DOCSLIB.ORG

Reds in America

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text

Load more

REDS IN AMERICA BY ROBERT MERRILLWHITNEY (1924) This book provides a prophetic look at the U.S. communist party as it existed in the 1920s, based on actual records of a communist convention raided by the Feds in 1922. Authentic documents are provided that detail plans to use education and judicial systems to advance the communist agenda, weaken the social fabric, and to sow division between races and religious groups. Tactical plans include propaganda programs, use of media, agrarian 'reform', use of the ACLU to influence the legal system, and infiltration of the government, military, labor union, and women’s groups. Virtually all the major "social movements" of the 20th century were laid out in these documents generations before they appeared in public consciousness. TABLE OF CONTENTS INTRODUCTION................................................................................................................................................. 3 THE RAID AT BRIDGMAN ............................................................................................................................... 12 IN POLITICAL FIELDS ..................................................................................................................................... 28 SCHOOLS AND COLLEGES ............................................................................................................................ 42 RADICAL PUBLICATIONS AND LITERATURE ................................................................................................. 53 LEGAL ORGANIZATIONS ................................................................................................................................ 63 RELIEF DRIVES: THE AGRARIAN PROGRAM ................................................................................................ 76 AMERICAN CIVIL LIBERTIES UNION .............................................................................................................. 86 THE INDUSTRIAL PROGRAM .......................................................................................................................... 93 THE STAGE AND THE MOVIES ..................................................................................................................... 103 ARMY, NAVY, AND THE GOVERNMENT ....................................................................................................... 113 THE LABOR DEFENSE COUNCIL ................................................................................................................. 126 WORK AMONG WOMEN'S ORGANIZATIONS ............................................................................................... 132 THE NATIONAL INFORMATION BUREAU ...................................................................................................... 137 THE NEGRO PROGRAM ............................................................................................................................... 141 FUTURE PLANS OF THE COMMUNIST PARTY OF AMERICA ........................................................................ 146 PRESENT STATUS OF THE BRIDGMAN CASES ........................................................................................... 155 THE SHORTCOMINGS OF OUR LAWS .......................................................................................................... 157 THIS BOOK DISCUSSES THE PRESENT STATUS OF THE REVOLUTIONARY MOVEMENT IN THE UNITED STATES BASED ON DOCUMENTS SEIZED BY THE AUTHORITIES IN THE RAID UPON THE CONVENTION OF THE COMMUNIST PARTY AT BRIDGMAN, MICHIGAN, AUG. 22, 1922, TOGETHER WITH DESCRIPTIONS OF NUMEROUS CONNECTIONS AND ASSOCIATIONS 1 OF THE COMMUNISTS AMONG THE RADICALS, PROGRESSIVES AND PINKS. Page . My earnest hope is that this book will be helpful to those students of the science of government who are still befogged in the tractless sea of "liberalism" as now defined and that it will ultimately prove to be a permanent contribution to the bibliography of loyalty to American institutions. R. M. WHITNEY February, 1924. [Editor's Note: R. M. Whitney died in 1925, at age 49, soon after the book "Reds in America" was published. The documents recovered at the Bridgman raid of 1922, which exposed the plans of the Communist Party of the United States, are rarely mentioned in conventional histories, and none of those arrested served long sentences." ABOUT THE AUTHOR Robert Merrill Whitney, director of the Washington Bureau of the American Defense Society, was born in 1875. He graduated from Harvard in 1897 and has been a newspaper reporter and editor in St. Louis, Boston, Chicago, San Francisco, Los Angeles San Diego, and during the war covered the State Department for the Associated Press. He has been a correspondent in Mexico, Central and South America for many papers. He is the author of numerous pamphlets on patriotic subjects. "Better to be despised for too anxious apprehensions, than ruined by too confident security." "The effect of liberty to individuals is, that they may do what they please: we ought to see what it will please them to do, before we risque congratulations, which may soon turn into complaints. Prudence would dictate this in the case of separate insulated private men; but liberty, when men act in bodies, is power. Considerate people, before they declare themselves, will observe the use which is made of power; and particularly of so trying a thing as new power in new persons, of whose principles, tempers, and dispositions they have little or no experience, and in situations where those who appear the most stirring in the scene may not possibly be the real movers." —The Rt. Hon. Edmund Burke. Reflections on the Revolution in France, and on the Proceedings in Certain Societies in London Relative to that Event. In a lzzzetter intended to have been sent to a Gentleman in Paris. (Published in October, 1790.) 2 Page INTRODUCTION Turning over the pages of Burke's Reflections, the thought is constantly dominant—even if no other sources of information were at hand—that the points of similarity between the French Revolution and that which recently occurred in Russia far outnumber those of dissimilarity. The revolutionaries of France were as much adepts at the dissemination of catchwords and slogans as their Russian prototypes of a later day. Some of the rallying cries, as for instance "Liberty, Equality, Fraternity," have persisted in their psychic malfeasance even to the present, and the literature of the French Revolution abounds with phrases which crop out in the wordy exudates of Lenin and Trotsky. The correspondence of Jean Baptiste Carrier has been recently published, and it is difficult to realize that the scenes of terrible cruelty which Carrier describes are not those in which the central figure is a Dzerzhinsky or a Moghilevsky or that Carrier's loathsome sacrilege is not that of a Bukharin. The machinery of organized revolution which produced such a change in France has been well described by Mrs. Nesta Webster, and the most startling truth is clearly brought out that the organization through which the chief conspirators accomplished their purposes of destruction was manipulated through Minorities, secretly organized, and working in secondary and tertiary minorities, also secretly organized, ultimately influencing vast numbers of people who knew not the objective and cared less. The direction of the movement, therefore, always came from the top. It must be admitted that the Revolution was in small part only, a reaction against abuses which were rapidly in process of abatement, and which, such as they were, furnished talking points to the curbstone agitators. Mr. Theodore Roosevelt showed his keen historical insight and freedom from the influence of Carlisle's Prussianized history when he wrote to Mr. Felix Frankfurter, one of our modern revolutionaries: "Robespierre and Danton and Marat and Herbert were just as evil as the worst tyrants of the old regime, and from 1791 to 1794 they were the most dangerous enemies to liberty that the world contained." This organization of disorder in France carried its fighting front into foreign countries and counted upon reverberations as a part of its political capital at home. Friends of the Revolution in England, many of them fanatical in their devotion to the cause of democracy as pictured by its philosophers, organized, agitated, assembled, talked, and raised much money to help the cause along; so much so that many were of the belief that it was British government gold upholding the hands of the protesting party. As clearly defined but with less intensity, the same organized movement appeared in the United States. Its advent caused George Washington and his coworkers considerable anxiety for they evidently could not understand its true significance. It can be said verily that the scars of that agitation are still apparent in our political life. They are the first deviations from the standard of a representative republican government as conceived by the framers of the Constitution, who were attempting to build something which could protect minorities against the liquid rule of a mob. It was in contemplation of such things that Edmund Burke was prompted to write his Reflections. The times furnished an opportunity for s bit of wise political philosophy, just as applicable to-day with our eyes turned towards the north-east, as it was in the days of Burke when he was viewing events from the safe side of the English Channel. The lessons are all worked out, ready for study. As this book will
Recommended publications
  • And Type the TITLE of YOUR WORK in All Caps

    And Type the TITLE of YOUR WORK in All Caps

    THAT LIBERTY SHALL NOT PERISH: AMERICAN PROPAGANDA AND THE POLITICS OF FEAR, 1914-1919 by ZACHARY CHARLES SMITH (Under the Direction of John H. Morrow, Jr.) ABSTRACT This dissertation attempts to provide an understanding of the widespread anxiety, vigilantism, suppression of dissent, and violation of civil liberties that took place in the United States from 1917 to 1919 and argues that it can be found in some Americans‟ understanding of and reaction to racially-charged propaganda. As the United States inched toward war with Germany in 1915 and after declaring war in April 1917, many propagandists began referencing the allegedly inherent characteristics of Germans as evidence of German American disloyalty and the existence of a vast “Pan-German” plot to undercut or even destroy American democracy. The imagined conspiracy grew to encompass most of the fears that had plagued the Anglo Saxon middle-class since the 1870s – immigrant radicalism, race suicide, the capability of “racially inferior” immigrants to assimilate and self-govern, and the continued deference of African Americans. To many anxious Americans, Germany and German Americans became a very real entity to which these long-held fears could be transferred. American propaganda produced during the First World War, though, was not a cynical ploy to fool the American people into supporting intervention on the side of the Allies. Leading Americans – politicians, editors, and social elites – were convinced that a global German conspiracy threatened the security of the United States and hoped to enlist the American people in staving off the existential threat they believed racially degenerate Germany allegedly posed.
  • Anti-German Sentiment in the Midwest in World War I

    Anti-German Sentiment in the Midwest in World War I

    Anti-German Sentiment in the Midwest During World War I The Effects of Anti-German Sentiment on the German Language and Culture Author: Isabel Steenbergen Student Number: 4353641 Institution: Radboud University Nijmegen Field of Studies: American Studies Date of Delivery: 15-06-2016 Supervisor: Dr. J. van den Berk Second Reader: Dr. F. Mehring Steenbergen s4353641/1 ENGELSE TAAL EN CULTUUR Teacher who will receive this document: J. van den Berk Title of document: Anti-German Sentiment in the Midwest During World War I Name of course: Bachelor Thesis Date of submission: 15-06-2016 The work submitted here is the sole responsibility of the undersigned, who has neither committed plagiarism nor colluded in its production. Signed Name of student: Isabel Steenbergen Student number: 4353641 Steenbergen s4353641/2 Table of Contents Abstract ...................................................................................................................................... 3 List of Keywords ........................................................................................................................ 3 Introduction ................................................................................................................................ 4 Chapter One: History of German Immigrants in the US and the Midwest .............................. 11 Chapter Two: Anti-German Sentiment in the Midwest: Policies and Propaganda .................. 17 Chapter Three: The Disappearance of the German Language and Culture from the Midwest as a Result
  • Social Bonds, Sexual Politics, and Political Community on the U.S. Left, 1920S-1940S' Kathleen A

    Social Bonds, Sexual Politics, and Political Community on the U.S. Left, 1920S-1940S' Kathleen A

    Social Bonds, Sexual Politics, and Political Community on the U.S. Left, 1920s-1940s' Kathleen A. Brown and Elizabeth Faue William Armistead Nelson Collier, a sometime anarchist and poet, self- professed free lover and political revolutionary, inhabited a world on the "lunatic fringe" of the American Left. Between the years 1908 and 1948, he traversed the legitimate and illegitimate boundaries of American radicalism. After escaping commitment to an asylum, Collier lived in several cooperative colonies - Upton Sinclair's Helicon Hall, the Single Tax Colony in Fairhope, Alabama, and April Farm in Pennsylvania. He married (three times legally) andor had sexual relationships with a number of radical women, and traveled the United States and Europe as the Johnny Appleseed of Non-Monogamy. After years of dabbling in anarchism and communism, Collier came to understand himself as a radical individualist. He sought social justice for the proletariat more in the realm of spiritual and sexual life than in material struggle.* Bearded, crude, abrupt and fractious, Collier was hardly the model of twentieth century American radicalism. His lover, Francoise Delisle, later wrote of him, "The most smarting discovery .. was that he was only a dilettante, who remained on the outskirts of the left wing movement, an idler and loafer, flirting with it, in search of amorous affairs, and contributing nothing of value, not even a hard day's work."3 Most historians of the 20th century Left would share Delisle's disdain. Seeking to change society by changing the intimate relations on which it was built, Collier was a compatriot, they would argue, not of William Z.
  • Collechon the CHALLENGE HE Struggle for Freedom Today Centers T Around the Activities of the Organized Workers and Farmers

    Collechon the CHALLENGE HE Struggle for Freedom Today Centers T Around the Activities of the Organized Workers and Farmers

    \ \"3 000018 American Civil Liherties Union Our fight is to help secure unrestricted liberty of speech, press and assemblage, as the only sure guarantee of orderly progress. fLORIDA ATLANTIC UNlVElCiin i LiBRARY "It is time enough for the rightful purpose of civil government for its officers to in­ terfere when principles break out into overt acts against peace and good order." Thos. Jefferson. 138 WEST 13th STREET NEW YORK CITY May, 1921 ~241 SOCIAUST - lABOR COllECHON THE CHALLENGE HE struggle for freedom today centers T around the activities of the organized workers and farmers. Everywhere that strug­ gle involves the issues of free speech, free press and peaceful assemblage. Everywhere the powers of organized business challenge the right of workers to organize, unionize, strike and picket. The hysterical attacks on "red" propaganda, on radical opinion of all sorts, are in substance a single masked at­ tack on the revolt of labor and the farmers against industrial tyranny. The hysteria aroused by the war, with its machinery for crushing dissenting opinion, is now directed against the advocates of indus­ trial freedom. Thirty-five states have passed laws against "criminal syndicalism," crim­ inal anarchy" or "sedition." Even cities en· act such laws. A wholesale campaign is on to deny the right to strike, by compulsory arbitration and by injunction. The nation­ wide open-shop crusade is a collossal attempt to destroy all organization of labor. Patrioteering societies, vigilantes, "loyalty leagues," strike-breaking troops or State Con­ stabularies and the hired gunmen of private corporations contend with zealous local prose­ cutors in demonstrating their own brands of "law and order." Meetings of workers and farmers are prohibited and broken up, speak­ ers are mobbed and prosecuted.
  • DOCUMENT RESUME Proceedings of the Annual Meeting of The

    DOCUMENT RESUME Proceedings of the Annual Meeting of The

    DOCUMENT RESUME ED 401 563 CS 215 571 TITLE Proceedings of the Annual Meeting of the Association for Education in Journalism and Mass Communication (79th, Anaheim, CA, August 10-13, 1996). International Communications Division. INSTITUTION Association for Education in Journalism and Mass Communication. PUB DATE Aug 96 NOTE 441p.; For other sections of these proceedings, see CS 215 568-580. PUB TYPE Collected Works Conference Proceedings (021) EDRS PRICE MFO1 /PC18 Plus Postage. DESCRIPTORS *Advertising; Agenda Setting; Anti Semitism; Case Studies; Content Analysis; *Development Communication; *Foreign Countries; Global Approach; Ideology; Journalism Research; Models; Newspapers; *Privatization; Publishing Industry; Telecommunications; World Wide Web IDENTIFIERS *Media Coverage; New York Times; Washington Post ABSTRACT The international communications section of the Proceedings contains the following 14 papers: "Spinning Stories: Latin America and the World Wide Web" (Eliza Tanner); "Private-Enterprise Broadcasting and Accelerating Dependency: Case Studies from Nigeria and Uganda" (Folu Folarin Ogundimu); "The Transitional Media System of Post-Communist Bulgaria" (Ekaterina Ognianova); "Comparing Canadian and U.S. Press Coverage of the Gulf Crisis: The Effects of Ideology in an International Context" (James E. Mollenkopf and Nancy Brendlinger); "Privatization in Indian Telecommunications: A Pragmatic Solution to Socialist Inertia" (Divya C. McMillin); "'Caribscope' -A Forum for Development News?" (Lisa A. McClean); "Ideology and Market:
  • The Brandeis Gambit: the Making of America's "First Freedom," 1909-1931

    The Brandeis Gambit: the Making of America's "First Freedom," 1909-1931

    William & Mary Law Review Volume 40 (1998-1999) Issue 2 Article 7 February 1999 The Brandeis Gambit: The Making of America's "First Freedom," 1909-1931 Bradley C. Bobertz Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarship.law.wm.edu/wmlr Part of the Constitutional Law Commons, and the First Amendment Commons Repository Citation Bradley C. Bobertz, The Brandeis Gambit: The Making of America's "First Freedom," 1909-1931, 40 Wm. & Mary L. Rev. 557 (1999), https://scholarship.law.wm.edu/wmlr/vol40/iss2/7 Copyright c 1999 by the authors. This article is brought to you by the William & Mary Law School Scholarship Repository. https://scholarship.law.wm.edu/wmlr THE BRANDEIS GAMBIT: THE MAKING OF AMERICA'S "FIRST FREEDOM," 1909-1931 BRADLEY C. BOBERTZ* TABLE OF CONTENTS INTRODUCTION .................................. 557 I. FREE SPEECH AND SOCIAL CONFLICT: 1909-1917 ..... 566 II. WAR AND PROPAGANDA ......................... 576 III. JUSTICE HOLMES, NINETEEN NINETEEN ............ 587 IV. THE MAKING OF AMERICA'S "FIRST FREEDOM. ....... 607 A. Free Speech as Safety Valve ................ 609 B. Bolshevism, Fascism, and the Crisis of American Democracy ...................... 614 C. Reining in the Margins .................... 618 D. Free Speech and Propagandain the "Marketplace of Ideas"..................... 628 V. THE BRANDEIS GAMBIT ........................ 631 EPILOGUE: SAN DIEGO FREE SPEECH FIGHT REVISITED .... 649 INTRODUCTION A little after two o'clock on the sixth afternoon of 1941, Frank- lin Roosevelt stood at the clerk's desk of the U.S. House of Rep- resentatives waiting for the applause to end before delivering one of the most difficult State of the Union Addresses of his * Assistant Professor of Law, University of Nebraska College of Law.
  • DIE LINKE) in Western Germany: a Comparative Evaluation of Cartel and Social Cleavage Theories As Explanatory Frameworks

    DIE LINKE) in Western Germany: a Comparative Evaluation of Cartel and Social Cleavage Theories As Explanatory Frameworks

    Understanding the Performance of the Left Party (DIE LINKE) in Western Germany: A Comparative Evaluation of Cartel and Social Cleavage Theories as Explanatory Frameworks Submitted to London Metropolitan University for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy by Valerie Lawson-Last Faculty of Social Sciences and Humanities, London Metropolitan University 2015 Abstract In 2007 Germany’s Left Party (DIE LINKE) won its first seats in the regional parliament of a western federal state, Bremen. This success contrasted with the failure of its predecessor, the PDS, to establish an electoral base beyond the eastern states. Today the Left Party is represented in eastern and western legislatures and challenges established coalition constellations both at federal and regional level. How can we understand the Left Party’s significant breakthrough in the West? The existing literature has sought to analyse and interpret the Left Party’s origins, success and challenges, and has also emphasised the importance of the western states, both for the PDS and the Left Party. This thesis offers new insights by evaluating the respective strengths of two distinct theories, Cartel Theory and Social Cleavage Theory, as explanatory frameworks for the Left Party’s breakthrough. The theories are also appraised in a detailed case study of Bremen. The study examines whether the party displayed the organisational traits, parliamentary focus and electoral strategy identified in Cartel Theory. The investigation of Social Cleavage Theory explores the mobilisation and framing of class-based protest in the anti-Hartz demonstrations, and analyses election results for evidence of a realignment of class- based support. The existing empirical data is supplemented by qualitative evidence obtained through questionnaire responses from Left Party members and sympathisers in Bremen.
  • “For a World Without Oppressors:” U.S. Anarchism from the Palmer

    “For a World Without Oppressors:” U.S. Anarchism from the Palmer

    “For a World Without Oppressors:” U.S. Anarchism from the Palmer Raids to the Sixties by Andrew Cornell A dissertation submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy Department of Social and Cultural Analysis Program in American Studies New York University January, 2011 _______________________ Andrew Ross © Andrew Cornell All Rights Reserved, 2011 “I am undertaking something which may turn out to be a resume of the English speaking anarchist movement in America and I am appalled at the little I know about it after my twenty years of association with anarchists both here and abroad.” -W.S. Van Valkenburgh, Letter to Agnes Inglis, 1932 “The difficulty in finding perspective is related to the general American lack of a historical consciousness…Many young white activists still act as though they have nothing to learn from their sisters and brothers who struggled before them.” -George Lakey, Strategy for a Living Revolution, 1971 “From the start, anarchism was an open political philosophy, always transforming itself in theory and practice…Yet when people are introduced to anarchism today, that openness, combined with a cultural propensity to forget the past, can make it seem a recent invention—without an elastic tradition, filled with debates, lessons, and experiments to build on.” -Cindy Milstein, Anarchism and Its Aspirations, 2010 “Librarians have an ‘academic’ sense, and can’t bare to throw anything away! Even things they don’t approve of. They acquire a historic sense. At the time a hand-bill may be very ‘bad’! But the following day it becomes ‘historic.’” -Agnes Inglis, Letter to Highlander Folk School, 1944 “To keep on repeating the same attempts without an intelligent appraisal of all the numerous failures in the past is not to uphold the right to experiment, but to insist upon one’s right to escape the hard facts of social struggle into the world of wishful belief.
  • REGULATING RACIST SPEECH on CAMPUS: a MODEST PROPOSAL?T

    REGULATING RACIST SPEECH on CAMPUS: a MODEST PROPOSAL?T

    REGULATING RACIST SPEECH ON CAMPUS: A MODEST PROPOSAL?t NADINE STROSSEN* TABLE OF CONTENTS Introduction ................................................... 487 I. Some Limited Forms of Campus Hate Speech May Be Regulable Under Current Constitutional Doctrine .......... 495 A. General ConstitutionalPrinciples Applicable to Regulating Campus Hate Speech ...................... 495 B. ParticularSpeech-Limiting Doctrines Potentially Applicable to Campus Hate Speech .................... 507 1. Fighting Words ................................... 508 2. Intentional Infliction of Emotional Distress ......... 514 t The title is drawn from Jonathan Swift's essay A Modest Proposalfor preventing the Children of poor Peoplefrom being a Burthen to their Parentsor the Country, andfor Making them Beneficial to the Public (Dublin 1729), in JONATHAN SwIFr 492 (A. Ross & D. Woolley eds. 1984). This Article not only responds to the specific points made in Lawrence, If He Hollers Let Him Go: Regulating Racist Speech on Campus, 1990 DUKE L.J. 431 [hereinafter Lawrence], but also addresses the general issues raised by the many recent proposals to regulate racist and other forms of hate speech on campus. Professor Strossen's Article, as well as Professor Lawrence's, are expanded versions of oral presentations that they made at the Biennial Conference of the American Civil Liberties Union (ACLU) in Madison, Wisconsin on June 16, 1989 (available from author). After discussion of these presentations, the Conference adopted the following resolution: The ACLU should undertake educational activities to counter incidents of racist, sexist, anti-semitic and homophobic behavior (including speech) on school campuses and should encourage school administrators to speak out vigorously against such incidents. At the same time, the ACLU should undertake educational activities to counter efforts to limit or punish speech on university campuses.
  • Internationalism and the Dilemmas of Strategic Patriotism

    Internationalism and the Dilemmas of Strategic Patriotism

    Tulsa Law Review Volume 41 Issue 4 The scholarship of Nadine Strossen Summer 2006 Internationalism and the Dilemmas of Strategic Patriotism John Fabian Witt Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.law.utulsa.edu/tlr Part of the Law Commons Recommended Citation John F. Witt, Internationalism and the Dilemmas of Strategic Patriotism, 41 Tulsa L. Rev. 787 (2013). Available at: https://digitalcommons.law.utulsa.edu/tlr/vol41/iss4/10 This Legal Scholarship Symposia Articles is brought to you for free and open access by TU Law Digital Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Tulsa Law Review by an authorized editor of TU Law Digital Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Witt: Internationalism and the Dilemmas of Strategic Patriotism INTERNATIONALISM AND THE DILEMMAS OF STRATEGIC PATRIOTISM John Fabian Witt* I. INTRODUCTION It is an honor to talk today about the first woman leader of the most important civil liberties organization in the United States-a person who has combined the pursuit of American civil liberties with a deep interest in international law; who has viewed the civil liberties project as deeply bound up in a project of advancing feminism and women's freedoms; who has taken up the defense of individual rights in a time of national crisis, forging transatlantic networks to do so; who has resisted the dramatic expansion of the police powers of the federal government in a time of external threats; who has butted heads with an attorney general widely seen as overreaching; and who has defended dissenters even as terrorists caused mayhem and death in her home base in lower Manhattan.
  • International Medical Corps Afghanistan

    International Medical Corps Afghanistan

    Heading Folder Afghanistan Afghanistan - Afghan Information Centre Afghanistan - International Medical Corps Afghanistan - Revolutionary Association of the Women of Afghanistan (RAWA) Agorist Institute Albee, Edward Alianza Federal de Pueblos Libres American Economic Association American Economic Society American Fund for Public Service, Inc. American Independent Party American Party (1897) American Political Science Association (APSA) American Social History Project American Spectator American Writer's Congress, New York City, October 9-12, 1981 Americans for Democratic Action Americans for Democratic Action - Students for Democractic Action Anarchism Anarchism - A Distribution Anarchism - Abad De Santillan, Diego Anarchism - Abbey, Edward Anarchism - Abolafia, Louis Anarchism - ABRUPT Anarchism - Acharya, M. P. T. Anarchism - ACRATA Anarchism - Action Resource Guide (ARG) Anarchism - Addresses Anarchism - Affinity Group of Evolutionary Anarchists Anarchism - Africa Anarchism - Aftershock Alliance Anarchism - Against Sleep and Nightmare Anarchism - Agitazione, Ancona, Italy Anarchism - AK Press Anarchism - Albertini, Henry (Enrico) Anarchism - Aldred, Guy Anarchism - Alliance for Anarchist Determination, The (TAFAD) Anarchism - Alliance Ouvriere Anarchiste Anarchism - Altgeld Centenary Committee of Illinois Anarchism - Altgeld, John P. Anarchism - Amateur Press Association Anarchism - American Anarchist Federated Commune Soviets Anarchism - American Federation of Anarchists Anarchism - American Freethought Tract Society Anarchism - Anarchist
  • CALIFORNIA RED a Life in the American Communist Party

    CALIFORNIA RED a Life in the American Communist Party

    alifornia e California Red CALIFORNIA RED A Life in the American Communist Party Dorothy Ray Healey and Maurice Isserman UNIVERSITY OF ILLINOIS PRESS Urbana and Chicago Illini Books edition, 1993 © 1990 by Oxford University Press, Inc., under the title Dorothy Healey Remembers: A Life in the American Communist Party Reprinted by arrangement with Oxford University Press, Inc., New York, New York Manufactured in the United States of America P54321 This book is printed on acidjree paper. Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Healey, Dorothy. California Red : a life in the American Communist Party I Dorothy Ray Healey, Maurice Isserman. p. em. Originally published: Dorothy Healey remembers: a life in the American Communist Party: New York: Oxford University Press, 1990. Includes index. ISBN 0-252-06278-7 (pbk.) 1. Healey, Dorothy. 2. Communists-United States-Biography. I. Isserman, Maurice. II. Title. HX84.H43A3 1993 324.273'75'092-dc20 [B] 92-38430 CIP For Dorothy's mother, Barbara Nestor and for her son, Richard Healey And for Maurice's uncle, Abraham Isserman ACKNOWLEDGMENTS This work is based substantially on a series of interviews conducted by the UCLA Oral History Program from 1972 to 1974. These interviews appear in a three-volume work titled Tradition's Chains Have Bound Us(© 1982 The Regents of The University of California. All Rights Reserved. Used with Permission). Less formally, let me say that I am grateful to Joel Gardner, whom I never met but whose skillful interviewing of Dorothy for Tradition's Chains Have Bound Us inspired this work and saved me endless hours of duplicated effort a decade later, and to Dale E.