. Glenn Harcourt (Los Angeles: Fisher Gallery, University of Southern California, 1992), 20-23.

15For analysis of Goltzius’ line, see Leeflang and Luijten, eds., Hendrick Goltzius, 82-83. FIGURES FOR THE SOUL FIGURES FOR THE SOUL

3 The Martyrdom of Saint Lawrence, 1571 Cornelis Cort Netherlandish, 1533–before 1578 After Titian, Italian, c. 1488/90–1576 Engraving, 19 9/16 x 13 7/8 in. (plate) Museum Purchase with Curriculum Support Funds, 2000.5.2

In the third century, a Roman prefect con- remarkable tonal range, Cort adeptly manip- demned Saint Lawrence to be burned alive ulated the burin. Customarily, an engraved on a gridiron.16 “The martyr’s face was lumi- line begins at a point and gradually swells nous / And round it shone a glorious light,” towards the center before again returning to the fourth–century poet Prudentius would a point. He accentuated this trait by apply- later declare.17 ing varying degrees of pressure to the burin, an innovative technique that augmented the Light is the protagonist in this nocturnal width of the line, and in turn, the degree of scene.18 Cornelius Cort, who is thought to light or shadow rendered.19 Here, in the sat- have studied under Goltzius’ teacher in 1550s in–black heavens, to which the anguished Haarlem, captures the iridescent flames, Saint Lawrence turns, an intricate network of ashen smoke and cloudbursts found in the concentric lines exemplifies this technique. original Venetian altarpiece. To achieve this

16On Saint Lawrence (d. 258), see George Ferguson, Signs and Symbols in Christian Art (London, Oxford and New York: Oxford University Press, 1974), s. v. “Saint Lawrence.”

17The Orthodox Christian poet Aurelius Prudentius Clemens (b. 348) wrote a series of poems dedicated to the martyrs. On his “Hymn in Honor of the Passion of the Blessed Martyr Lawrence,” see Sr. M. Clement Eagen, ed. and trans., The Poems of Prudentius, Fathers of the Church 43 (Washington, D.C.: Catholic University of America Press, 1962), 105-28, 119, ll. 361-62.

18On this print and its nearly identical versions, see Manfred Sellink, comp., The New Hollstein Dutch & Flemish Etchings, Engravings and Woodcuts, 1450-1700: Cornelis Cort, ed. Huigen Leeflang (Rotterdam: Sound & Vision Publishers in co-operation with the Rijksprentenkabinet, Rijksmuseum, Amsterdam, 2000), IX, pt. II: 176-84, cat. nos. 126-28, copies 126-128.a-f; and Walter L. Strauss, The Illustrated Bartsch (New York: Abaris Books, 1986), 52: 162, cat. no. 139-I (144).

19On Cort’s technique, commonly termed “swelling waist” (schwellende Taille), see Sellink, introduction to The New Hollstein, xxii-xxxiv, xxiv.

50 51 FIGURES FOR THE SOUL FIGURES FOR THE SOUL

4 Mars Surprised with Venus, 1585 Hendrick Goltzius Dutch, 1558–1617 Engraving, first of three states, 16 1/2 x 12 1/4 in. (plate) Museum Purchase with Curriculum Support Funds, 1995.21.1

Drawn from classical mythology, this scene the technique first developed by Cort. The captures the dramatic moment when Vulcan striking torso of Vulcan and the tiered com- learns of the infidelity of his wife Venus with position suggest Goltzius may have sought her paramour Mars.20 Above Neptune, Mer- additional inspiration from the Dutch paint- cury, Jupiter, Apollo and Hercules descend er Anthonie Blocklandt. The plumed clouds, upon a clouded threshold to witness the ill– wrought by concentric patterns, indicate the fated union. influence of Bartholomeus Spranger. It is no wonder that the Haarlem master drew praise A popular cautionary tale among Nether- for his seemingly effortless ability to trans- landish artists, this adaptation ranks among pose and render as his own the techniques of Goltzius’ earliest mythologies.21 The nu- established masters.22 anced lines of varying widths, exemplified in the softly modeled leg of Venus, recalls

20Homer, The Odyssey, VII: 266-366; Ovid, Metamorphoses, IV:171-89; and id., Ars amatoria, V: 561-98.

21On this print, see Marjolein Leesberg, comp., The New Hollstein Dutch & Flemish Etchings, Engravings and Woodcuts, 1450-1700: Hendrick Goltzius, ed. Huigen Leeflang (Rotterdam: Sound & Vision Publishers in co-operation with the Rijksprentenkabinet, Rijksmuseum, Amsterdam, 2012), XXVIII, pt. I: 248, cat. no. 150; Huigen Leeflang and Ger Luijten, eds., Hendrick Goltzius (1558-1617): Draw- ings, Prints and Paintings, exh. cat. (Zwolle: Waanders; Amsterdam: Rijksmuseum; New York: The Metropolitan Museum of Art; Toledo, OH: The Toledo Museum of Art, 2003), 50-52, cat. no. 13; Lee Hendrix, “Conquering Illusion: Bartholomeus Spranger’s Influence in Venus and Mars Surprised by Vulcan by Hendrick Goltzius,” in Hendrick Goltzius and the Classical Tradition, ed. Glenn Harcourt (Los Angeles: Fisher Gallery, University of Southern California, 1992), 66-72; Walter L. Strauss, ed., The Illustrated Bartsch (New York: Abaris Books, 1980-82), 3: 132, cat. no. 139 (43); 3 commentary: 122, cat. no. .0301.139 (43); id., ed., Hendrik Goltzius (1558-1617): The Complete Engravings and Woodcuts, 2 vols. (New York: Abaris Books, 1977), I: 354, cat. no. 216; and Otto Hirschmann, Hendrick Goltzius, Meister der Graphik VII (Leipzig: Klinkhardt & Biermann, 1919), 49, no pl. or ill. given.

22Van Mander was among the first to recognize Goltzius’ talent, noting: “. . . he has also admirably applied himself to imitate the various working methods of the best masters.” See Karel van Mander, The Lives of the Illustrious Netherlandish and German Painters from the first edition of the Schilder-boeck (1603-1604), ed. Hessel Miedema, 6 vols. (Doornspijk: Davaco, 1994-99), I: 394, fol. 284r. On the influences evident in this print, see Leeflang and Luijten, eds., Hendrick Goltzius, 51-52, fig. 13a.

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5 Evangelicae historiae imagines (Illustrations of the Gospel Stories), Antverpiæ (Antwerp), Ex Officina Plantiniana, Apud Ioannem Moretum, 1607 Hieronymus Natalius Spanish, 1507–1580 13 31/32 x 10 3/64 x 3 27/64 in. On loan from the Albert and Shirley Small Special Collections Library

In 1585, publisher Christopher Plantin solic- This 1607 edition, newly titled Annotations ited Goltzius to execute engravings for Je- and Meditations on the Gospels (Adnotatio- rome Nadal’s Illustrations of the Gospel Sto- nes et meditationes in Evangelia), expands ries, a series of Jesuit meditations on the life upon and rearranges the original meditations of Christ.23 Plantin met with little success. according to the liturgical calendar.24 The ac- His surviving correspondence reveals that companying illustrations, exemplified in the Goltzius would only accept the commission Burial of Christ, would have served to inspire if it took him to Rome. After a yearlong ne- the faithful in their contemplative reading. 25 gotiation, Goltzius declined, and the task was thereafter divided between four Flemish and Italian engravers.

23On the complex and protracted negotiations, see Huigen Leeflang and Ger Luijten, eds., Hendrick Goltzius (1558-1617): Drawings, Prints and Paintings, exh. cat. (Zwolle: Waanders; Amsterdam: Rijksmuseum; New York: The Metropolitan Museum of Art; Toledo, OH: The Toledo Museum of Art, 2003), 38-39; and Walter L. Strauss, ed., Hendrik Goltzius (1558-1617): The Complete Engravings and Woodcuts, 2 vols. (New York: Abaris Books, 1977), I: 343.

24On author and text, see Walter S. Melion, introduction to Annotations and Meditations on the Gospels, by Jerome Nadal, trans. and ed. Frederick A. Homann (Philadelphia: Saint Joseph’s University Press, 2003-5), 1-32, esp. 4-6.

25See Hieronymus Natalius, Evangelicae historiae imagines (Antverpiæ: Ex Officina Plantiniana, Apud Ioannem Moretum, 1607), pl. 133. 54 FIGURES FOR THE SOUL FIGURES FOR THE SOUL

6 After Bartholomeus Spranger, Flemish, 1546–1611 (left) The Holy Family, 1589 Hendrick Goltzius Dutch, 1558–1617 Engraving, 11 1/4 x 8 3/8 in. (plate) Museum Purchase with Curriculum Support Funds, 1996.9.1

(right) The Holy Family, c. 1589 Workshop of Hendrick Goltzius, possibly Pieter de Jode I Flemish, 1570–1634 Engraving, 9 1/4 x 6 5/8 in. (23.5 x 16.83 cm.) (plate) Museum Purchase with Curriculum Support Funds, 1996.9.2

“When I came to live in Haarlem in 1583,” the left.27 The swelling proportions of each Van Mander recalls, “I made [Goltzius’] ac- line endow the figures with a tangible vol- quaintance and showed him some drawings ume. The Virgin’s soft rounded shoulder, by Spranger, which he liked very much.”26 given shape by concentric rings of varying Goltzius was captivated by the complex de- widths, embodies the fleshiness of Goltzius’ signs of the Prague artist, whose composi- so–called “dough–style.”28 Closer analysis tions inspired him to reimagine his own en- reveals how his lines now progress from fig- graved line. ure to figure without disruption, rendering remarkably fluid silhouettes.29 Goltzius’ em- It seems Goltzius knew well the elongated boldened technique informs a workshop pro- proportions and lively contours of Sprang- duction of the same subject.30 er’s Holy Family, a design he replicates on

26Karel van Mander, The Lives of the Illustrious Netherlandish and German Painters from the first edition of theSchilder-boeck (1603-1604), ed. Hessel Miedema, 6 vols. (Doornspijk: Davaco, 1994-99), I: 394, fol. 284r.

27On this Spranger-inspired print, see Marjolein Leesberg, comp., The New Hollstein Dutch & Flemish Etchings, Engravings and Woodcuts, 1450-1700: Hendrick Goltzius, ed. Huigen Leeflang (Rotter- dam: Sound & Vision Publishers in co-operation with the Rijksprentenkabinet, Rijksmuseum, Amsterdam, 2012), XXVIII, pt. II: 303-5, cat. no. 338; Huigen Leeflang and Ger Luijten, eds., Hendrick Goltzius (1558-1617): Drawings, Prints and Paintings, exh. cat. (Zwolle: Waanders; Amsterdam: Rijksmuseum; New York: The Metropolitan Museum of Art; Toledo, OH: The Toledo Museum of Art, 2003), 82-83, fig. 42; Walter L. Strauss, ed., The Illustrated Bartsch (New York: Abaris Books, 1980-82), 3: 242, cat. no. 275 (84); 3 commentary: 304, cat. no. .0301.275 (84); id., ed., Hendrik Goltzius (1558-1617): The Complete Engravings and Woodcuts, 2 vols. (New York: Abaris Books, 1977), II: 494, cat. no. 281; and Otto Hirschmann, Hendrick Goltzius, Meister der Graphik VII (Leipzig: Klinkhardt & Biermann, 1919), 57, pl. XIV, ill. 17.

28On technique, see Leeflang and Luijten, eds., Hendrick Goltzius, 83.

29On silhouettes, see Strauss, ed., Hendrik Goltzius, 494, cat. no. 281.

30On this variation, see Leesberg, comp., The New Hollstein Dutch & Flemish Etchings, Engravings and Woodcuts, XXVIII, pt. IV: 262-63, cat. no. R4; Strauss, ed., The Illustrated Bartsch, 3: 264, cat. no. 297 (90); 3 commentary: 335, cat. nos. 0301.297 (90); and Hirschmann, Hendrick Goltzius, 57-58, pl. XIV, ill. 18.

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“When Goltzius returned ITALY AND THE from Italy he had impressed the handsome Italian paintings RETURN TO CLASSICISM as firmly in his memory With the declining state of his health and the significant source of inspiration. Regardless, 31 as in a mirror.” mounting success of his workshop, issuing a his return to Haarlem in 1593 marks a turn to- remarkable sixty–five prints in 1589, Goltzius wards the ordered classicism of the Old Mas- — Karel van Mander, 1604 set off for Italy in early 1590.32 After visiting ters, a period specialists praise as Goltzius’ Venice, Bologna and Florence, he arrived neo–renaissance.33 in Rome. The Eternal City left an indelible mark. Time with original works, rather than plaster models or prints, perfected his knowl- edge of classical art and the so–called “Ital- ian manner.” Perhaps he acquired prints after Federico Barocci, whose emotive and equally innovative religious compositions became a

31Karel van Mander, The Lives of the Illustrious Netherlandish and German Painters from the first edition of the Schilder-boeck (1603-1604), ed. Hessel Miedema, 6 vols. (Doornspijk: Davaco, 1994-99), I: 400-1, fol. 285v.

32For his expedition to Italy, see ibid., 388-95, fol. 282v-84r; and Huigen Leeflang and Ger Luijten, eds., Hendrick Goltzius (1558-1617): Drawings, Prints and Paintings, exh. cat. (Zwolle: Waanders; Amsterdam: Rijksmuseum; New York: The Metropolitan Museum of Art; Toledo, OH: The Toledo Museum of Art, 2003), 17-19, 117-25.

33On this style, see Walter L. Strauss, ed., Hendrik Goltzius (1558-1617): The Complete Engravings and Woodcuts, 2 vols. (New York: Abaris Books, 1977), II: 513. FIGURES FOR THE SOUL FIGURES FOR THE SOUL

7 Saint Jerome, c. 1592–1607 Giuseppe Scolari Italian, active c. 1592–1607 Woodcut, second of two states, 20 3/4 x 14 1/2 in. (sheet) Museum Purchase with Curriculum Support Funds, 1986.6

Little is known of Goltzius’ stay in Venice be- Alongside attends his customary compan- yond the portrait of his friend and fellow artist ion, a lion, whose mane demonstrates the ex- Dirck de Vries.34 Representative of the Vene- traordinary texture of Scolari’s line. Behind, tian style is Giuseppe Scolari, one of the last the rugged cliff exhibits his use of an engrav- great woodcutters who was active between er’s burin to render vivid white highlights in 1592 and 1607.35 Of the nine surviving prints dark velvety passages. attributed to Scolari, six depict scenes from the Passion of Christ and another two Cath- olic saints.36 Here, he portrays the Church Father Saint Jerome mid–prayer holding a Crucifix and stone for self–mortification.37

34On their friendship and the resulting portraits, see Huigen Leeflang and Ger Luijten, eds., Hendrick Goltzius (1558-1617): Drawings, Prints and Paintings, exh. cat. (Zwolle: Waanders; Amsterdam: Rijksmuseum; New York: The Metropolitan Museum of Art; Toledo, OH: The Toledo Museum of Art, 2003), 19; and Ger Luijten, ed., Dawn of the Golden Age: Northern Netherlandish Art, 1580-1620, exh. cat. (Amsterdam: Rijksmuseum; Zwolle: Waanders; New Haven and London: Yale University Press, 1993), 396-97, cat. no. 51.

35For an introduction to this little studied artist, considered the Veronese of Venetian printmaking, see Iris Contant, “Nuove Notizie su Giuseppe Scolari,” Arte Veneta 55 (2001): 120-28; David Landau, “Printmaking in Venice and the Veneto,” The Genius of Venice, 1500-1600, ed. Jane Martineau and Charles Hope, exh. cat. (London: Royal Academy of the Arts; New York: H. N. Abrams, 1983), 303-54, 350-54, cat. nos. P60-63; Michelangelo Muraro and David Rosand, eds., Tiziano e la silografia veneziana del Cinquecento, exh. cat. (Vicenza: Neri Pozza Editore, s.r.l., 1976), 150-56, cat. nos. 102-12; Henri Zerner, “Giuseppe Scolari,” L’Oeil cxxi (1965): 24-29, 67, esp. 25; and Grove Art Online, s. v. “Scolari, Giuseppe,” by Feliciano Benvenuti, accessed February 25, 2015, http://www. oxfordartonline.com.

36On the statistics of his surviving prints, see Muraro and Rosand, eds., Tiziano e la silografia veneziana del Cinquecento, 150.

37On this print, see Landau, “Printmaking in Venice and the Veneto,” 351-52, P60; and Muraro and Rosand, eds., Tiziano e la silografia veneziana del Cinquecento, 153, cat. no. 105. On Saint Jerome, see Judith Couchman, The Art of Faith: A Guide to Understanding Christian Images (Brewster, MA: Paraclete Press, 2012), s. v. “Jerome.”

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8 Stigmatization of Saint Francis, 1581 Federico Barocci Italian, 1535–1612 Etching, engraving and dry point, 9 x 6 in. (sheet) Museum Purchase with Curriculum Support Funds, 2003.15.4

Goltzius knew well the innovations of Baro- It is recognized that Goltzius sought inspira- cci, a leading Counter–Reformation artist in tion from Barocci. Beginning in 1593, almost late sixteenth–century Italy.38 The Stigma- immediately upon his return from Italy, Golt- tization of Saint Francis testifies to the raw zius executed the Life of the Virgin, a series power Barocci invested in sacred narratives.39 of six prints acclaimed as his Masterpieces Set on Mount Verna, Francis kneels with eyes (Meisterstiche).40 He chose to render each in heavenward and arms outstretched in prayer. the manner of a different Old Master. For his His miraculous receipt of the stigmata is ap- Holy Family with Saint John the Baptist, Golt- parent by his pierced hand here offered as zius drew the playful expressions and tousled the object of the viewer’s meditation. Dark, curls from prints after Barocci’s Madonna of rhythmic lines heighten the intensity of the the Cat (1577).41 visionary encounter.

38For a recent appraisal of Barocci, see Judith W. Mann, “Innovation and Inspiration: An Introduction to Federico Barocci,” in Federico Barocci: Renaissance Master of Color and Line (St. Louis, MO: Saint Louis Art Museum; New Haven and London: Yale University Press, 2012), 1-31.

39On this print, one of four etchings by Barocci, see Walter L. Strauss, ed., The Illustrated Bartsch (New York: Abaris Books, 1982), 34: 11, cat. no. 3 (3); and Edmund Pillsbury and Louise Richards, eds., The Graphic Art of Federico Barocci: Selected Drawings and Prints, exh. cat. (New Haven: Yale University Art Gallery, 1978), 93-101, 102, cat. no. 72.

40On this series, see Marjolein Leesberg, comp., The New Hollstein Dutch & Flemish Etchings, Engravings and Woodcuts, 1450-1700: Hendrick Goltzius, ed. Huigen Leeflang (Rotterdam: Sound & Vision Publishers in co-operation with the Rijksprentenkabinet, Rijksmuseum, Amsterdam, 2012), XXVIII, pt. I: 15-32, cat. nos. 8-13; Huigen Leeflang and Ger Luijten, eds., Hendrick Goltzius (1558-1617): Drawings, Prints and Paintings, exh. cat. (Zwolle: Waanders; Amsterdam: Rijksmuseum; New York: The Metropolitan Museum of Art; Toledo, OH: The Toledo Museum of Art, 2003), 211-15, cat. nos. 75.1-6; Walter S. Melion, “Piety and Pictorial Manner in Hendrick Goltzius’s Early Life of the Virgin,” in Hendrick Goltzius and the Classical Tradition, ed. Glenn Harcourt (Los Angeles: Fisher Gallery, University of Southern California, 1992), 44-51; Walter L. Strauss, ed., The Illustrated Bartsch (New York: Abaris Books, 1980-82), 3: 23-28, cat. nos. 15-17 (15), 18-20 (16); 3 commentary: 18-24, cat. nos. 0301.015-.017 (15), 0301.018-20 (16); id., ed., Hendrik Goltzius (1558-1617): The Complete Engravings and Woodcuts, 2 vols. (New York: Abaris Books, 1977), II: 580-87, cat. nos. 319-22; and Otto Hirschmann, Hendrick Goltzius, Meister der Graphik VII (Leipzig: Klinkhardt & Biermann, 1919), 72-81, pls. XX-XXV, ills. 26-31.

41On Goltzius’ emulation of Barocci, see Leeflang and Luijten, eds., Hendrick Goltzius, 214-15, fig. 75e, cat. no. 75.6.

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9 Adoration of the Magi from the Life of the Virgin or Masterpieces series, 1594 Hendrick Goltzius Dutch, 1558–1617 Engraving, 18 9/16 x 13 7/8 in. (sheet) Gift of Gertrude Weber, 2012.15.3

One of six engravings from Goltzius’ Life of This print also commemorates the artist’s in- the Virgin series, the Adoration of the Magi genuity. Van Mander recounts how Goltzius emulates an early sixteenth–century print by took great pains to age the series’ Circumci- Lucas van Leyden. Although Goltzius chose sion print, executed in the style of Dürer. Af- a vertical format, he portrayed the Virgin and ter using a hot coal to efface his self-portrait Child in a posture similar to Van Leyden’s and identifying initials, Goltzius smoked precedent. Yet, the loosely rendered lines and creased the image before sending cop- of the Virgin’s gown fail to attain the crisp ies to Rome, Venice and Amsterdam. Critic graphic contours perfected by his predeces- and connoisseur alike marveled at the super- sor. Goltzius’ use of grey ink further prohibit- lative quality of Dürer, which far surpassed ed him from achieving the broad tonal scale anything the Haarlem master could achieve. and silvery finish for which his Dutch rival “[A]fter many rumors and much claptrap,” was so celebrated. Van Mander muses, “the print was shown and came before the eyes of these people in its entirety . . . [and] they stood (as the saying goes) with egg on their faces.” Goltzius em- ployed the same ruse for the Adoration.

42On the series’ Adoration print, see Marjolein Leesberg, comp., The New Hollstein Dutch & Flemish Etchings, Engravings and Woodcuts, 1450-1700: Hendrick Goltzius, ed. Huigen Leeflang (Rotterdam: Sound & Vision Publishers in co-operation with the Rijksprentenkabinet, Rijksmuseum, Amsterdam, 2012), XXVIII, pt. I: 20-21, 27, cat. no. 12, 32, copies 12.a-b; Huigen Leeflang and Ger Luijten, eds., Hendrick Goltzius (1558-1617): Drawings, Prints and Paintings, exh. cat. (Zwolle: Waanders; Amsterdam: Rijksmuseum; New York: The Metropolitan Museum of Art; Toledo, OH: The Toledo Museum of Art, 2003), 213-14, fig. 75d, cat. no. 75.5; Walter L. Strauss, ed., The Illustrated Bartsch (New York: Abaris Books, 1980-82), 3: 27, cat. no. 19 (16); 3 commentary: 22-23, cat. no. 0301.019 (16); id., ed., Hendrik Goltzius (1558-1617): The Complete Engravings and Woodcuts, 2 vols. (New York: Abaris Books, 1977), II: 582-83, cat. no. 320; and Otto Hirschmann, Hendrick Goltzius, Meister der Graphik VII (Leipzig: Klinkhardt & Biermann, 1919), 79-80, pl. XXIV, ill. 30.

43On his choice of ink, see Leeflang and Luijten, eds., Hendrick Goltzius, 214.

44On this episode, see Karel van Mander, The Lives of the Illustrious Netherlandish and German Painters from the first edition of theSchilder-boeck (1603-1604), ed. Hessel Miedema, 6 vols. (Doornspijk: Davaco, 1994-99), I: 396-99, fols. 284v-85r.

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10 Pietà, 1596 Hendrick Goltzius Dutch, 1558–1617 Engraving, second of two states, 7 1/2 x 5 1/8 in. (sheet) Museum Purchase with Curriculum Support Funds, 1988.28

Among the final engravings created by Golt- Goltzius drew this emotive composition zius is his poignant Pietà.45 Here, the an- from the Old Masters. The sinuous curves guished Virgin grieves over the dead body of Christ evoke the example of Michelange- of Christ. The instruments of his Passion, the lo, whose Pietà Goltzius must have studied distant Cross on Calvary and the Crown of in Rome’s Basilica of Saint Peter.46 The print Thorns in the foreground, invite the viewer also recalls Dürer’s Madonnas. Goltzius’ to also grieve. glossy night sky, resplendent haloes and pla- nar folds of the Madonna’s gown are espe- cially redolent of a 1519 precedent.47 This in- ventive synthesis, specialists agree, deserves the praise of Van Mander who proclaimed: “This piece cannot be improved upon in de- sign and execution.”48

45On this print, see Marjolein Leesberg, comp., The New Hollstein Dutch & Flemish Etchings, Engravings and Woodcuts, 1450-1700: Hendrick Goltzius, ed. Huigen Leeflang (Rotterdam: Sound & Vision Publishers in co-operation with the Rijksprentenkabinet, Rijksmuseum, Amsterdam, 2012), XXVIII, pt. I: 74-77, cat. no. 31, copies 31.a.II/c.II; Huigen Leeflang and Ger Luijten, eds., Hendrick Goltzius (1558-1617): Drawings, Prints and Paintings, exh. cat. (Zwolle: Waanders; Amsterdam: Rijksmuseum; New York: The Metropolitan Museum of Art; Toledo, OH: The Toledo Museum of Art, 2003), 209, 226-27, cat. no. 81; Walter L. Strauss, ed., The Illustrated Bartsch (New York: Abaris Books, 1980-82), 3: 48, cat. no. 41 (23); 3 commentary: 49, cat. no. 0301.041 (23); id., ed., Hendrik Goltzius (1558- 1617): The Complete Engravings and Woodcuts, 2 vols. (New York: Abaris Books, 1977), II: 608-9, cat. no. 331; and Otto Hirschmann, Hendrick Goltzius, Meister der Graphik VII (Leipzig: Klinkhardt & Biermann, 1919), 81-82, pl. XXVI, ill. 33.

46On its tie to Michelangelo’s Pietà, see Leeflang and Luijten, eds., Hendrick Goltzius, 209, 226-27; and Strauss, ed., Hendrik Goltzius, 608.

47On the influence of Dürer’s Madonnas, see Leeflang and Luijten, eds., Hendrick Goltzius, 226-27. On Dürer’s engraved examples, including the Madonna Nursing, see Walter L. Strauss, ed., The Illustrated Bartsch (New York: Abaris Books, 1980-81), 10 commentary: 75-106, cat. nos. 1001.029 (50)-.044 (62), esp. 87, cat. no .036 (55).

48Karel van Mander, The Lives of the Illustrious Netherlandish and German Painters from the first edition of the Schilder-boeck (1603-1604), ed. Hessel Miedema, 6 vols. (Doornspijk: Davaco, 1994-99), I: 398, fol. 285r.

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“‘Honor above Gold’”49 HIS LEGACY — Karel van Mander, 1604

Goltzius’ motto, as Van Mander recounts, Goltzius died in 1617. As one of the last en- is fitting for one who so tirelessly sought to gravers to draw with the skill of a painter, secure his legacy. Over the course of a four– he inspired many who came after including decade career, the artist executed countless Rembrandt Harmensz. van Rijn, widely re- portrait engravings, acquiring a vast clien- garded as the preeminent artist of Holland’s tele. In addition to William Prince of Or- Golden Age.51 ange, noblemen, merchants, soldiers as well as established physicians commissioned the Haarlem master. His works on paper were also well known to King Philip II of Spain, Emperor Rudolf II of Prague and the Fugger banking family in Augsburg, who numbered among his avid collectors.50

49Karel van Mander, The Lives of the Illustrious Netherlandish and German Painters from the first edition of the Schilder-boeck (1603-1604), ed. Hessel Miedema, 6 vols. (Doornspijk: Davaco, 1994-99), I: 402-3, fol. 286r.

50For an overview of Goltzius’ connoisseurs and patrons, see Huigen Leeflang and Ger Luijten, eds., Hendrick Goltzius (1558-1617): Drawings, Prints and Paintings, exh. cat. (Zwolle: Waanders; Amster- dam: Rijksmuseum; New York: The Metropolitan Museum of Art; Toledo, OH: The Toledo Museum of Art, 2003), 19 for his wealthy collectors; 16-17 and 56-79 for his portrait engravings, esp. 60, fig. 34 for the likeness of an admiral, 62, fig. 39 for a physician, 65, cat. no. 17 for a merchant and 67, cat. no. 18 for William Prince of Orange.

51On his painter-engraver legacy, see A. Hyatt Mayor, Prints & People. A Social History of Printed Pictures (New York: The Metropolitan Museum of Art; Distributed by New York Graphic Society, 1971), n. p., figs. 420-21. FIGURES FOR THE SOUL FIGURES FOR THE SOUL

11 Pride (Superbia), 1592–1593 Jacob Matham Dutch, 1571–1631 After Hendrick Goltzius, Dutch, 1558–1617 Engraving, 12 3/4 x 6 1/2 in. (sheet) Museum Purchase with Curriculum Support Funds, 1988.15.a

When Goltzius turned to painting in 1600, meticulous swell of Matham’s line grant di- his stepson and pupil Jacob Matham as- mension to her gown, while thin concentric sumed responsibility for the Haarlem work- rings in the arch appear so fine near her face shop.52 Surviving prints confirm the dili- that they reflect the light of the mirror. Al- gent training and inherent gift of Goltzius’ though only one of roughly 400 extant en- protégé. Matham’s Pride, executed after his gravings produced by Matham, his sensitive tutor, depicts one of the seven deadly sins.53 technique ensured the immediate legacy of Here a statuesque woman upholds a mirror, his family workshop.55 the traditional symbol of vanity. Her unde- terred gaze and unblemished beauty person- ify pride, which according to Pope Gregory the Great leads to the other six vices. 54 The

52On Matham’s life and legacy, see Léna Widerkehr, comp., introduction to The New Hollstein Dutch & Flemish Etchings, Engravings and Woodcuts, 1450-1700: Jacob Matham, ed. Huigen Leeflang (Rotterdam: Sound & Vision Publishers in co-operation with the Rijksprentenkabinet, Rijksmuseum, Amsterdam, 2007), XXI, pt. I: xxiv-lxviii.

53On Matham’s Vices series, to which this print belongs, and its relation to Goltzius’ work, see ibid., xxix. On the Pride engraving, see Widerkehr, comp., The New Hollstein Dutch & Flemish Etchings, Engravings and Woodcuts, XXI, pt. II: 26, 30-31, cat. no. 150; and Walter L. Strauss, ed., The Illustrated Bartsch (New York: Abaris Books, 1980), 4: 121, cat. no. 132 (165).

54Angela Tilby, The Seven Deadly Sins: Their origin in the spiritual teaching of Evagrius the Hermit (London: SPCK, 2009), ch. 2, n. pp. given.

55For the statistics of his surviving works, see James Clifton, ed., A Portrait of the Artist, 1525-1825: Prints from the Collection of the Sarah Campbell Blaffer Foundation, exh. cat. (Houston: The Museum of Fine Arts, 2005), 121-23, cat. no. 35. 70 71 FIGURES FOR THE SOUL FIGURES FOR THE SOUL

12 Landscape with Christ’s Entry into Jerusalem, c. 1600–1629 Simon Wynhoutsz. Frisius Flemish, c. 1570–1628 Etching, first state, 7 x 9 in. (plate) Gift of Gertrude Weber, 1995.22.8

Frisius is often recognized for executing city fortress diminish the narrative, discern- two small landscapes after Goltzius, prints able only by the figure of Christ who extends that arguably mark the beginning of seven- his hand in blessing (Mk. 11:9). The notice- teenth–century Dutch landscape etching.56 ably delicate and at times trembling lines Unlike engraving, the intaglio process of of the fissured stone and windswept foliage etching relies on an acid bath to “bite” or epitomize Frisius’ aesthetic. “[H]is etchings, incise the design onto the metal plate.57 The though usually very slight,” one eighteenth– result of this process, favored for render- century critic conceded, “are nevertheless ing landscapes, is preserved in this bucol- free, broad and masterly.”59 ic scene.58 In the immediate foreground, Frisius renders Christ’s triumphal entry into Jerusalem. Both the lyrical tree and rising

56On Frisius’ life and legacy, see Nadine M. Orenstein, comp., introduction to The New Hollstein Dutch & Flemish Etchings, Engravings and Woodcuts, 1450-1700: Simon Frisius, ed. Huigen Leeflang (Rotterdam: Sound & Vision Publishers in co-operation with the Rijksprentenkabinet, Rijksmuseum, Amsterdam, 2008), XXII, pt. I: xvii-xxvii, and for his ties to Goltzius esp. xvii. On the landscape prints after Goltzius, see also Walter L. Strauss, ed., The Illustrated Bartsch (New York: Abaris Books, 1980), 3: 379-80, cat. nos. 1-2 (120).

57For the intaglio process of etching, see Felix Brunner, A Handbook of Graphic Reproduction Processes, 3rd ed. (Switzerland: Arthur Niggli Teufen, 1968), 115-19.

58On this print, one of eight catalogued under the uniform title Landscapes with scenes from the Life of Christ, see Orenstein, comp., The New Hollstein Dutch & Flemish Etchings, Engravings and Woodcuts, XXII, pt. I: 9, 13, cat. no. 10.I.

59Joseph Strutt, A Biographical Dictionary Containing an Historical Account of all the Engravers, 2 vols. (London, 1785), 311, quoted in Orenstein, comp., introduction to The New Hollstein Dutch & Flemish Etchings, Engravings and Woodcuts, xxii, n. 42.

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13 The Raising of Lazarus, 1631–1632 Rembrandt Harmensz. van Rijn Dutch, 1606–1669 Etching with engraving, sixth state or later, 14 11/16 x 10 7/16 in. (plate) Gift of John Barton Payne, 1920.2.64

Rembrandt was a fervent collector. In addi- Although Rembrandt drew inspiration from tion to arms, costumes and a host of natural his collection, he, like Goltzius, made past in- curiosities, he accumulated a vast number of ventions his own. This print executed only a paintings and graphic works. Among his en- few years after his first experiment with etch- gravings were prints by Hendrick Goltzius, ing, exhibits the intensity indicative of this Lucas van Leyden and the Little Masters, as Dutch master.61 Here Christ, with features well as an edition of Van Mander’s Book of obscured and hand raised, has just sum- Painters.60 moned Lazarus from the grave (Jn. 11:1–44). Light wrought by quaking lines and delicate stippling endows the scene with a pulsating energy. Rembrandt’s intuitive talent for ren- dering radiance conveys, in the words of one specialist, “a miraculous power.”62

60On Rembrandt’s vast collections, see Seymour Slive, Dutch Painting 1600-1800 (New Haven and London: Yale University Press, 1995), 81.

61On Rembrandt’s intuitive talent as an etcher, see ibid., 58. On The Raising of Lazarus, see Erik Hinterding and Jaco Rutgers, comp., The New Hollstein Dutch & Flemish Etchings, Engravings and Wood- cuts, 1450-1700: Rembrandt, ed. Ger Luijten (Rotterdam: Sound & Vision Publishers in co-operation with the Rijksprentenkabinet, Rijksmuseum, Amsterdam, 2013), vol. 29, pt. I, text I: 177-80, cat. no. 113; vol. 29, pt. III, plates I: 195-203, cat. nos. 113.I-IX; Erik Hinterding, Ger Luijten and Martin Royalton-Kisch, eds., Rembrandt the Printmaker, exh. cat. (Chicago: Fitzroy Dearborn Pub., 2000), 118-22, cat. no. 17; and John T. Spike, ed., The Illustrated Bartsch (New York: Abaris Books, 1993), 50: 59, cat. no. 73-I [III].

62Slive, Dutch Painting 1600-1800, 57.

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14 Death of the Virgin, 1639 Rembrandt Harmensz. van Rijn Dutch, 1606–1669 Etching and drypoint, second of three states, 16 1/4 x 12 3/8 in. (sheet) Museum Purchase, 1986.24

Inspired by apocryphal accounts, Rembrandt Despite his precocious talent, Rembrandt still here stages the death of the Virgin.63 Above looked to Dürer. It is known that he owned an angel attended by winged putti materi- nine sets of Dürer’s Death of the Virgin se- alizes, while below the Apostles accompany ries, whose version bears loose resemblance bereaved figures at her bedside. A man in the to Rembrandt’s adaptation.64 The pioneering foreground turns from his manuscript as if efforts of his predecessors, exemplified by to hear the physician’s expected pronounce- Dürer and Goltzius, elevated the expressive ment. From clouded mist to manuscript, possibilities of the print. Van Mander was Rembrandt evokes an extraordinary range right: The fame of Goltzius did live on as his of textures. The velvety passages in the fore- works continue to rank among the finest in ground, achieved by the abrasive effects of the history of graphic arts. burnishing heighten the dramatic intensity.

63Although debated, Rembrandt’s portrayal seems to incorporate distinct moments from Jacobus de Voragine’s fourteenth-century hagiography the Golden Legend (Legenda aurea). See Erik Hinterd- ing and Jaco Rutgers, comp., The New Hollstein Dutch & Flemish Etchings, Engravings and Woodcuts, 1450-1700: Rembrandt, ed. Ger Luijten (Rotterdam: Sound & Vision Publishers in co-operation with the Rijksprentenkabinet, Rijksmuseum, Amsterdam, 2013), vol. 29, pt. II, text II: 39-41, cat. no. 173; vol. 29, pt. IV, plates II: 93-97, cat. nos. 173.I-V; Julia Lloyd Williams, Rembrandt’s Women (Munich, London and New York: Prestel, 2001), 165, cat. no. 83; and Erik Hinterding, Ger Luijten and Martin Royalton-Kisch, eds., Rembrandt the Printmaker, exh. cat. (Chicago: Fitzroy Dearborn Pub., 2000), 162-64, cat. no. 32; and John T. Spike, ed., The Illustrated Bartsch (New York: Abaris Books, 1993), 50: 85, cat. no. 99-I.

64Rembrandt reportedly bought all of the sets at the 1638 sale of Gommer Spranger’s collection. See Walter L. Strauss and Marjon van der Meulen, eds., The Rembrandt Documents (New York: Abaris Books, 1979), 1638/2, quoted in Williams, Rembrandt’s Women, 165. 76 77

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ELIZABETH DWYER BARRINGER-LINDNER FELLOW