THE XII CARDIFF CONFERENCE ON THE THEORY AND PRACTICE OF TRANSLATION IN THE MIDDLE AGES THE MEDIEVAL TRANSLATOR

FRAGMENTATION AND INCLUSION MEDIEVAL TRANSLATION IN BETWEEN

Bologna, 22 – 25 June 2021

Abstracts

Daniele Arnesano – Marco Maggiore (CNR Opera del Vocabolario Italiano – Firenze) La traduzione salentina in caratteri greci del commento alle Sentenze morali di Gregorio di Nazianzo (sec. XIV) Il manoscritto Vaticano Greco 2252, copiato in Terra d’Otranto nel Trecento, conserva uno dei più notevoli testi di traduzione del Mezzogiorno medievale. Il codice trasmette un’opera patristica di amplissima circolazione nel mondo bizantino, le Sentenze morali in tetrastici di Gregorio di Nazianzo (329-390 ca.). Tuttavia, in modo del tutto eccezionale, in questo codice i versi del Nazianzeno sono inframezzati da lunghe sequenze di commento in prosa, che alternano passaggi in greco alle rispettive traduzioni in volgare salentino, reso anch’esso in grafia greca. L’impiego dei caratteri greci per scrivere testi romanzi nell’Italia meridionale estrema non rappresenta certamente una novità: a partire dal seminale studio di Pagliaro (1948) sulla formula di confessione meridionale conservata in un codice dell’Abbazia greca di Grottaferrata, numerosi contributi si sono consacrati all’edizione e allo studio dei cosiddetti testi “greco-romanzi” scritti in Sicilia, Calabria, Basilicata e Salento (alcune scoperte testuali significative sono presentate da Arnesano / Baldi 2004), consentendo un ampliamento delle conoscenze sulle lingue e le culture del Mezzogiorno medievale (per un consuntivo critico cfr. Basile 2013 e Maggiore 2017). La traduzione trasmessa dal codice Vaticano, tuttavia, rappresenta un unicum sotto diversi aspetti: non si tratta, come avviene per la maggior parte dei documenti greco-romanzi conosciuti, di una scrittura avventizia eseguita sui fogli di guardia o sui margini di un codice bizantino, bensì di un testo che, considerato nella sua alternanza strutturale fra sezioni in greco e sezioni vernacolari, si estende per oltre 150 carte. Si tratta inoltre della traduzione vernacolare di un testo greco, caso assai raro nel medioevo italiano (i volgarizzamenti italoromanzi dipendono normalmente da modelli latini o romanzi: cfr. Frosini 2014, 20-58). Scoperto da André Jacob e Rocco Distilo (cfr. Distilo 1995, 220-221), il codice Vaticano è rimasto finora inedito: in vista dell’allestimento dell’edizione critica e di uno studio filologico e linguistico, ci proponiamo pertanto in questa sede di esporre i primi risultati di un’indagine complessiva sull’esemplare. Saranno presi in esame, in prima istanza, i caratteri paleografici e testuali del codice, così come il problema delle fonti esegetiche del commento all’opera del Nazianzeno. Su un altro piano, saranno presentati i motivi di interesse del testo per gli studi (italo)romanzi: oltre che per gli aspetti inerenti all’operazione traduttiva, le sezioni vernacolari si segnalano per essere il più significativo campione testuale del salentino trecentesco, mettendo a disposizione una promettente messe di materiali linguistici interamente da esplorare (sul salentino antico, i cui campioni testuali principali in caratteri latini risalgono al Quattrocento, cfr. Sgrilli 1983 e Maggiore 2016).

1 I sondaggi che presenteremo in questa sede renderanno ragione dell’importanza del manoscritto, al netto dello stato di conservazione non ottimale e delle difficoltà interpretative poste dal testo, in quanto significativo documento della cultura religiosa e letteraria del Mezzogiorno bizantino e del contatto linguistico greco-romanzo nel Mediterraneo.

Sarah Baccianti (Queen University – Belfast) Reception, Translation and Transmission of the Materia Medica in Medieval Scandinavia This paper reflects on the reception and transmission of medical knowledge in Medieval Scandinavia. By looking at literary, historical and legal texts I want to provide an overview of the knowledge of medicine, of the vocabulary used in relation to it as how the subject is approached in these texts. I will reveal how the North was deeply interested in knowledge harvested from England, but also from continental Europe and the Middle East, and highlight the extent to which Early Scandinavia was both trans-national and trans-cultural. In this paper I link studies of northern literature and culture, which have become somewhat isolated within the main currents of medieval literary studies, and offer a pan- European angle on a field of research that hitherto has excluded the North. I will investigate the transmission, temporal and geographical dissemination, and the cultural, as well as scientific impact, of texts by Bede, Isidore of Seville, Greek and Middle Eastern philosophers and physicians, including the physicians of the Salerno School. Between 1150 and 1300, medical knowledge in Scandinavia mainly derived and was influenced by the Corpus Hippocraticum and the Schola Medica Salernitana, before relying on the works of Henry Harpestræng’s Urtebogen / Liber Herbarum (early 13th century) – which comprises translations from Macer's De Virus Herbarum (c. 1090) and Constantine Africanus's De Gradibus Liber (c. 1090) of the Salerno School. Ultimately, this paper explores the routes of cultural and scientific exchanges across Europe, analysing a particular set of texts within a broader historical and scientific context, and drawing on the historical influences and shared understandings between North and South Europe, the Mediterranean and Middle East in the early Middle Ages.

Catherine Batt (University of Leeds) The Miroir pur bien vivre and its Manuscript Contexts: Translation, Compilation and Vernacularity. The Miroir pur bien vivre is an unedited and hitherto un-studied, possibly earlier fourteenth-century, c. 45,000-word Anglo-Norman text of spiritual consolation and instruction, which survives uniquely in an early fifteenth-century manuscript, British Library Royal 20 B. III. This manuscript also contains three Anglo-Norman poems: ‘A Prayer for Salvation’ (fols 90a-92d); ‘A Song to the Virgin’ (fols 92d-96b); and ‘A Prayer to the Virgin and Christ’ (fols 96b-98b). The latter is the only text for which there are (incomplete) witnesses in other manuscripts (Cambridge, St John’s College G.5 [173] and London, BL Additional 44949), and Charity Scott Stokes has identified it as the source of Hoccleve’s ‘Balade to the Virgin and Christ’. The Royal manuscript’s origins are unknown, but a 1542 inventory of Henry VIII’s books records the library originally had two copies of the text (and that this surviving copy was apparently out on loan). Whether or not the Miroir is a translation of an originally Latin text is a moot point. It appears to have been written by an older man of religion for a younger. The self-declaredly spiritually abject narrator, having declared himself unfit to offer the spiritual comfort his fellow requests of him, nevertheless goes on to supply an account of divine love and of the Trinity, in the course of which he expounds inter alia on the sacraments, the orders of angels, the tears of compunction, the Passover and the book of Exodus, the seven deadly sins, the gifts of the Holy Spirit, and the beauty of

2 prayer, drawing, often in florilegium fashion, on a broad if typical range of writings, from scripture and the works of Augustine and Gregory to Bernard of Clairvaux and Thomas Aquinas, with ample quotations from the Latin sources, while other sources it does not acknowledge. Both the Miroir and the Royal manuscript poems employ powerful tropes and metaphors to shape their readers’ spiritual awareness, not least in their figuring of sin, compunction and forgiveness in terms of bodily wounds and medical ministration. The trope of the sinner as a wounded body, with Christ as physician, is foundationally important to a language of spiritual selfhood, and evident in Latin, Middle English, French and Anglo-Norman devotional and homiletic texts available in late-medieval England. This paper will draw out some of the imagery at play in the four Royal MS texts, imagery it has in common with other texts in circulation – for example, the work of Walter Hilton and of Hoccleve – to identify how devotional and spiritually instructional material in different languages may cross-fertilise and inter-relate in an insular polyglot context. It will also consider the effects of collocating these works in one manuscript, and investigate what can be further gleaned about its provenance, to ask what kind of audience there was for Anglo-Norman devotional literature into the fifteenth century and beyond; on this evidence, is the choice of vernacular for spiritual purposes simply pragmatic, or reflective of education or class? Or does the act of translation primarily constitute devotional practice?

Maud Becker (Aberystwyth University) Procédés de formation lexicale dans les premières traductions en ancien français : traces d’une formation cléricale ? L’exemple de Philippe de Thaon et de Sanson de Nanteuil Avec l’établissement d’une dynastie normande en Angleterre a émergé une littérature vernaculaire francophone, vraisemblablement stimulée par la stature de la langue anglo-saxonne comme langue de transmission du savoir, parallèlement au latin. Un certain nombre de textes vernaculaires apparaissant durant le 12e siècle sont des traductions, montrant un des premiers efforts d’élévation de la langue française à la fonction de langue de savoir, effort qui passe par l’adhésion à la forme versifiée et par l’élaboration d’un lexique qui permet de transmettre avec justesse l’information contenue dans des textes originellement latins. Dans cette communication, nous souhaitons comparer les tentatives d’adaptation de l’ancien français et de son lexique de deux traducteurs anglo-normands : Philippe de Thaon, premier auteur connu de textes en ancien français, le Comput et le Bestiaire, et Sanson de Nanteuil, traducteur des Proverbes de Salomon. Bien que différant dans leur matière, les ouvrages présentent des modalités de traductions comparables et qui sont particulièrement remarquables dans les stratégies lexicales déployées par les deux traducteurs. Des procédés de création lexicale et de traduction, tels que la dérivation, l’emprunt ou la translittération, trouveront des points de comparaison avec les mécanismes qui se rencontrent dans les traductions plus tardives des 13ème et 14ème siècles, et plus particulièrement des œuvres composées à l’instigation de Charles V. La comparaison entre les efforts pionniers des auteurs anglo-normands du 12e siècle et de l’approche renouvelées de la traduction dans les siècles suivants montrera que les mécanismes de la traduction sont enracinés dans une appréhension commune du texte latin et dans une approche de la malléabilité de la langue vernaculaire, particulièrement lors de la création de nouvelles unités lexicales. Le savoir et la pratique permettant aux traducteurs de s’emparer de la matière latine afin de l’adapter en langue vernaculaire dans le but de la transmission des savoirs découle peut-être d’une formation cléricale commune. Le mouvement d’adaptation lexicale et ses différents procédés qui seront mis en lumière dans cette communication

3 permettront de constater des tendances générales dans les outils se trouvant à portée des traducteurs pour la transmission des idées, théologiques, zoologiques ou techniques, qui se trouvent encloses dans des textes latins. Une apparente fragmentation des savoirs en langue vernaculaire est ainsi unifiée par une pratique commune d’adaptation, qui permet l’insertion d’un savoir latin dans le cadre neuf de la langue vernaculaire. Le prolongement d’une culture et d’un savoir latins dans des textes vernaculaires exemplifie la continuité de la formation cléricale qui est fondée sur des traditions latines, tout en évoluant dans un monde marqué par les développements de la littérature vernaculaires et l’intérêt d’un public laïc éduqué pour la matière scientifique et théologique. Les tâtonnements marquent une culture, des choix discursifs et des stratégies de traduction communs, qui cherchent à élever la langue vernaculaire au rang de langue de transmission des savoirs, tout en lui instillant une dose unificatrice de la tradition de laquelle ils sont issus.

Davide Bertagnolli (Alma Mater Studiorum – Università di Bologna) Rewriting the Arthurian romance: the case of the Middle Dutch Ferguut At the beginning of the 13th century, an author who called himself Guillaume Le Clerc wrote Fergus, an Arthurian verse romance which has come down to us in two manuscripts. The story, set in Scotland, follows the adventures of the eponymous protagonist and his evolution from uncouth simpleton to accomplished knight. The highly enjoyable plot contains many distinctive features of a courtly text such as the feudal environment, a bold hero, a beautiful maiden, dwarfs, giants and duels; important resemblances are also to be found on a structural level, with the action starting and ending at the court of King Arthur or two series of adventures in the midst of which the main character undergoes a major personal crisis. At a closer look, it can be noticed that Guillaume did not simply imitate Chrétien, reproposing characters or passages from his oeuvre, but rather decided to play a witty literary game by subverting his model and thus creating a subtle humorous story which could certainly delight whoever was able to recognize the sundry model situations and their reversal: Guillaume plays with his sources, combining them in an erudite way and gives them thereby a new shape and meaning. His intent is unmistakably parodic: by constantly reversing model situations, he mocks Chrétien and his imitators, aiming at debasing courtly norms and conventions. Around the middle of the 13th century an unknown Dutch adapted Fergus in his own language; This version, known as Ferguut, is preserved today in only one manuscript, held in the Leiden University Library (MS. Ltk. 191) and dating back to the first half of the 14th century. In its basic outline, Ferguut follows its model, reproposing the same narrative sections, from the opening scene with the knights of the Round Table until the marriage at the end. From vs. 2593 up to the end, however, the attitude towards the Old French romance changes abruptly and Ferguut becomes a more independent adaptation of it with the scribe starting to operate on a deeper level, namely giving more space and importance to the main female character – and to the feminine world in general – or, for instance, humanizing the hero’s figure. Especially these features confer Ferguut its distinctive character, distancing it from its model. Therefore, in this paper I intend to concentrate my attention on them, highlighting the rewriting strategy adopted in the second part of the romance in order to understand what could have motivated the choices of the unknown scribe. In the light of his decisions, it shall be proven that Ferguut was completed with an overall different intention than its Old French model.

Xavier Biron-Ouellet (Università Ca’ Foscari – Venezia)

4 The sociocultural implications of Giovanni da Salerno’s translation of Simone Fidati’s De gestis Domini Salvatoris Simone Fidati’s De Gestis Domini Salvatoris is an extensive Latin commentary on the Gospels, which is considered as a written record of his preaching. Shortly after his death in 1348, his disciple Giovanni da Salerno undertook the task of translating this work in Tuscan vernacular, so that Simone’s “daughters in Christ” could once again hear his words. Simone Fidati is an important figure of the Order of Hermits of saint Augustin. He was mostly active in Florence, where he contributed to the foundation of two monasteries for women, who are indeed the “daughters in Christ” for whom Giovanni’s translation was intended. However, these monasteries were not yet recognized by the Augustinian order. The nuns thus depended on Simone Fidati for spiritual care. After his death, the spiritual and social condition of these women, especially the ex-prostitutes of the Santa Elizabetta monastery, was precarious and a fatherly figure was needed to insure their moral guidance. Translating the words of Simone Fidati was therefore considered by Giovanni as a way of providing such guidance, which contributed to the legitimacy of the monasteries and thereafter led to their recognition by the Augustinian. Starting with a brief theoretical discussion concerning the relation between textuality and orality (from the oral performance of a sermon, to its transcription in Latin and its volgarizzamento), this presentation intends to demonstrate of how a translator’s socio-cultural context affects the intentions behind his activity. Attention will be paid to the editorial decisions made by Giovanni when translating: from the restructuration of the work, to the addition of patristic references within the text.

Sara Bischetti (Università Ca’ Foscari – Venezia)

Biflow session: What is the social history of medieval translation Mise en page e mise en texte dell’ars dictaminis: alcuni esempi Nell’ambito delle ricerche condotte all’interno del progetto BIFLOW (Bilingualism in Florentine and Tuscan Works (ca. 1260 – ca. 1416), incentrate sull’indagine delle modalità e delle forme di trasmissione delle opere circolanti sia in latino che in volgare nella Toscana medievale tra la fine del XIII e la metà del XV secolo, una tematica di spiccato interesse è stata quella riguardante l’ars dictaminis, affrontata seguendo un diverso e innovativo approccio, che fosse in prima istanza anche di impianto codicologico e paleografico. Lo studio primario delle testimonianze manoscritte, seguito dal necessario apporto delle fonti letterarie, ha infatti condotto ad una migliore contestualizzazione storica del fenomeno, che ha permesso di indagare le strette interrelazioni esistenti tra l’ars dictaminis e il sistema politico e sociale dell’epoca. L’aspetto che ha destato immediata curiosità è stata l’osservazione di una omogeneità delle caratteristiche codicologiche, grafiche, e di accorpamento testuale della produzione libraria di alcuni dei più importanti esponenti dell’ars dictaminis, soprattutto di quella del retore bolognese Guido Faba, le cui divergenze si devono attribuire al contesto sociale, all’altezza cronologica, e alla destinazione d’uso dei manoscritti. Il presente intervento intende quindi mostrare, per linee generali, in primo luogo la peculiarità connotante della tradizione retorica di Guido Faba (vale a dire quella delle opere latine Arengae, Dictamina rhetorica, Exordia, Summa dictaminis; delle due opere bilingui Gemma purpurea e Parlamenta et epistole; e dei volgarizzamenti delle Arengae, degli Exordia e della Summa dictaminis), con particolare attenzione alle motivazioni che spinsero verso la predilezione di una determinata forma- libro e di una specifica e costante sequenza testuale, la cui standardizzazione sembra potersi ricollegare a scelte culturali più o meno consapevoli che riflettevano, con ogni probabilità, l’ambito sociale di produzione e di circolazione libraria. In secondo luogo, per comprendere appieno la portata innovativa di un approccio codicologico di tipo quantitativo, e

5 per cercare di ampliare lo studio dell’ars dictaminis osservando anche materialmente i cambiamenti avvenuti nel corso del tempo in contesti sociali differenti, come l’ambiente bolognese e quello fiorentino, si faranno brevi cenni alle caratteristiche della produzione manoscritta di autori e testi in relazione con le opere del retore bolognese, quali la Brevis introductio ad dictamen di Giovanni di Bonandrea, i trattati morali di Albertano da Brescia, in special modo il De doctrina dicendi et tacendi, e la Piccola dottrina del parlare e del tacere.

Marcello Bolognari (Università Ca’ Foscari – Venezia)

Biflow session: Translation and Franciscan dissent I volgarizzamenti dello Stimulus amoris di Giacomo da Milano: ricezione e tradizione manoscritta La ricerca che si vuole presentare, che si svolge nell’ambito del progetto H2020-ERC-2014-STG, BIFLOW "Bilingualism in Florentine and Tuscan Works (c.a. 1260 - ca. 1416)", G.A. n. 637533, del quale è responsabile scientifico il prof. Antonio Montefusco, riguarda sia la ricezione dello Stimulus amoris di Giacomo da Milano in ambienti vicini ai fraticelli fiorentini della fine del Trecento, sia la presentazione del corpus dei volgarizzamenti completi o parziali dell’opera. In prima istanza sarà presentata la figura di Agnolo Torini, artigiano fiorentino morto nel 1398; quest’ultimo è l’autore di un corpus di opere devozionali tra le quali vi è la canzone L’alma devota che col cuore affetta. Questo componimento è la parafrasi del primo capitolo dello Stimulus amoris di Giacomo da Milano: «Qualiter homo possit amplius in bono proficere et Deo magis placere». È assai probabile che la conoscenza da parte di Agnolo dello Stimulus fosse mediata da un volgarizzamento toscano della prima metà del Trecento; questo si arguisce dal fatto che il testo del Torini è scandito in “dieci gradi” riproponendo, di fatto, la medesima struttura dei volgarizzamenti del primo capitolo dell’opera di Giacomo che, sovente, è tradito con il seguente titolo: «Questi sono i dieci gradi per li quali viene l’uomo a perfectione». L’aspetto che rende estremamente interessante la figura del Torini e che lo lega alla dissidenza francescana fiorentina di fine Trecento, è che fu lui, probabilmente, l’autore della sistemazione del materiale prodotto dai fraticelli, ossia i codici: Firenze, Biblioteca Nazionale Centrale, Magl. XXXIV.76 e Firenze, Biblioteca Nazionale Centrale, Magl. XXXI.65. Intrecciata ad essa, vi è un’altra linea di ricerca deducibile dalla trecentesca Storia di fra' Michele Minorita, tradita nel già citato Magl. XXXI.65, cc. 34r-43v; in questo testo, infatti, compare più volte il «vicario del vescovo […] Antonio Bindi», implicato nel processo e nella condanna di Michele da Calci (1389). Il nesso con l’opera di Giacomo da Milano riguarda una nota di possesso di fine XIV secolo presente a c. 1r di Firenze, Biblioteca Medicea Laurenziana, Plut.19 dex.10, codice fondamentale dello Stimulus, la quale recita: «Antonii Bindi ‹de› Florentia». Nel corso della relazione, pertanto, verrà approfondita questa ‘biforcazione’ della ricezione dello Stimulus, il quale, nella sua forma volgare, sembrerebbe diffuso tra i ‘perseguitati’ come, appunto, i fraticelli fiorentini, mentre nella sua versione latina sembrerebbe circolare nell’area dei ‘persecutori’, come il vicario del vescovo Antonio Bindi. L’esposizione di questa pista di ricerca, inoltre, darà l’occasione per la presentazione del corpus della tradizione manoscritta in volgare dello Stimulus amoris, il quale, tramite ricerche compiute direttamente sui cataloghi antichi delle biblioteche, è passato da quattro a ventuno codici.

Megan Bushnell (Linacre College – Oxford)

6 Returning to a Literary Koine: How Gavin Douglas Translates Repetition in the Eneados to Enhance Narrative Unity Douglas’ Eneados (1513) is the first full translation of the Aeneid in both the English and Scottish traditions. This translation is not only notable for being the first, but also for its extreme fidelity to Virgil. Douglas is traditionally recognised for rendering the content of the Aeneid accurately with the caveat that he fails to honour Virgil’s style—a claim Douglas himself makes in Prologue I of his translation. Douglas’ paratext is also notable for his spirited defence of Aeneas against the accusations of an alternative Romance tradition of reading the Aeneid. This tradition focuses mainly on the Dido episode and is represented by texts like Geoffrey Chaucer’s Legend of Good Women (c. 1380-90) and William Caxton’s Eneydos (1490). This paper is a study of how Douglas translates lines that are repeated in the Aeneid as a means of evaluating Douglas’ translation practice and his aims. Throughout the Aeneid, Virgil often repeats lines between books. Why he might do this is not entirely clear, and the traditional view has been that these repetitions are ‘make-shift’ lines that would have been altered in subsequent revision. However, Moskalew (1982) also posits the idea that these repetitions are intentional and stylistic. This paper examines whether Douglas recognises repeated lines, what conditions his recognition, and whether he considers them evidence of authorial intent. This paper will also investigate Douglas’ original repetitions in his text, which create additional structure within the Eneados. This is particularly notable in Douglas’ translation of Maffeo Vegio’s Supplement (1428)—a hypothetical Book XIII of the Aeneid, which Douglas includes in his Eneados. The finding is that Douglas is more sensitive to repetition than might be expected, given the claims regarding his inability to mimic Virgil’s style. He not only translates Virgil’s practice, but adopts it, using it as a means of correcting what he considers to be a less authoritative text—i.e. the Supplement. In this way, Douglas proves to be more stylistically faithful to Virgil than has been previously granted. Moreover, it suggests that Douglas is trying to rectify the Aeneid’s diverse textual tradition and restore the primacy of Virgil’s text over the many translations, adaptations, excerpts, and retellings that have fostered narrative ambiguity and multiplicity—like those by Chaucer and Caxton. He is essentially trying to restore the text to a literary koine. It is significant that he is attempting to do this by creating an authoritative, universal text in a vernacular. However, rather than imply linguistic and nationalist ambitions, it is this paper’s contention that Douglas’ text is not meant to supplant the Latin original, but rather read in tandem to make the original text more accessible. His aim is to create a new Virgilian tradition in the vernacular that is directly descended from the Aeneid itself.

Laura Calvaresi (Università Ca’ Foscari – Venezia)

Biflow session: Translation as a cultural project in mendicant culture Note sul lessico economico del De Regimine Principum e dei suoi volgarizzamenti L'intervento, nato dal confronto con il progetto ERC Starting Grant 2014 – 637533 BIFLOW (Bilingualism in Florentine and Tuscan Works, ca. 1260-ca. 1416), si propone di ricostituire un percorso riguardante la traduzione del linguaggio economico dal latino ai volgari e tra i volgari stessi. Approfittando della vasta diffusione dell'opera in termini geografici e quantitativi, tale percorso sarà valutato dalla prospettiva del lessico economico contenuto nel De Regimine Principum di Egidio Romano, dapprima nella sua versione latina, fino ad arrivare alle traduzioni francese e italiana; un percorso diacronico e diatopico attraverso gli spazi poco indagati della traduzione del lessico economico medievale.

7 Il campo semantico relativo al denaro è stato, difatti, oggetto di svariate indagini nel corso degli ultimi decenni; la prospettiva dello studio di esso, tuttavia, si è concentrata principalmente su opere latine e prettamente religiose, tralasciando l'aspetto della resa linguistica volgare di termini originariamente latini e viceversa. Si presenteranno, pertanto, i risultati raggiunti nel corso dell'indagine su un'opera destinata ad un pubblico laico e non analizzata da questo punto di vista: il De Regimine Principum latino e italiano, concentrandosi su alcuni concetti che emergono e che sottintendono una storia economica vista attraverso il comparire di determinate parole, in particolare si seguiranno alcuni concetti come quello di profitto e industria, una parola chiave di questo percorso. La ricerca si avvarrà anche di studi su manoscritti e sui loro possessori, notando come un diverso contesto sociale abbia influito anche sulla presenza di un determinato lessico economico nelle differenti versioni dell'opera.

Dario Capelli (Università di Udine – Trieste) La traduzione di Ave, mater, O Maria (Kl. 129a) di Oswald von Wolkenstein: devozione personale o risposta anti-hussita? Nel 1414 l’imperatore eletto Sigismondo del Lussemburgo convocò a Costanza un concilio che, nei quattro anni seguenti, avrebbe affrontato tre questioni fondamentali per la sopravvivenza della Chiesa cattolica: la causa unionis, ovvero la compresenza di ben tre papi e il conseguente scisma d’Occidente; la causa fidei, ovvero come la confutazione delle tesi di John Wyclif e di Jan Hus, che stavano gravemente minando le basi del credo cristiano; infine, la causa reformationis, ovvero la richiesta di rapide ed efficaci contromisure ai temi anzidetti. A questo concilio e ai successivi scontri armati con gli hussiti partecipò anche Oswald von Wolkenstein, nobile, letterato e incaricato speciale dell’imperatore. Oswald ebbe così modo di osservare e ascoltare di persona Hus e, anni dopo, espresse il suo disprezzo verso il religioso boemo e il movimento ispirato al suo pensiero nella poesia Kl. 27, definendo Hus un’oca a capo di un esercito di oche (con un gioco di parole basato sul ceco husa, ‘oca’, appunto), che le aquile (i nobili dell’impero) devono far tacere per il bene della Chiesa. Il manoscritto B di Oswald, conservato senza numero identificativo presso l’Universitätsbibliothek di Innsbruck, tramanda, inoltre, una coppia di orazioni identificate dalla critica come Kl. 129a e Kl. 129b. Kl. 129a è una preghiera mariana in latino di antica tradizione, che Oswald riprende ampliandola fino a 9 strofe. Punti centrali di questa preghiera, che richiama l’Ave Maria, il Salve Regina e le Litanie Lauretane, sono l’esaltazione della Vergine come donna scelta da Dio, senza peccato, piena di grazia e per mezzo della quale si è realizzata, in Gesù, la salvezza dell’umanità. Il testo latino è immediatamente seguito nel manoscritto da Kl. 129b, una traduzione tendente alla riscrittura, drasticamente più breve e consistente di sole due strofe. La prima di esse rispecchia nei contenuti la prima strofa latina, salvo l’aggiunta degli epiteti regina e imperatrice, assenti nell’ipotesto. La seconda strofa, invece, riprende alcuni passaggi dalle rimanenti otto strofe latine e aggiunge nuovo contenuto, rivelandosi così una vera e propria supplica alla Vergine: Maria, cui Oswald si rivolge con un “noi” identificabile come la cristianità intera, non può non essere ascoltata dal Figlio, in quanto esempio di donna perfetta e, pertanto, avvocata ideale presso Cristo. Più che una semplice supplica tradotta in età avanzata da Oswald, notoriamente timoroso della morte, Kl. 129b si distacca da Kl. 129a nelle finalità e si configura come una risposta dottrinale alle affermazioni dei taboriti, la frangia estremista degli hussiti mai riconciliatasi con Roma, per i quali né Maria né i santi, semplici figure umane dalla vita esemplare, hanno potere di intercedere presso Dio, unica fonte di salvezza per gli uomini. Il mio intervento si propone di discutere questa tesi, focalizzandosi su come la traduzione operata da Oswald sia contenutisticamente distante dal

8 testo di partenza e su quali aspetti apologetici siano portati come replica alla visione taborita, a distanza di anni dalla (fallita) risposta armata a cui Oswald stesso prese parte.

Anna Cappellotto – Adele Cipolla (Università di Verona) Manuscript as cultural negotiator: Gottfried’s Tristan in Munich, Bavarian State Library, Cgm 51 The first half of the XIII century ushered in a new trend in German manuscript culture, that is the early production of illustrated vernacular books, such as Munich, BSL, Cgm 51 (ca. 1240) and Cgm 19 (ca. 1240), or Berlin, mgf 282 (ca. 1220, cf. KdiH). These documents, which were probably created in workshops located in Southern Germany (Baisch 2013), hand down respectively Gottfried’s Tristan, Wolfram’s Parzival, and Veldeke’s Eneit. In their textual and material features the Cgm 51 and the mgf 282 seem to put in practice Roman Jakobson’s triple classification of translation: ‘interlingual’, namely the rendering from one language into another; ‘intralingual’, that is the rewording within the same language; ‘intersemiotic’, meaning turning a text from one sign system to another (Jakobson 1959; Eco 2003). For instance, if we consider the Cgm 51 as a case-study, the codex firstly hands down the main poetic text, which is a rewriting of Gottfried’s Tristan. Indeed, within the history of tradition, the Munich codex bears a shortened version of text, lacking a significant amount of verses at turning points of the narrative, such as part of the minnegrotte scene (Marold 2004; Cipolla 2014). Besides, this manuscript includes a large iconographic apparatus, which might have been conceived independently and then bound together with the manuscript, as codicological analysis showed (Gichtel & Montag 1979). The images display a rich (but irregular) intersemiotic translation of the story along with related inscriptions. The short texts are primarily to find in ad hoc banners and rolls held or pointed by the figures. They can be placed either on realia or within the image frame, depending on their function, being mainly dramatic, paraenetic, and referential. The illustrations cycle qualifies as a sort of a text per se, where sequences of the story are rendered into a new medium and endowed with a short form version of the poetic text. The process implied also an amount of creative endeavor both by the illustrator and the scribe while recoding and rewriting the main narrative. As every manuscript can be seen as a special kind of archaeological site (Maniaci 2002), several layers of reception can be traced by means of material and textual analysis, unveiling a long and intensive reuse of the document. It turns out that the manuscript is a Kulturträger (Baisch 2010) and -vermittler in its own rights: it bears and mediates culture, as it absorbs much of the context lying behind the production and circulation of such kind of artefacts. Translation analysis will be carried out by means of relevant examples derived from the illustrated leaves of the codex: they can provide evidence for the argument that intralingual and intersemiotic translations were probably aimed at opening the highbrow audience of Gottfried’s text to a wider range of recipients. Regardless of the ecdotic attempts to position the main text within the Tristan history of tradition, the manuscript deserves an in-depth analysis, as its multimodal nature gives evidence on a unique early book culture and a peculiar dynamic translation praxis.

Raffaele Cioffi (Università di Torino) Homiletic selection and hagiographical production: Felix's Vita Sancti Guthlaci and Vercelli sermon XXIII

9 The Vita Sancti Guthlaci is probably one of the better known Anglo-Latin hagiographical texts. Written by an (otherwise little known) Anglo-Saxon monk called Felix between 736 and 740, the Vita Sancti Guthlaci reports the earthly events of the Mercian monk Guthlac, one of the first Anglo-Saxon (and Mercian) saints. Based on a wide range of hagiographical sources (e.g. the Latin Life of Saint Cuthberth and The Life of Saint Anthony, the Lives and Sayings of the Desert Fathers), Felix's Vita contains a selection of events of Guthlac's life, from his miraculous birth to his death, giving particular prominence to his violent youth and his anchoritic life. The Latin Vita presents a wide range of typical hagiographical themes, such as the warlike nature of the young saint, his unexpected conversion to Christian life, or the unarmed battle against the servants of the devil. In his Life, Felix offers a portrait of Guthlac strongly focused on a selection of monastic and Christian virtues, such as moderation in everyday life and deep faith in God and in His Saints. Written in the mid-eighth century, when the cult of Guthlac had already become more than a local devotion, the Latin Vita must have had a wide reception in Anglo-Saxon England, as clearly demonstrated not only by the relatively high number of manuscripts containing Felix's Latin text, but also by the tradition of the vernacular lives of Guthlac. Among the latter, numerous texts containing complete translation of Felix’s work or parts of it are well-known to scholars: the Old English Life (London Guthlac; London, British Library, Ms. Cotton Vespasianus D.xxxi, fol. 18-40), a couple of poetical texts not clearly connected with Felix's Vita (Guthlac A / B; Exeter, Cathedral Library ms. 3501, fol. 32v-52v) and a short homiletic narration of the saint's monastic life (Vercelli XXIII; Vercelli, Archivio Capitolare, ms. CXVII). The Old English texts present a clear focus on specific elements (and moments) of Guthlac's life, as the eremitic choice and the fight against the demons. The paper will be focused on the analysis of the Vercelli homiletic version: a short text based on the events contained in the chapters XXVIII-XXXIII of Felix's Vita, the Vercelli sermon shows a thoroughly planned re-reading of the original Latin materials, as well as of the two main characters (Saint Guthlac and the Apostle Bartholomew, the saint's heavenly protector). Representing an exaltation of Guthlac's virtues, the sermon contains an exhortation to Christian behaviours and everyday moderation aimed at boosting the parenesis of the Latin Vita.

Gabriele Cocco (Università di Bergamo) Translating the Latin tribunal in the Old English Historia Apollonii The Historia Apollonii regis Tyri is the sole profane writing amid law codices, sermons and religious materials, such as Wulfstan’s homilies, the Regularis Concordia, and Bede’s De die judicii, in the eleventh century Cambridge, Corpus Christi College Ms 201, pp. 131-145. The text has been translated into Old English though the attempt of the Church to purge scriptoria from any heathen references. Yet, its storyline contains some Christian colouring – typical of the Greek or Latin novel – that was surely appealing to a zealous monk, who could take it to support a moral point as in any medieval sermon or for his lectio divina. Though the greater part of the work is true to the source, the translator has faced some difficulties in rendering every detail from the Latin codex before him – mostly when he had to fill the cultural gap between the classical world and his medieval frame of mind. At § X, one reads, Ða astah Apollonius on þæt domsetl on ðare stræte (‘Then Apollonius ascended the judgement-seat in that street’), which renders Ascendens itaque Apollonius tribunal in foro. The Old English phrase on ðare stræte for the ablative in foro appears verbatim at § XX. The translator might have found rather hard to portray the institution of the common gathering at the ἀγορά – which had no counterpart in the society of England before the Norman Conquest. Attention must be paid to the different interpretation of the Latin tribunal. The word occurs twice in the story. At § X, the raised platform to conduct a public trial is rendered with dōmsetl (‘judgement-seat’). Yet, at the end of the novel (§

10 L), the translator endows tribunal with a higher authority: the powerful king Apollonius ordered Stranguillo and Dionysias to be brought before him, sedenti pro tribunali (‘as he sat on front of the judgment-seat’), which in Old English reads, þar he sæt on his þrimsetle (‘where he sat on his throne’). The translator has altered the connotation of the Latin word twice. In its last occurrence, he clearly wanted to celebrate Apollonius’s status by shifting the meaning of tribunal from dōmsetl (‘judgement-seat’) to þrimsetl (‘throne’). Thus, the meaning attributed to the word tribunal grows higher as Apollonius reaches its climax by becoming a powerful and righteous ruler. Linguistic scrutiny reveals that such a choice is not random. The translator seems to be reading the character of the king of Tyre as a forewarning of a Christ-like figure. The purpose of this essay is to examine dōmsetl and þrimsetl and their Christian meaning. Their occurrence in the Old English corpus unfolds that both words are often used to describe God’s or Christ’s authority and celestial might. The veiled references hinting at a likely Christian reading of the Historia Apollonii were a reliable pretext for a monk to carry out his translation practice, regardless of the censorship imposed by the tenth-century Benedictine Reform. To the eye of faith, the tale could be taken as some inspiring material. Thus, if the Old English Apollonius was taken as an exemplum of the soul’s peregrinatio pro amore Dei, it should not any longer be surprising to find a text with far-flung “heathen” references in a codex containing a variety of homilies and other religious works such as CCCC 201.

Maria Conte (Università Ca’ Foscari – Venezia)

Biflow session: Translation as a cultural project in mendicant culture L’esordio di un progetto culturale: Bartolomeo da San Concordio e la sua opera bilingue Lo studio della tradizione manoscritta del Libro degli ammastramenti degli antichi e l’allestimento della sua edizione critica nell’ambito del progetto ERC StG Biflow (Bilingualism in Florentine and Tuscan Works ca. 1260-1416 - g.a. 637533) hanno permesso di riflettere sui presupposti e sulle conseguenze della concezione di un’opera bilingue nel contesto dell’affermazione culturale dell’Ordine dei Predicatori nel campo della letteratura religiosa in volgare. Il Libro è infatti l’esatta trasposizione in toscano del compendio di orientamento morale De documentis antiquorum; entrambe le versioni sono redatte dallo stesso Bartolomeo da San Concordio OP. L’operetta raccoglie una serie di sententiae autorevoli estratte da testi classici e religiosi strutturate in quattro trattati che provvedono a toccare tutti i possibili ambiti di applicazione della morale all’interno della società comunale. L’operazione traduttoria si colloca agli inizi del XIV secolo, in una Firenze sconvolta dalle lotte intestine, nella quale si afferma una nuova classe dirigente che pretende l’inclusione nel campo del sapere e cerca di ottenerla sovvertendo l’egemonia culturale della lingua latina, con la proposta di ampliamento dell’accessibilità ai testi attraverso una campagna di volgarizzamento di opere retoriche e storiografiche. In un contesto tale, sembrerebbe essere sotteso all’azione di Bartolomeo l’intento di avviare una riappropriazione dell’influenza sul sapere, e di ricondurlo sotto il controllo del magister domenicano ristabilendo la gerarchia dei livelli culturali. Attraverso l’analisi di una serie di spie testuali riscontrabili all’interno dell’ordinata struttura del compendio, e per mezzo dello studio della consistenza codicologica della tradizione manoscritta si cercherà di delineare le caratteristiche di un progetto culturale ai suoi albori che si afferma nell’Ordine nel corso della prima metà del ’300 e che, tramite una progressiva presa di consapevolezza, porta all’assunzione di Bartolomeo come auctoritas nel campo del sapere volgare.

Luciana Cordo Russo (Universität Marburg) The translator in the text: the narrative voice of Rhamant Otuel

11 The Middle Welsh translation of the Anglo-Norman epic poem of Otinel, known as Rhamant Otuel or Tale of Otuel, is one of the intervernacular translations that form part of the Welsh Charlemagne cycle. Ystorya de Carolo Magno, as the compilation came to be known, also comprises renditions of two other French chansons de geste, namely, La chanson de Roland, Cân Rolant, an incomplete translation that covers only the events that culminate at the Battle of Roncevaux, and Pèlerinage de Charlemagne (Pererindod Siarlymaen), in addition to the Latin Historia de Vita Caroli Magni et Rotholandi (the Pseudo-Turpin Chronicle) which serves as narrative arch for the majority of the texts in the eight medieval extant manuscripts. Although the cycle was in all likelihood already compiled, in an early form, by c. 1275, Otuel was introduced later, sometime before 1336, which is the date of the earliest extant copy of the text (NLW Peniarth MS 9). This clearly demonstrates a persistent interest in French literature, whose cultural transfer through translation permitted Welsh nobility to participate in European literary trends. Furthermore, the Middle Welsh Carolingian compilation attests to the circulation, dissemination, and transmission, thanks to translation between vernacular languages, of literary compositions, specifically of epic texts. The compilation thus exemplifies the broader insular reception of the ʽmatière de Franceʼ. Translation strategies and practices also separate, on the one side, the Middle Welsh translations of the Pèlerinage de Charlemagne and La chanson de Roland and, on the other side, Otuel. Contrarily to other texts, Otuel keeps the poetʼs prologue with all its elements, even the conventional call for attention characteristic of chansons de geste. This is unique within Middle Welsh translations, where such procedures are usually excised during the process of translation. Moreover, it contrasts with traditional narrative conventions, which are characterised by an external, mostly hidden narrator. In this respect, the translator of Otuel seems to be interested in keeping and adapting many elements from the source text for the new cultural context of his intended audience. Therefore this presentation will analyse the translator/narratorʼs metanarrative comments in the many forms that they appear: the prologue, which keeps the first person plural, as opposed to other instances that prefer the third person singular, thus depersonalising the statements; narratorial intrusions that bring appeals to authority (following the source or innovatively rendering it) and call attention to the credibility or veracity of the source text and/or of the (ʻhistoricalʼ) facts of the story; internal referencing devices; and narrative transitions. These aspects will be compared to the other Charlemagne tales and to other Middle Welsh translations of secular narratives in order to asses the innovations introduced by this particular translator and the repertoire that was available to him. To date, research on Otuel has showed a similar conflicting tendency between adequacy and acceptability within the process of textual transfer as that discussed by Poppe and Reck (2006, 2008). The elements studied here will probably reveal a strikingly different approach to the source text and, hence, a different idea of translational practices.

Silvia Demo (Università di Padova) Galen’s commentary on Hippocrates’ Aphorisms and its translations Galen, the Greek physician and philosopher of the II sec. A.D. who created his fame and fortune in Rome, becoming the personal physician to many famous people, including the emperor Marcus Aurelius, often referred to Hippocrates as an eminent physician and the greatest point of reference for the history of medicine. Among the wide number of works he wrote, Galen also commented fifteen Hippocratic treatises listed in his work On my Own Book: Aphorisms, Joints, Fractures, Prognosis, Regimen in Acute Diseases, Wounds in the Head, Epidemics 1 and 3, Epidemics 2, Epidemics 6, Humors, Surgery, Airs, Waters, Places, Nutriment, Nature of Man. For what specifically concerns Aphorisms, Galen produced an extensive commentary on this text, as did other medical authors writing in Greek, Latin, Arabic, and Hebrew. Galen’s commentary was the most renown and it was translated in Arabic very early. In the eleventh century

12 Costantinus Africanus, monk from the North Africa who lived in the abbey of Montecassino, translated several medical texts from Arabic into Latin, including Galen’s Method of healing and his commentary on Hippocrates’ Aphorisms, which entered the Articella, a collection of medical texts put together in the twelfth century, soon used in Salerno medical school. The only other Latin translation of Aphorisms was realised by Burgundio of Pisa in the end of the twelfth century and completed by Niccolò da Reggio (1280‐1350), Greek translator who lived in the South of Italy and who translated at least fifty Galenic treatises from 1308 and 1345. Starting from the Greek texts in Kühn (Claudii Galeni opera omnia, vols. 17.2 and 18.1, Leipzig: Knobloch, 1829: 17.2:345-887; 18.1:1-195), I want to present the translation technique used to translate Aphorisms from Greek to Latin; Galen’s methods of quotation and hermeneutic procedures; the development of medical theory and practice trough the translation process. Then the role that commentaries played in the transmission and transformation of scientific knowledge.

Diana Denissen (Université de Lausanne) Nuns who (don’t) like Latin: Language Exclusion and Inclusion in Late Medieval Northern European Nunneries In the second half of the fifteenth century, the Dutch nun Alijt Bake complains about the use of Latin in her convent in Ghent: She did not recite as loudly and quickly as they [the other nuns] wanted. Therefore she often had to endure a lot from them. [...] She read/sang badly, because she did not understand what she had read (Boexcken van mijn beghin ende voortganck, ch. 41). Bake is convinced that her lack of understanding Latin impedes her spiritual progress. She reflects: ‘I do not understand the text of the lectures and therefore my heart cannot concentrate on it’ (Boexcken, ch. 42). About a century earlier, this same attitude towards Latin also occurs in the so-called ‘Sister-Book’ of the German community of nuns in Engelthal (near Nuremberg). The nun Hedwig von Regensburg ‘wanted to skip choir’ because ‘she did not understand it’ (Engeltal 21). However, the complete opposite attitude towards Latin also occurred. Another sister of the Engelthal nunnery, Cristin von Kornburg, ‘came to interpret/translate (diuten) large, difficult books at table’ (Engeltal 30). The Dutch nun Truke van der Beeck from the Diepenveen nunnery (near Deventer) did the same. During table reading, she translated Latin texts into the Middle-Dutch vernacular for her fellow sisters on the spot (Diepenveen, ff. 336r-37r). First, I will explore how the use of Latin had an exclusionary effect for some women in late medieval nunneries and how these women tried to adopt alternative strategies to engage with religious culture in their communities. Then, I will elaborate on how nuns with a good command of Latin, made (fragments of) originally Latin texts more inclusive for everyone in their female communities by using strategies of translation and interpretation. I will end my paper with a broader reflection on the different ways in which medieval nuns in the Low Countries and Germany engaged in/ or disengaged from Latinate and literate culture.

Lisa Devriese (Universiteit Leuven) Aristotle’s De coloribus: a case of cultural exclusion? This conference aims at focusing on translations as a means of transferring literature, science and religion to an ever- wider audience – certainly, transmitting knowledge is the main priority of a medieval translation. However, it seems that we have arrived at the opposite situation when studying the case of Aristotle’s De coloribus. This treatise was translated from Greek into Latin in the second half of the 13th century by Bartholomew of Messina, as part of a

13 translation wave in which all Aristotelian treatises were made accessible to the Latin West. While most of these Aristotelian translations succeeded in becoming essential tools in the study of philosophy at the medieval university or outside, this does not seem to be the case for De coloribus, a treatise dealing with color theories. The Latin De coloribus has survived in eighty-two manuscripts, but after its translation nothing further happened. Most Aristotelian treatises are the subject of medieval commentaries; notes are scribbled in the margins of the manuscripts; parts of the text are referred to in other treatises; or they even are translated afterwards into a vernacular language. None of these applies for De coloribus, which leads to the assumption that the translation did not realize a cultural inclusion, but rather exclusion. In this paper, I would like to discuss the limited reception history of De coloribus and propose some possible reasons.

Claudia Di Sciacca (Università di Udine) Fragmented Body, Inclusive Narrative: Translating Oswald of Northumbria into a European Saint The life and, especially, the death of Oswald, King of Northumbria (634-42), represent a ‘politico-religious success story’ [Clemoes 1994: 592]. Although his royal career was rooted in Northumbrian dynastic vicissitudes and his cult was originally promoted by his very lineage, Oswald became a truly European saint whose renown proved extraordinary for both its geographical and chronological extent as well as for its reach through different layers of society. This paper proposes to retrace the development of Oswald’s legend from Bede’s foundational account of the king’s life, death, and early spread of his cult in the Historia Ecclesiastica, to its often extravagant vernacular appropriations in German-speaking areas and Scandinavia. In particular, I intend to show that the dialectic between (Bedan) tradition and (fictional) innovation as best attested in the early sixteenth-century Icelandic Ósvalds saga is key to understand the evolution from seventh-century Northumbrian warrior-king to a cult figure for late medieval and modern Europe. In Bede’s grand scheme of the English as a chosen people achieving salvation under the leadership of Bede’s native Bernicia, Oswald features prominently as a veritable Northumbrian Constantine and a champion of the Augustinian, eventually also Gregorian, principle of the iustum bellum. Fulfilling his mission, Oswald ultimately falls on the battlefield but Bede never goes as far as to call him a martyr and nor does he include Oswald in his martyrologium. Despite Bede’s reticence, however, the diffusion of Oswald’s cult in as many regions as the Low Countries, Germany, Austria, Bohemia, Switzerland, Scandinavia, and also northern Italy, mostly owes to the martyrial status subsequently attributed to the king as well as to the spread of his dismembered body in the guise of highly cherished relics. In particular, also thanks to the promotion by the powerful Bavarian family of the Welfs, ‘southern Germans made Oswald their own’ [Clemoes 1994: 598], with the two Welf centres of St Martin at Weingarten – whose generous endowment of relics included some from our saint – and Regensburg acting as two veritable hubs of Oswald’s cult. Twelfth-century Regensburg is also the likely birthplace of the German branch of Oswald’s legend, where the historical saint-king becomes the hero of a romance centred on the Brautentführung theme, the abduction of a bride from a pagan father. This fictionalization of Oswald’s life was variously adopted and adapted in both verse versions (i.e. the Münchener Oswald and Vienna Oswald) and prose renditions in High and Low German legendaries. However, the lost archetypal version of this vast German tradition has been claimed to be best preserved in the Ósvalds saga, where Oswald is repeatedly designated as a martyr and the original Bedan account of the saint’s life and miracles is expanded with a prefatory coronation tale and the bridal-quest narrative.

14 These obvious discrepancies aside, it will be argued that the Icelandic Oswald – the cautious leader of a crusaders’ army reluctantly confronting foreign Muslims as well as neighbouring heathens – makes a different miles Christi from his Bedan antecedent as well as heralding new paradigms of sanctity and devotion.

Ivana Djordjević (Concordia University, Montreal) Le roman de Waldef and its Latin translations It is rare for a vernacular text in late medieval England to be translated into Latin. Yet an Anglo-Norman romance from around 1200, whose circulation appears to have been limited, was twice translated into Latin in the fifteenth century, when English, well established as a language of culture, might have seemed the more obvious choice. I will try to explore and explain this apparent oddity by looking closely at the original and the two translations. Written around the turn of the thirteenth century, Le roman de Waldef is found in a single manuscript, dated c. 1300, in which the ending of the narrative is missing. It is the longest Anglo-Norman romance (over 22,300 octosyllabic lines), in many ways central to the genre’s canon, but also the least studied. (A forthcoming English translation should heighten its profile.) The story of Waldef, a fictional early East Anglian king, is given an interesting pseudo-historical frame and preceded by an equally interesting prologue, in which the author claims to be working from an English original. Though almost certainly false, this claim highlights the tangled relations between linguistic, cultural, and political authority in Angevin England, which I plan to explore. The pretence of historicity is the likeliest reason for the narrative’s eventual translation into Latin, which enhanced Waldef’s prestige in two ways: generically, by pushing it further away from romance towards “respectable” history; and linguistically, by giving it a new home in the high- prestige language of historical record – or, in the terms of the conference’s framework, by trying to restore it to the cultural unity of a transnational cultural realm defined by its use of Latin. The first fifteenth-century Latin translation, Historia regis Waldei, is the work of the monk Johannes Bramis. He translates into prose and follows his original closely, though with some changes, which I intend to examine. In his prologue he describes his text as a composite based on two originals, one French and one English, the latter probably a now lost translation from Anglo-Norman. Marginal notes (anglice, gallice) in the manuscript signal the places where Bramis switches between the two. Most likely produced c. 1400, the translation survives in a single early-fifteenth- century manuscript. A manuscript from the second half of the century preserves a considerably shorter and possibly later translation of Waldef. The author of this translation, apparently independent of Bramis’s, is anonymous. As he provides no prefatory explanations, an analysis of what he actually does, which will be part of my paper, is our only access to what he meant to do. In order to think more generally about changing patterns of linguistic, cultural, and political authority in medieval England I will ask specific questions about these three texts and, briefly, their manuscript contexts. For example: what does each author tell us about the text’s real or ostensible status as translation and how can these statements help us think about the cultural meaning of translation? To what extent are Waldef’s unusually un-romance-like features responsible for its successful transfer into Latin two hundred years later? What do the fifteenth-century translators do in order to transform, as far as possible, a pseudo-historical romance into history? How do they both deal with episodes in which the pull of romance appears too strong for the narrative to be successfully “historicized”? How do they handle terminology specific to romance, including formulaic expressions? How are scenes and episodes peculiar to romance changed to fit the new context?

15 Diego Dotto (CNR Opera del Vocabolario Italiano – Firenze) Volgarizzare dal latino iuxta vulgare: le Meditazioni della Vita di Cristo nel ms. Paris BNF It. 115 Nell’ambito di un progetto di edizione integrale del ms. Paris BNF It. 115, latore di un volgarizzamento delle Meditationes Vitae Christi, condotto da un’équipe internazionale di filologi, linguisti e storici dell’arte, l’intervento mira a illustrare da un punto di vista traduttologico il profilo di questo testo (all’interno della complessa tradizione volgare si tratta del cosiddetto “Testo maggiore A”). Il volgarizzamento si colloca infatti in un punto di tensione davvero particolare a causa delle forze attive nella sua tradizione, perlopiù in opposizione tra loro. Da un lato l’opera latina ebbe una larghissima fortuna, diretta e indiretta, in Italia e in Europa, andando ben oltre l’originaria destinazione interna al monachesimo femminile francescano, nonostante, o meglio proprio perché la sua composizione e il suo dettato erano tutt’altro che omogenei permettendo di rifunzionalizzare il testo secondo i diversi ambienti di ricezione. Le Meditationes Vitae Christi alternano infatti parti narrative, talora assai vivaci, in un latino iuxta vulgare che si richiama solo in parte al sermo humilis della Scrittura, inglobando una componente schiettamente novellistica, a parti didascalico-morali desunte direttamente da autori cristiani, in particolare da Bernardo di Chiaravalle. Spia significativa dell’orientamento sul volgare del latino delle Meditationes è l’ipotesi di un’originaria redazione volgare dell’opera, che sarebbe stata poi tradotta in latino. Dall’altro lato il volgarizzamento del manoscritto parigino, monoattestato, traduce alla lettera o più specificamente in modo lineare la sintassi del modello latino, producendo un effetto di straniamento perché se la resa delle parti narrative conserva ancora in parte la vivacità del dettato originario, la traduzione delle parti didascaliche è spesso difficoltosa e oltrepassa talora il limite della comprensibilità. Si crea così un cortocircuito linguistico e stilistico tra l’istanza prima del passaggio di codice, dal latino al volgare, e la sua realizzazione, che paradossalmente risale la corrente dal volgare al latino con l’ampia introduzione di crudi latinismi sintattici, tanto nelle parti narrative, quanto in quelle didascaliche. L’intervento sarà dedicato a sondare analiticamente questa dinamica.

Mary Dzon (University of Tennessee) The Literalization of Time's Three Stages in the God of Wrath's Three Arrows Towards the end of the Speculum humanae salvationis, a fourteenth-century Marian-centered salvation narrative, the Dominican author takes pains to point out that Christ at the Last Judgment, though he is merciful now, will then judge humans strictly and not be affected by saintly advocates, not even his mother Mary. In a couple of chapters earlier, a traditional tale is recounted to underscore Mary's role as mediatrix: St Dominic once saw God brandishing three arrows at humankind, but Mary mitigated her son's ire by offering to send forth Saints Dominic and Francis. As her special agents, they would fight against the world's most heinous vices: pride, avarice, and lust. Illustrated manuscripts of the SHS usually show the two saints kneeling beside a larger than life Mary, underneath an angry Christ in the sky, who holds three arrows (or lances) in his hand. These arrows clearly parallel the three sins that most oppress humankind. While the story suggests that Mary has power to thwart God's wrath, the warning embedded in the later chapter on the Last Judgment conveys in no uncertain terms that, on the "Dies irae," there will be no mitigation of God's anger. Yet illustrations for this chapter tend to suggest the very opposite by showing Mary and John the Baptist kneeling before Christ the Judge, an image that sixteenth-century clerics found extremely problematic. What about fifteenth-century writers and artists? Like a number of Last Judgment plays from the Continent, some Middle English devotional authors

16 claim that Mary will still be an advocate at the Last Judgment. Along similar lines, numerous Marian Miracles suggest that there is no bound to her mercy, some even showing her intervening in a person's "particular judgment." This paper will explore how artistic schemes of the SHS arguably obfuscated the Dominican author's orthodox message and how English devotional culture more broadly tended to blur the important distinction between the present day of mercy and the future day of wrath. Emphasis will be given to the little-known treatise "The Three Arrows of Doomsday," found in numerous fifteenth-century religious miscellanies. The anonymous author links the three arrows of God's wrath, seen in the SHS and in other devotional sources, with the Three Comings of God to his people: to the Israelites in the past, to humanity as the gentle Son of God, and in the future as the stern and vengeful God of wrath. The transformation of God's attitude towards humanity from Old Testament times to the New is signified by his changing from a lion to a lamb. Yet he will return again as an angry, roaring lion -- summoning, judging and condemning sinners -- at the Last Judgment. While the vernacular author, through such images, apparently seeks to encourage Christians to distinguish stages of time as the past, present or future, the strongest impression left by the text is that Christ will roar as a lion on Doomsday in three dreadful ways. Thus, rather than coming away from the treatise with a bolstered sense of the hope of gaining God's mercy in the present day, the reader more likely felt a greater sense of fear of the ominous threat of God's wrath. The three arrows no longer signify the three main vices that plague humankind but the three powerful verbal pronouncements of the Judge. In this way, the "Three Arrows" text can be said to miss the opportunity to drive home a more powerful distinction between the Three Comings of God in the past, present and future. Like the SHS, however, it does suggest, though rather weakly, that the time of Mary's influence is only in the middle part of salvation history.

Dávid – Imre Szilágyi (Eötvös Loránd University Budapest) I volgarizzamenti italiani delle Meditationes Vitae Christi nel Trecento Le pseudo-bonaventuriane Meditationes Vitae Christi (d’ora in poi MVC) sono uno dei testi più popolari all’interno della letteratura francescana, con una notevole diffusione in diverse lingue volgari già nel medioevo. Attorno a quest’opera negli ultimi decenni si sono intensificate le ricerche internazionali, con varie questioni aperte o discusse, soprattutto per quanto riguarda le versioni italiane del testo. Le MVC sono chiaramente d’origine toscana, e circolavano in Italia già nel Trecento in parecchi manoscritti sia in latino che in volgare, ma la questione della lingua della versione originaria rimane ancora ad oggi discussa. Ho già avuto il modo di esprimere il mio parere sulla precedenza del latino, ma un recente progetto di ricerca, il quale intende di pubblicare l’edizione critica di una delle versioni volgari delle MVC, mi offre nuove opportunità di dettagliare il confronto tra le versioni volgari e il latino. Le MVC circolavano già nel Trecendo in almeno tre versioni strutturalmente distinte (Testo maggiore, Testo minore, Testo breve). S. McNamer ha recentemente pubblicato il Testo breve, e argomenta che questa versione dovrebbe essere la più vicina in assoluto all’originale delle MVC. D’altra parte le mie ricerche precedenti sono giunte a una conclusione diversa, secondo la quale il testo delle MVC sarebbe stato compilato originariamente in latino e il primo volgarizzamento italiano sarebbe rappresentato dalla versione chiamata Testo maggiore. Il Testo maggiore si conserva in due redazioni, chiamate “Testo maggiore A” e “Testo maggiore B”. Il Testo maggiore A conservato soltanto dal ms. It. 115 della BnF di Parigi è in corso di pubblicazione da parte di un’équipe internazionale, con la riproduzione e l’analisi del notevole apparato illustrativo che lo accompagna, mentre il Testo maggiore B (dal quale deriva anche il più diffuso Testo minore) tramandato da 8 testimoni sarà pubblicato nel 2020.

17 Nel mio intervento presenterò un’analisi comparativa delle due redazioni del Testo maggiore, comparandole con il modello latino, per arrivare a delle affermazioni conclusive sulla direzione della tradizione testuale, riflettendo anche sulla tesi molto stimolante di J. Dalarun sulla possibilità di una doppia redazione del testo, oltre che sui rapporti fra le tre versioni volgari, in particolare per chiarire se le versioni A e B siano due volgarizzamenti indipendenti, come le ricerche preliminari sembrerebbero suggerire, o viceversa due redazioni di uno stesso volgarizzamento.

Marusca Francini (Università di Pavia) Tra lingue e alfabeti: preghiere cristiane in latino e in volgare nella Scandinavia medievale Il contributo scandaglia, sulla base delle testimonianze manoscritte ed epigrafiche, il rapporto tra lingue diverse (volgare scandinavo, latino, anglosassone), e la ‘traduzione’ tra sistemi grafici diversi (caratteri runici e lettere romane) nell’espressione verbale e visuale del cristianesimo, prendendo in esame la traduzione interlinguistica, e interalfabetica, delle preghiere cristiane nei manoscritti e nelle iscrizioni runiche della Scandinavia tardo-vichinga e medievale. La conversione al cristianesimo, in Scandinavia come altrove, incorporò usi ed elementi culturali locali, così che gran parte della tradizione runica della tarda età vichinga e del Medioevo, espressione grafica di origine precristiana, è di natura cristiana ed esprime delle pratiche cristiane come quella della preghiera, venendo a costituire una testimonianza importante nell’indagine degli aspetti storici, culturali, religiosi e linguistici del processo sociale della cristianizzazione. Il cristianesimo portò in Scandinavia l’alfabeto latino dando vita alla cultura manoscritta in volgare, ma dette anche un nuovo impulso all’impiego della scrittura runica su pietre commemorative, pietre tombali, pareti e arredi delle chiese, amuleti che contengono preghiere e formule cristiane. La cristianizzazione nel Medioevo non fu semplicemente l’abbandono del paganesimo e la somma di conversioni individuali, bensì l’adesione a una nuova identità. L’idea di res publica christiana (desunta da Sant’Agostino) vede l’Europa latina come una collettività cristiana, una rete di realtà politiche unite da fede, istituzioni e riti in comune. La conoscenza del Pater Noster e del Credo delimitava il confine tra coloro che erano inclusi nella comunità cristiana e quelli al di fuori, come comprendevano Beda, Rabano Mauro e Ælfric i quali sottolineavano gli aspetti comunitari e sacramentali del Pater Noster. Versioni manoscritte, quindi in alfabeto latino, in volgare delle due preghiere sono contenute in diversi codici del XIV e del XV secolo; in precedenza, nello Homiliubok norvegese (AM 619, 4to) e nello Homiliubok islandese (Stock. Perg. 4to no. 15) databili al 1200 circa le sette petizioni del Pater Noster sono tradotte e commentate in volgare sulla base della tradizione esegetica anglosassone. Nell’omeliario norvegese è presente una resa in volgare dell’Ave Maria entro il contesto di un’omelia per il Natale. Oltre alla testimonianza dei manoscritti, verranno prese in esame le preghiere cristiane nelle iscrizioni runiche considerando da un lato il rapporto tra lingua latina e lingua volgare, e tra scrittura runica e caratteri romani dall’altro. La più comune forma di espressione verbale del cristianesimo nelle iscrizioni runiche è rappresentata da preghiere, invocazioni e benedizioni dove predominano nettamente formulazioni in volgare (per es. Guð hjalpi önd/sál hans), ma sono presenti anche preghiere (o incipit di preghiere) latine, specialmente Pater Noster e Ave Maria (citate in toto o, più frequentemente, solo in parte, spesso solo per le prime due parole d’apertura) oltre a esempi di citazioni scritturali e liturgiche. Il materiale runico non contiene molti esempi di versioni in volgare, dato che le citazioni di brani religiosi in caratteri runici presentano una veste linguistica latina; tra le eccezioni rientra il bastoncino runico B 524 da Bryggen (Norvegia) che reca una versione in norreno di un brano della Passio Sancti Andreae Apostoli. Talora, entro l’iscrizione runica, le preghiere e le invocazioni possono essere incise in caratteri romani. Emergono la coesistenza di scrittura runica, espressione culturale di origine germanica, e di pratiche religiose cristiane; la coesistenza di due sistemi grafici per la comunicazione visuale e verbale della fede cristiana; la coesistenza di

18 volgare e latino a livello linguistico. Lingua latina e scrittura epigrafica romana derivano dall’introduzione del cristianesimo e venivano usati quasi esclusivamente allo scopo di comunicare la fede cristiana. Il contributo tratterà anche come le citazioni latine e le formule in volgare riflettano la tradizione della recitazione orale delle preghiere nei cimiteri e nelle chiese. Un testo nel Cod. Ups. C 50 del XV secolo invita a pregare il Pater Noster e l’Ave Maria e ai titoli forniti in latino seguono le preghiere in svedese, mentre le iscrizioni runiche tra XI e XIV secolo attestano un linguaggio istituzionalizzato che prevede due tipologie di preghiere e invocazioni: quelle formulate, o riformulate, in volgare, che riflettono la pratica della preghiera in volgare; e quelle che contengono l’invito a pregare seguito dai titoli Pater Noster e Ave Maria le quali lasciano aperta la questione della lingua in cui avveniva l’effettiva recitazione vocale.

Anamaria Gellert (Università di Padova) “A Knyght ther was”: social order and cultural identity in Chaucer’s Knight’s Tale and Caxton’s The Game and Playe of the Chesse William Caxton showed a keen interest in issues connected to chivalry, to the social structure of society, within which knights played a significant role, and to the political instruction of all estates, when he published, early in his career, The Game and the Playe of the Chesse (1474; reprinted in 1483 with woodcuts). An allegory of good government, this political treatise, which belongs to the medieval genre of speculum regis, is the English translation of Jean de Vignay’s French version of Jacobus de Cessolis’ (c. 1250-1322) Liber de moribus hominum et officiis nobilium ac popularium super ludo scachorum. In the Prologue to his 1483 edition, Caxton describes the book as being “ful of holsom wysedom and requysyte vnto euery astate and degree” and concludes that every man, regardless of his estate, should read it in order to take “ensaumple to amende hym”. The woodcut of the Knight in Caxton’s illustrated edition of the Canterbury Tales (1483) as well as those in Pynson’s (1492 [STC 5084] and 1526 [STC 5086]), and de Worde’s (1498 [STC 5085]) editions highlight the Knight’s role as miles Christi by depicting him as a fully plate- armoured warrior gripping firmly his sword or holding a lance and an emblazoned shield. If one accepts the notion that the rendering of words into pictures is a translation from one semiotic system into another, one must also bear in mind that translatio and interpretatio are strongly interconnected. In order to better understand Caxton’s editorial choice, I am going to interpret the woodcut of the Knight in conjunction with the woodcut of his Yeoman within the framework provided by The Game and the Playe of the Chesse as well as by Ramon Llull’s The Order of Chivalry. Known in the Middle Ages mostly through its Latin and French versions, the latter is a manual which provides a model of chivalric behaviour and codifies the rules about knights’ and squires’ duties, arms and proper accoutrement as well as the rite of the dubbing ceremonial. Composed between 1274 and 1276 in Catalan, it was translated into English via a French version and published by Caxton in 1484. In his Epilogue, the printer makes an interesting remark about the expected readership of his book: it is “not requysyte to every comyn man to haue / but to noble gentylmen that by their vertu entende to come entre in to the noble ordre of chyualry”. Mine is a case study which attempts to show how Caxton’s repackaging of Chaucer’s text is indicative, on the one hand, of a well-defined marketing strategy directed at rendering the second edition of the Canterbury Tales more appealing to his prospective customers. On the other hand, it can be seen as a means of shaping fifteenth-century readers’ interpretation of the Knight’s portrait and tale. When choosing to translate into English and publish an edition of The Game and the Playe of the Chesse decorated with woodcuts, Caxton created a visual, linguistic and ideological link between Chaucer’s Knight and the ideal Knight as described in the

19 speculum regis. The printer was thus making a statement about the social order of the English society while endorsing the importance of the vernacular as a means of social cohesion and cultural identity.

Pierandrea Gottardi (Università di Trento) Traduzione, ossia rifunzionalizzazione: tra Roman de Horn e King Horn Pur con i numerosi e diversi problemi che la relazione genetica tra Roman de Horn e King Horn pone (come in generale la fenomenologia traduttiva medioevale), il rapporto tra le due versioni della storia di Horn rappresenta con efficacia il movimento di una stessa narrazione da un ambito linguistico e culturale (privilegiato, o assunto a standard) a un nuovo contesto. L’intervento si propone di illustrare come, in prospettiva di ricezione, la compresenza di istanze ereditate e innovative segni questo tipo di rapporto tra il testo anglonormanno e il testo medio inglese: una ri-attualizzazione dell’opera, e dunque una sua ri-funzionalizzazione, che è deducibile sia dal confronto codicologico dei testimoni, sia dalle variazioni osservabili, di natura semantica, stilistica e narrativa. Il contesto manoscritto suggerisce per il Roman de Horn una lettura didascalica del romanzo volta a illustrare un modello cortese di regnante, incentrata sull’etica feudale e sulle buone pratiche nei rapporti tra i diversi ranghi sociali. Diversamente, i dintorni testuali dei testimoni di King Horn spingono verso una interpretazione del percorso del protagonista non più manualistica ma cristologica, dove si sottolinea da una parte il duplice tradimento compiuto da uno dei compagni del protagonista, dall’altra la provvidenza ineluttabile che sospinge Horn verso il suo destino di re. Anche le titolature e le glosse riscontrabili nei manoscritti confermano lo slittamento nell’interpretazione, corrispondente a una diversa funzione testuale, prima laicamente didattica, poi connotata in senso religioso. Questa diversa ricezione della vicenda è verificata dalle variazioni testuali. In particolare, la comparazione di alcuni episodi salienti mostra non solo un mutamento dell’orizzonte d’attesa entro cui il testo si colloca prima e dopo, ma ne conferma anche la diversa funzione, lasciando così intendere un contesto di circolazione del romanzo non più necessariamente cortese e investito invece di una maggiore religiosità. Tra i diversi passaggi, appaiono pregnanti in tal senso soprattutto i momenti di confronto con gli antagonisti (gli scontri con i saraceni e il tradimento da parte del compagno di Horn), un discorso dell’eroe presente nel solo King Horn e il diverso rapporto tra moralità dell’eroe e destino regale che si evince dall’analisi dei punti di svolta nel suo cursus honorum. Considerate la datazione pressoché coeva dei testimoni di entrambe le versioni e la situazione linguistica del sistema letterario inglese del sec. XIV per come oggi ci è nota, si deduce che la traduzione in medio inglese del romanzo trovi le sue ragioni, almeno in parte, nella reinterpretazione del testo anglonormanno conseguente a nuove finalità testuali.

Veronica Grecu (University of Bacau) De ceste estorie, ke ai ci faite/ Est cele de Tebes estraite. Les enjeux esthétiques et moraux d’une translatio inverse La transmission historique et littéraire des connaissances, la translatio studii, entendue comme la « greffe vitale du passé sur le présent », est au cœur même du projet médiéval de traduction. Au Moyen Age, culture et traduction vont de pair. Connaître, c’est aussi traduire. Employée pour célébrer le legs culturel des Anciens et la « conjointure des cultures » ainsi favorisée, la translatio studii s’impose également comme une catégorie fondamentale de l’esthétique du genre romanesque. Cela nous permet de comprendre la haute estime que la clergie médiévale porte à son travail et à sa fonction. En effet, fiers de leurs connaissances et de leurs exploits linguistiques, les traducteurs semblent être de plus en plus tentés de rendre hommage à la fonction de l’écrit, aux dépens de l’acte d’appropriation du patrimoine culturel

20 antique. Leur visée est, sans doute, de mettre en exergue la difficulté du travail de traduction, de transfert et de réécriture d’une matière venue du fond des âges et de souligner l’importance de leur labeur pour la culture médiévale. C’est en analysant les liens unissant Ipomédon, le roman rédigé par Hue de Rotelande au XIIe siècle, ainsi que son adaptation en moyen anglais, Ipomadon, à la Thébaïde de Stace et au Roman de Thèbes, que nous nous proposons de mettre en évidence la conduite énigmatique de ces clercs médiévaux, de même que la translatio inverse à laquelle ils semblent vouloir aspirer. En effet, l’auteur anglo-normand Hue de Rotelande, suivi de près par le traducteur anglais, réclame à la fin du roman sa primauté, inversant les rapports que le texte entretient avec la Thébaïde de Stace et le Roman de Thèbes. D’un geste opposé à celui du Prologue, où il affirme ouvertement sa dette envers la matière antique et insiste sur l’importance capitale de la traduction, Hue de Rotelande choisit de leurrer les lecteurs et, sur un ton moqueur, il leur annonce le départ du héros pour Thèbes et sa volonté de se reposer durant ses exploits. De même, le traducteur anglais, suivant la conduite imposée par l’auteur anglo-normand, ne semble pas prêt à assumer une filiation évidente, bien que la fin de l’adaptation courtoise en moyen anglais ne laisse pas de doute sur ses connaissances quant à l’identité d’Ipomédon/Ipomadon, l’homonyme d’Hippomedon, l’un des sept généraux qui accompagnent Adraste et Polynice dans leur lutte. Bien au contraire, conscient du fait qu’Ipomadon rappelle à la mémoire des lecteurs le Roman de Thèbes, le traducteur anglais n’hésite pas à indiquer la triste fin qui attend le héros à Thèbes et cela, à la différence de Hue de Rotelande, qui invite les lecteurs à chercher, eux-mêmes, la suite des aventures. Or, ces simples remarques sont lourdes de conséquences, puisqu’elles permettent à Hue de Rotelande et au traducteur anglais d’opérer une translatio inverse et de prétendre, à tour de rôle, au statut de texte premier, d’œuvre matrice pour les autres.

Hourmouziadis Stelios (KU Leuven) The first 16th c. translation of a Decameron Tale in Greek - The translation itinerary of 'The story of the King of Scotland and the Queen of England' by Iakovos Trivolis from a History of Translation perspective Our presentation focuses on the translation of a late medieval text, Boccaccio’s Decameron, into another vernacular language, namely Modern Greek. We will present the first translation into Greek of a Decameron Tale (VII/7), made by Iakovos Trivolis, a citizen of the Serenissima, in the Greek-speaking island of Corful/ Kerkyra. We will then highlight, from a Translation History perspective, the role of Translation Agency and its impact both on the choice of the target language and its socio-cultural context. Using a Mixed Methods approach, we will explore crucial theoretical notions related to Translation Agency, such as habitus and capital (Bourdieu, Simeoni, Buzzelin etc); extensive biographical and socio-cultural information will be offered as to the translator, the translation agent par excellence; the translation- author dyad will also be briefly touched upon. We shall aim at underscoring, among other things, the importance of translation in the circulation of a (canonical) literary text, the translational exchanges between languages, as well as the ‘hows’ and ‘whys’ of the specific translation. Targeted textual analysis will be offered, in an effort to corroborate our claims.

Laura Ingallinella (Wellesley College) Where Does a Translation End?: The Case of French Prose Hagiography Hagiography has a special status among the textual genres of the western Middle Ages as it is marked by a high degree of fluidity not only at the level of the text as single unit (a vita or a passio considered independently) but also at the

21 level of the macrotext (collections of vitae and/or passiones). When a group of saints’ lives is translated from one language to the other—and when a single text is translated in order to be incorporated into an already existing group of translated texts—we reach the end of this spectrum of fluidity, exposing the fragmented nature of many components of hagiography as a genre. This paper aims to show that the exposure of these components is key to creating an “open” macrotextual terrain that allows the different communities accessing these translated collections to implement them according to their liturgical needs, cult practices, and varying cultural interests. As a case study, I will examine crucial moments of the creation and manuscript transmission of the so-called Légendier français méthodique (henceforth Légendier français en prose), a collection of saints’ lives first studied by Paul Meyer and translated from Latin into French in an early thirteenth-century monastic community (possibly Cistercian) from northern France. Transferred from one koinè (Latin) to another (French), this collection changed in nature, extension, and features, while circulating across the Francophone Mediterranean, from England to Acre, between the thirteenth and the late fifteenth century. It molded into new shapes, ranging from small collections of eighteen vitae (Lyon, Bibliothèque Municipale, MS 867) to considerable collections gathering over three hundred texts (Oxford, Queen’s College, MS 305), and from texts largely rearranged to meet new sensibilities (Paris, Bibliothèque Sainte Geneviève, MS 1302) to faithfully copied collages of multiple exemplars (Paris, Bibliothèque nationale de France, MS nouv. acq. 23686). The most significant feature of the Légendier français en prose is that this collection was never pinned into a “fixed” form, not even at its earliest stages of compilation, but it was meant by its author(s) to circulate and reach as many faithful readers as possible within the shortest amount of time. The defining features of hagiography as a genre enabled this team of translators to exploit the fragmentedness of their project—a translation and all the more a translation that had not been completed and, by definition, could never be—as a means of community building, sharing, and constant implementation, rather than have it be an obstacle. Manuscripts within the Légendier français en prose cluster are as chameleonic as their Latin counterparts and quickly became means of a constant process of cultural transfer and adaptation, whether taking place within the walls of a monastery in northern France or a Genoese prison. The first, incomplete, fragmentary core of the Légendier français en prose offered a platform for cross-language experimentation that would then gather new translations, texts that had been previously translated into French, mises en prose, and items that could build a new, ever-changing history of salvation in the vernacular.

Ian Johnson (University of St. Andrews) The Lemmatic Community in between and amongst Fragmentary Interpretations in the Middle English Glossed Gospels Despite their modern title, the late Middle English Glossed Gospels are more like gospel commentaries than glossed gospels; more importantly, they reveal considerable ambition and complexity in how they vernacularize the interpretations of standard Latin biblical commentators by hermeneutically applying translations of lemmatically fragmentary Latin glosses to a Middle English version of the Vulgate. Being genuinely scholarly, and fragmentarily in between Latin and Middle English in a peculiarly fascinating way, the Glossed Gospels are clearly the product of the earlier so-called ‘academic’ phase of the Wycliffite movement that flourished in the last three decades of the fourteenth century. The surviving manuscripts of the Glossed Gospels indicate that there was a short and long version of a commentary on each Gospel. Each of these deploys an impressive range of exegesis, taken either directly from named Latin

22 commentators or via Thomas Aquinas’s Catena aurea. There is a consistency of interpretative procedure and citational method. First, a passage from the Early Version of the Wycliffite Bible is quoted. Commentary then proceeds lemmatically in an ordered cycle: a word or phrase is quoted from the passage, and then expositions from earlier Latin authorities are lined up in Middle English translation. Each lemma is, in the vast majority of cases, serviced by the comments of more than one exegete. The individual lemma thereby functions as a portal to a wealthy centrifugal accumulation of glosses that overlap and vary in their interpretations of the Gospel, rendering and contextualizing the sententia of Holy Writ literally, historically, allegorically, and morally. A powerful combination of divisio textūs and multiple interpretations generates not only a fertile matrix of highly focused expositions but also a dialogically vibrant community of exegetical voices, personalities, and utterances which readers can variously choose to spotlight and inter- relate with a remarkable degree of detail, agility, and nuance. As we shall see in sample passages drawn from the Glossed Gospels for analysis, readers entering this text enter a dialogical gathering of voices and choices -- a community of fragmentary yet connected interpretations assembled uniquely and contingently by the compiler. This community is variously re-gathered and re-voiced on each occasion of use, be it an occasion of reading, hearing, transmission, or circulation. Each occasion would be conditioned by lectoris arbitrium (the free will and responsibility of the reader) and the diverse needs, circumstances, and ethical attitudes of users immediate or remote. For example, a reader of some education and aptitude might be in a position to synthesize a complex understanding of a particular lemma by taking on board and extrapolating from all the different commentators cited thereon and relating them to their Latin contexts, whereas a less educated hearer not reading the text may instead be on the receiving end of oral teaching on a moral topic drawn by a cleric from a choice of glosses taken (and perhaps simplified) from different parts of the Glossed Gospels.

Tamás Karáth (Pázmány Péter Catholic University of Budapest) Richard Rolle’s Vernacular Fragmentation: From Translations to Fragments (the Case of Emendatio vite) The Northern English mystic and hermit Richard Rolle (d. 1349) was primarily a Latin author, but he is also considered an authority in English devotional writing due to his Psalter translation and Commentary, his three vernacular epistles exposing his own understanding of mystical love and ascent, as well as a handful of short prose writings and lyrics in English. His most popular Latin treatise, Emendatio vite, survives in seven independent translations. The English Emendatio represents various readings and interpretations of Rolle’s original writing by a range of translators among whom only the Carmelite Richard Misyn is known by name. The sixteen manuscript copies of the English translation enable us to pursue not only the topography of the dissemination of the vernacular text, but also the diversification of its uses in the process of its distancing from the koiné. Parallel to this diversification (which may also be described as the fragmentation of discourses emerging in the translations), one of the English versions of Emendatio, preserved in New Haven, Beinecke Rare Book & Manuscript Library, Takamiya MS 66 (earlier Tokyo, Toshiyuki Takamiya Collection MS 66 and even earlier Bradfer-Lawrence MS 10), witnesses another kind of fragmentation: that of the text itself. Takamiya MS 66 contains both a full translation (Version C) and a fragment of the Emendatio in English. The fragment immediately precedes Rolle’s Commandment on fol. 29r–29v, starting with the incipit: “Her bygynnyth a noble tretis of loue.” In her study of the manuscript, Margaret G. Amassian proposed in 1979 that the fragment represented a unique version of the Middle English Emendatio. This

23 proposition has tentatively been accepted by ensuing Rolle scholarship. However, I will argue that the fragment is not a new version, but a fragment of the full Version C translation of the Emendatio in the same manuscript. While the paper will not attempt to answer why the fragment was extracted from its original context, the analysis of its translation strategies and style will demonstrate that it was originally an integral part of the full translation in the Takamiya manuscript. Besides making a claim of provenance for the English Emendatio fragment in Takamiya MS 66, the paper will also discuss the ways in which this particular instance of the textual fragmentation of the English Emendatio has commonalities with other cases when a passage of Rolle’s (Latin) Emendatio is excerpted, translated, and reused in the vernacular context.

Omar Khalaf (Università di Padova) Learning to build an empire: re-elaboration and exemplarity in the Old English Orosius The purpose of my paper is to demonstrate how the process of re-elaboration in the Old English translation of Paulus Orosius’s Historiae adversus paganos (henceforth OEO) is meant to provide Alfred the Great’s court with not only a history of the world, but also a compilation of great figures from the past that might be taken as (good or bad) models by the readers in terms of military deeds and management of power. It will be shown that the re-elaboration of the source-text – omissions, abridgements, but also interpolations from other sources – was meant to re-organise specific episodes or the lives and deeds of historical characters with the goal of favouring an exemplary reading of them. Following Francis Leneghan’s view of the OEO as an expression of the feeling of translatio imperii from the Roman empire to the rise of Wessex (2016), I argue that the massive – albeit generally neglected – operation of cutting and trimming of the Latin source carried out by the Old English translator (see Khalaf 2013) is aimed at presenting the most important military leaders of the past, their actions, and their – successful or failing – management of power as examples (not) to follow and be imitated by king Alfred and his thanes.

Irena Kristeva – Mariyana Tsibranska-Kostova (Université de Sofia – Académie des Sciences) La traduction du Poenitentiale Merseburgense en vieux slave : modèle exemplaire d’entre- langue au Moyen âge Le Moyen âge s’est imposé comme le temps de la translatio studii, un processus à la fois topologique et linguistique qui se caractérise par le transfert des savoirs et la diffusion des textes littéraires et religieux. Or, si les textes circulant en Occident sont le fruit d’un long processus d’assimilation, d’actualisation, de potentialisation et de transposition du patrimoine classique à travers la traduction, l’Orient européen va à contre-courant de cette tendance. Aussi, faut-il préciser que contrairement au monde latin, le monde slave n’a pas eu de contact direct avec l’Antiquité en raison de l’arrivée tardive des Slaves en Europe, après la fin de l’âge classique. Par ailleurs, la transmission du savoir est plutôt fragmentaire que totale. Et comme il n’existe pas de cultures monolithes, la traduction ne concerne pas seulement le transfert d’une culture vers une autre, mais répond au besoin des échanges entre les strates de la même culture dans la perspective de l’identique et du différent (Ricœur) ou entre les niveaux hiérarchiques de la même culture (Iser). Depuis la confusion de Babel, la traduction se meut dans l’espace de l’entre-deux : entre deux textes, entre deux langues, entre deux littératures, entre deux cultures. En tant qu’expérience liminale, elle remplit une fonction médiatrice à côté de sa fonction fondatrice. En s’appuyant sur le concept bermanien de prose fondamentale, notre communication se propose de circonscrire le double rôle joué par la traduction dans la naissance de la littérature slave et l’établissement des normes lexicales du vieux slave au Moyen âge. A cette fin, nous allons faire l’analyse traductologique du premier

24 pénitentiel en vieux slave Zapovedi svetih otec, à savoir le Poenitentiale Merseburgense traduit du latin au cours du X- XI siècle. Pour tenter de prouver que le Moyen âge s’avère le temps de l’instauration et de la consolidation de tous les genres de la littérature confessionnelle ou religieuse dans le monde slave, et en particulier, des pénitentiels en tant que miroir de la vie quotidienne et des rapports entre l’individu et l’Eglise, la société et la Foi chrétienne. Notre réflexion sera articulée en trois volets. A la lumière de quelques remarques sur les transferts culturels, nous observerons les partis pris traductifs du premier pénitentiel en vieux slave, afin de mettre en valeur son statut de modèle prestigieux. L’esquisse des majeurs enjeux traductionnels tâchera de révéler les caractéristiques essentielles de cette activité à la fois fondatrice, médiatrice et compensatrice à l’époque. Pour conclure qu’en s’insérant dans l’entre-langue et en traversant l’entre-monde, la traduction au Moyen âge slave s’est imposée comme une activité revêtant d’autorité aussi bien les textes-sources que les textes-cibles.

Michele Lodone (Università Ca’ Foscari – Venezia)

Biflow session: Translation and Franciscan dissent «Per consolatione d’alcuno secolare non licterato». Le profezie in volgare dei fraticelli fiorentini Nell’Italia tardo medievale Firenze fu un centro particolarmente attivo nella composizione e diffusione di testi profetici. Il ruolo svolto in tal senso dai fraticelli, eredi della complessa e variegata tradizione dissidente francescana, è stato da tempo segnalato, ma non è mai stato precisato o chiarito. L’intervento intende far luce su di esso attraverso un’analisi complessiva della documentazione prodotta dai fraticelli o dai loro avversari negli anni tra il 1375 e il 1390 circa, con particolare attenzione alla storia della condanna ed esecuzione di fra Michele da Calci, alle lettere del vallombrosano Giovanni dalle Celle, e al Prolago, un compendio delle idee dei fraticelli fiorentini scritto o copiato da uno di loro nel codice Magliab. XXXIV.76 della Biblioteca Nazionale Centrale di Firenze. Questi testi mostrano chiaramente come l’obiettivo principale del fronte dissidente (la separazione dal papato e dalla gerarchia ecclesiastica) fosse perseguito attraverso un’attiva e multiforme opera di persuasione rivolta, in volgare, ai laici e alle donne. L’opera di divulgazione dei fraticelli sarà quindi indagata a partire dai volgarizzamenti delle profezie di Cirillo e di Ildegarda che chiudono il Prolago: un esempio tipico di ‘appropriazione profetica’ di testi più antichi, ma destinati – come altri testi profetici diffusi dai fraticelli – a essere riattivati e riattualizzati, con significati diversi, anche nella prima età moderna.

Cristiano Lorenzi (Università Ca’ Foscari – Venezia)

Biflow session: Translation and Franciscan dissent Il punto sui volgarizzamenti delle Chronicae di Angelo Clareno L’intervento intende proporre una prima panoramica sui volgarizzamenti dell’Historia septem tribulationum di Angelo Clareno. Se infatti il testo latino dell’Historia latina è stato oggetto negli ultimi anni di due edizioni (quella a opera di Orietta Rossini e quella di Giovanni Boccali, entrambe del 1999), per quanto dai risultati discutibili, i volgarizzamenti antichi, che costituiscono un importante strumento di propaganda e rivestono dunque una notevole importanza nell’ambito della storia culturale francescana, restano ancora quasi del tutto inesplorati (possediamo infatti la sola edizione integrale di Luigi Malagoli del 1930, fondata su appena due codici, il ms. oggi Malagoli 1 della Biblioteca di Lingue e letterature moderne dell’Università di Pisa per le prime cinque tribolazioni e il cod. Riccardiano 1487 per le ultime due). L’edizione Rossini, che per prima ha preso in esame e valorizzato la tradizione manoscritta volgare in

25 relazione al testo latino, presenta infatti un approccio poco ortodosso alla questione risultando così di scarsa utilità per l’indagine dell’opera in volgare, dal momento che la studiosa parla di “volgarizzamenti” in modo ambiguo, senza mai chiarire se con tale termine si riferisca ai singoli testimoni o alle diverse versioni del testo. A partire dagli undici testimoni noti, già segnalati con rilevanti addizioni nel recente articolo di Bischetti-Lorenzi- Montefusco, si cercherà dunque di far luce sulle caratteristiche dei diversi volgarizzamenti (che allo stato attuale delle conoscenze parrebbero tre, di cui due unitestimoniali), proponendo al contempo, attraverso alcuni mirati sondaggi entro la tradizione, una prima disamina dei rapporti testuali che intercorrono tra alcuni dei principali testimoni del volgarizzamento più attestato e verosimilmente più antico (sembra infatti essere stato realizzato intorno alla metà del sec. XIV in area fiorentina).

Agnese Macchiarelli (Università Ca’ Foscari – Venezia)

Biflow session: Translation as a cultural project in mendicant culture Autotraduzione e rimontaggio d’autore: il caso della “Theosophia” Lo studio che qui si propone, inserito nell’ambito di un progetto europeo incentrato sul bilinguismo nella Toscana Medievale (ERC StG BIFLOW “Bilingualism in Florentine and Tuscan Works (ca. 1260 - ca. 1416)”, g. a. n. 637533), intende esaminare un’opera inedita e poco conosciuta: la Theosophia, ovvero la redazione latina dello Specchio della vera penitenzia di Iacopo Passavanti O.P. (c. 1302-1357). La Theosophia, tràdita dal solo ms. Firenze, Biblioteca Medicea Laurenziana, S. Marco 459, si presenta come un’opera religiosa, adespota, scritta in latino che, grazie a una cospicua quantità di elementi interni ed esterni, può essere attribuita a Passavanti. Suddivisa in due libri che trattano rispettivamente della caritas divina e del cammino che porta alla redenzione, la Theosophia, a differenza dell’opera volgare cui è strettamente legata, fu scritta per un pubblico di chierici e letterati. Non trattandosi di una traduzione letterale, bensì di una rielaborazione, per l’occasione sarà interessante riflettere non solo sulle tecniche di traduzione adottate dal domenicano nel redigere una duplice versione della sua opera, ma anche sui metodi di composizione e rimontaggio propri dell’autore, a partire da una lettura delle fonti sottese a entrambi i trattati, con un focus sulla Theosophia.

Cesare Mascitelli (Université de Namur) La ‘riconversione linguistica’ come forma di proto-traduzione: il caso dei testi epici franco- italiani nell’ultimo quarto del Trecento A partire dalla seconda metà del XIII secolo, l’area padana si specializza per un’intensa attività di copia, rielaborazione e creazioni originali di testi epici in lingua francese. La produzione scaturita da questa temperie culturale, che si è soliti designare col nome di ‘letteratura franco-italiana’ o ‘franco-veneta’ e che si propaga lungo tutto l’arco del Trecento, porterà in dote frutti straordinari, fra cui i manoscritti contenenti i rimaneggiamenti della Chanson de Roland e della Chanson d’Aspremont e la celeberrima Entrée d’Espagne, composta da un anonimo autore padovano attivo entro il primo quarto del XIV secolo. Una visione d’insieme condotta sulla maggioranza dei codici epici in lingua francese esemplati nell’Italia del Nord-Est entro i primi tre quarti del Trecento rivela con chiarezza la volontà, sebbene non sempre sorretta da un’adeguata competenza linguistica di copisti e rifacitori, di scrivere in francese. La situazione, tuttavia, cambia sensibilmente man mano che ci si avvicina al XV secolo: a quest’altezza cronologica, i manoscritti relatori di chansons franco-italiane si distinguono infatti nettamente da quelli prodotti negli anni precedenti in virtù della brusca deriva linguistica esibita

26 dalle loro scriptae, ormai irrimediabilmente declinanti verso l’italiano. Sebbene questa tendenza possa in parte spiegarsi con i consueti accidenti di copia e con una sicura stratificazione del lavoro di più rifacitori nel corso della tradizione, l’impressione è che la preponderanza della componente italiana non sia tanto il risultato di un progressivo deterioramento linguistico, quanto piuttosto l’indicatore di un embrionale e consapevole processo traduttorio (come già pensava Aurelio Roncaglia), finalizzato a soddisfare le esigenze di un bacino di utenti sempre più ampio e sempre meno in grado di comprendere il francese. Alla luce di tali premesse, appare oggi lecito interpretare la facies delle canzoni di gesta appartenenti all’ultima stagione franco-italiana, su tutte la versione laurenziana di Bovo d’Antona e quella del codice oggi padovano di Huon d’Auvergne, nel quadro di precise dinamiche ricezionali e di studiate strategie redazionali, caratterizzate da una cifra linguistica informata da un criterio di marcata inclusività. Tali testi potranno dunque essere opportunamente qualificati come esperimenti di ‘riconversione linguistica’, sollecitati da una frattura ideologica e culturale che rinvia, in ultima istanza, ad una specializzazione in senso diastratico della produzione letteraria. Il valore testimoniale e sociale di queste opere cronologicamente marginali può essere inoltre ulteriormente precisabile qualora sia messo in dialogo con esperienze franco- italiane coeve o di poco precedenti, ma situabili con sicurezza entro un milieu aristocratico, dal momento che l’adesione al francese per il genere epico sembra configurarsi, tra gli anni Quaranta del Trecento e l’inizio del Quattrocento, come un fenomeno ad esclusivo appannaggio delle cerchie nobiliari (come dimostrano le opere Niccolò da Verona, Nicola da Casola e soprattutto Raffaele Marmora).

Dorota Masłej – Tomasz Mika (Mickiewicz University Poznań) The target language and the socio-cultural context. Crossing the borders of translation on the example of Polish apocryphal and preacher texts In the Middle Ages, translators of religious texts faced a multidimensional challenge. Among the fundamental difficulties that the they had to overcome one can point out: • the need to express and convey written structures into vernacular language, • incompatibility between biblical realities and those of vernacular auditorium, • the necessity to translate concepts and terms unknown in the vernacular language and culture. This is why in medieval texts there are so many manifestations of crossing the borders of translation (as understood today). They are visible in the use of many equivalents for one Latin word/expression, which leads to the creation of row of synonyms, in the use of various explanations and additions concerning different spheres: both realities and the world of concepts and ideas, including those of meta-linguistic and meta-textual nature. It should be remembered that once a translation was created, it was in constant motion. Successive readers of a manuscript tried to improve it, adding glosses, which often contained further proposals for translation. Copyists frequently incorporated these glosses into the main text, which made the vernacular text even more distant from the Latin model. Polish religious texts from the Middle Ages constitute a diversified group, which have a significant feature in common: their (greater or lesser) dependence on the Latin source – from translations of Biblical fragments, through prayers or preaching texts, to multi-source apocrypha works. It should be noted that medieval Polish texts are usually preserved in one copy, usually a copy of a copy, which makes it difficult to recognize the genesis of the studied expressions: whether they are a testimony of the writer's struggle or a gloss incorporated into the text.

27 The authors of the paper are historians of the Old Polish language. Results of their research illustrate how Old Polish writers broadened the limits of the vernacular language by incorporating elements of foreign culture into it. Accurate linguistic analysis has shown that the translators often used innovative solutions (e.g. neologisms or metaphors). Only some of their ideas permanently entered the Polish language and culture, thus supporting their integration with the European universe.

Andrea Meregalli (Università di Milano) The Gospel of Nicodemus in the North: the Old Danish translation Over the last few decades an increasing number of studies have widened and enriched our knowledge of the reception and circulation of Evangelium Nicodemi (EN) in western Europe (cf. the essays in Izydorczyk 1997). If cognate texts in the Nordic area have been investigated in detail in the Old Norse and Old Swedish literary systems (cf. Bullitta 2017 and 2014, respectively), a thorough study of the Old Danish version is still a desideratum. A fragment of an Old Danish poem based on EN, dated to the beginning of the 14th century, is preserved in the manuscript Stockholm, Kungliga Biblioteket, A 115 (from around 1325), now consisting of two leaves, once the middle sheet of a quire. The poem in knittelvers is written in the Scanian dialect. The fragment preserves 103 lines which contain a portion of the text corresponding to the conclusion of Acta Pilati and the beginning of Descensus Christi ad inferos (EN XIV.3-XVII.3). Brøndum-Nielsen’s 1955 edition offers a detailed investigation of the codex and its linguistic traits, as well as some stylistic features of the text. Therefore, later scholarship has traditionally relied on the results of his extensive and accurate analysis (cf., e.g., Wolf [1993] 1997). However, the data made available by investigations of other, especially adjacent, areas offer now a richer context in which to reconsider the history and characteristics of the Old Danish text. On the backdrop of this updated framework, the aim of this paper is to investigate possible relations of the Old Danish text with other traditions, with particular reference to the German area (Masser 1978; Masser and Siller 1987; Hoffmann 1997a and 1997b), whose literary system had a very influential role on Scandinavian literature. Low German versions deserve a special focus because they also include poetic renderings. In this context, Brøndum-Nielsen’s hypothesis of a Low German source for the Old Danish text, based on internal criteria, could be checked and verified with what we now know of the actual Low German tradition. In this way, it should be possible to better outline the specific role of the Old Danish contribution to the wide circulation of such an influential work in the European Middle Ages.

Alastair Minnis (Yale University) Hellish imaginations from Augustine to Dante: When metaphor confronts materiality A fraught relationship existed between the coterie research of professional theologians and the popular tales of travel to the other world, including the visions of St Paul, Tundale, Thurkill and the Monk of Eynsham, which circulated in many Latin and vernacular versions. When, in his commentary on Peter Lombard’s Sentences, St Bonaventure came to discuss the issue of the location of purgatory, he declared that it is not to be found in Ireland, at St. Patrick’s Purgatory (in County Donegal), a famous pilgrimage site. Bonaventure, who seems to have known the twelfth-century Tractatus de purgatorio sancti Patricii or some derivative, condemned the account of how the Irish knight Owein had entered the underworld there as being fictitious (fabulose). Another visionary narrative, the Visio Tnugdali (also originally written in Latin in the twelfth century), seems to have fared better among the learned, to judge by an anecdote recorded in Heinrich von Herford’s chronicle entry for the year 1331. Having had this story read to him, Pope John XXII

28 experienced Tundale’s vision afresh in a dream of his own, and declared that it was in accord with his own beliefs. However, this is cited during a discussion of John’s controversial opinion that a soul cannot attain total happiness until after the General Resurrection; only then can it fully participate in the Beatific Vision. Following John’s death, that view was roundly rejected by his successor, Benedict XII, who asserted that such happiness is fully enjoyed by the blessed in the present-day heaven of disembodied souls. The obvious moral is that enlisting the support of a popular and populist narrative for one’s theological position is a risky move. Academics, it would seem, should stay within their ivory towers– an attitude echoed by Jacques Le Goff’s claim that thirteenth-century theologians anxiously sought to distance their erudite inquiries from views of the other world which were too ‘close to popular folklore and to the popular sensibility’. In particular, he praises Albert the Great for his robust rationalization of notions about purgatory which ‘arose as much from imagery as from reasoning, as much from fantastic tales as from authorities’. However, the gap between authorities and fantastic tales, the needs of the experts and those of layfolk, was not as wide as that, and the roles assigned to imagination and metaphor in the hermeneutics of hell were more complicated than Le Goff supposes. This I will argue with reference, first, to scholastic discussions concerning two of the most visceral images concerning the infliction of postmortem pain – hell fire, and the biting worm. Are we dealing with metaphor or materiality here, particularly in the case of the worm of Isaiah 66:24 and Judith 16:21, the chief scriptural antecedent of all those venomous creatures, like dragons, toads, and frogs, which feature so prominently in the visionary narratives? Then I shall consider several vernacular translations of the relevant doctrine, particularly in the Middle English Prick of Conscience and Dante’s Comedy. The vernacularizing dynamic of the latter involves creative fragmentation – a breaking away from conventional ideological limits to express a radical ontology of pain in new-fashioned language.

Antonio Montefusco (Università Ca’ Foscari – Venezia)

Biflow session: What is the social history of medieval translation Che cos’è la storia sociale della traduzione medievale? Notizie dal cantiere Biflow In the paper I will present the methodological guidelines of the study of medieval translation from a Historico-social perspective as they have been pursued and implemented in the context of the ERC StG 675333 – BIFLOW Toscana Bilingue project. Additionally, I will describe the (albeit sometimes provisional) results of the studies carried out by the research team.

Luca Morlino (Università di Trento) Traduzioni di tipo orizzontale e verticale combinate: il romanzo genealogico di area veneta su Fioramonte da Durazzo e Alessandro Magno L’intervento intende analizzare un caso particolare di “frammentazione e inclusione”, diverso ma complementare alle declinazioni di questo binomio concettuale proposte nella circolare di annuncio del convegno come categorie interpretative del complesso caleidoscopio delle traduzioni medievali. Si tratta di uno degli esemplari meno noti della leggenda di Alessandro Magno nell’Italia medievale, eppure l’unico tra quelli volgari che non dipende esclusivamente dalla rielaborazione mediolatina del romanzo ellenistico sul Macedone nota comunemente come Vita Alexandri Magni o Historia de proeliis, dato che alla traduzione di quest’ultima nell’unico manoscritto relatore (Padova, Biblioteca Civica, C.M. 243, a tutt’oggi inedito) è anteposta senza soluzione di continuità, secondo la cronologia narrativa e la genealogia dinastica, quella del Florimont, il romanzo francese in versi sulle imprese dell’eponimo duca d’Albania leggendario nonno di Alessandro scritto da Aimon de Varennes a mo’ di prequel del Roman d’Alexandre.

29 L’assemblaggio di questi due testi in un disegno narrativo sostanzialmente unitario – quanto meno dal punto di vista codicologico e quindi della ricezione da parte di una precisa cerchia di lettori, ma forse già al momento della produzione – consiste in una curiosa combinazione di una traduzione orizzontale a una verticale (giusta la terminologia di Folena). In questo caso pertanto la frammentazione linguistica si situa a monte, essendo costituita dalle diverse lingue di partenza anziché da quella unitaria d’arrivo, la quale veicola l’inclusione e la combinazione di storie di diversa origine in un unico macrotesto. A sua volta quest’ultimo, come ogni traduzione, assicura un’inclusione e una legittimazione socio-culturale (e in questo caso anche politica), di cui è del resto testimonianza e cartina di tornasole lo stesso manoscritto che conserva questo romanzo genealogico della famiglia di Alessandro composto nella koiné letteraria volgare diffusa tra Venezia e l’entroterra veneto fra Tre e Quattrocento: esso è stato infatti copiato dal nobile veneziano Andrea Vitturi – esponente di una famiglia di “copisti per passione”, tra cui il più celebre è il padre Niccolò, che trascrisse la versione veneta del Milione di Marco Polo – nel 1464, cioè proprio nel decennio successivo alla caduta di Costantinopoli, evento che com’è noto contribuì in modo significativo a rafforzare il mito culturale e politico della translatio studii et imperii dall’Oriente a Venezia nel quadro di fondo degli interessi militari ed economici dell’aristocrazia veneziana, da sempre proiettati verso l’Adriatico, l’Oltremare e l’Oriente, anche grazie alla lettura dei romanzi medievali di materia greca e al fascino delle loro avventure cavalleresche. La comunicazione si propone di presentare per la prima volta in pubblico gli aspetti filologico-linguistici e storico- culturali più rilevanti dello studio attualmente in corso d’opera finalizzato all’edizione e al commento del macrotesto narrativo trasmesso dal manoscritto padovano, con particolare riferimento al tema di fondo della traduzione e al relativo binomio di “frammentazione e inclusione”.

Rossella Mosti (CNR Opera del Vocabolario Italiano – Firenze) Il Libro delle segrete cose delle donne Il Libro delle segrete cose delle donne è un manualetto ostetrico-ginecologico, incentrato perlopiù sulle questioni ed i problemi relativi al concepimento e alla gravidanza (si affrontano ivi le cause della sterilità femminile ma anche maschile, si suggerisce il regime da adottare per salvaguardare la vita del feto, si descrivono i rimedi nei casi di difficoltà del parto, di un'emorragia post-partum, e del dolore conseguente ad un aborto), e in minima parte sulle alterazioni del ciclo mestruale e sulle patologie uterine. Il libello, che consta di un prologo e di quattordici capitoli, è il frutto del rimaneggiamento di due dei tre testi di medicina dedicati alle malattie delle donne (il Liber de sinthomatibus mulierum e il De curis mulierum), opera di autori diversi, presumibilmente maschi, ma accomunati dalla medesima origine, la scuola medica salernitana. Tali testi furono assemblati alla fine del XII sec. in un unico corpus, noto oggi come Corpus della Trotula, o semplicemente Trotula (di cui oggi disponiamo una pregevole edizione a cura di Monica Green, il «corpus standardizzato della Trotula»). Allo stato attuale, si conoscono tre diverse traduzioni italiane della Trotula: la prima, per la quale è prevista a cura di chi scrive una nuova edizione rispetto a quella ottocentesca curata da Giuseppe Manuzzi, è trasmessa esclusivamente da codici fiorentini del XIV e XV sec.; la seconda, tràdita dal ms. 532 della Wellcome Library di Londra, datato 1453 (c. 55r), 1466 (c. 60r), è stata pubblicata recentemente dalla sottoscritta (Mimesis, 2019); mentre per la terza, cinquecentesca, trasmessa dal ms. 1286 della Biblioteca Statale di Lucca, sottoscritto (a c. 97r) da un certo “frate Andrea Seniore di Firenze” è disponibile un'edizione del 1963 a cura di Arrighi-Caturegli. Nella comunicazione che si propone si focalizzerà l'attenzione sulla prima delle tre traduzioni, quella fiorentina, e in particolare sul latore più antico finora individuato, il ms. Redi 1721 della Biblioteca Medicea Laurenziana di Firenze,

30 datato ai primi decenni del ’300. Si analizzeranno i rapporti tra i vari testimoni (nessuno dei quali è copia dell'altro) e si illustreranno i diversi interventi di rimaneggiamento della fonte latina, a partire dalle numerosissime omissioni relative alle informazioni di carattere teorico e dalle non poche riduzioni di parti di testo dedicate alla sintomatologia o al trattamento, ma si evidenzieranno anche alcune notevoli integrazioni che consistono perlopiù in glosse ai latinismi. Alla base di tali interventi sta l'intento divulgativo ed essenzialmente pratico di questi trattatelli, concepiti come veri e propri manuali atti a rendere quanto più accessibile il testo ai destinatari, e che continuarono ad essere copiati fino al sec. XVI, a beneficio di quelle professioni mediche “artigiane” (in particolare chirurghi-barbieri), che grazie a questi testi imparavano i rudimenti teorico-pratici della medicina.

Anne Mouron (Regent’s Park College - Oxford) Inter-codicality: between Two Manuscripts for a French Queen If in Western Europe Latin was the koinè language throughout the Middle Ages, towards the end of the period French acquired a similar though more modest status, primarily for an audience of aristocratic ladies, as has long been recognised. Many texts in French, often translated from Latin, thus circulated among such a readership and sometimes across the English channel. For example, the texts to be found in Oxford, Magdalen College, MS lat. 41 from the Benedictine Abbey of Barking have also survived in a number of French manuscripts of the Bibliothèque nationale de France (MSS fr. 916, 918, 19271, 22921). Another example is the French Life of Godric in the Bibliothèque Mazarine (MS 1716), believed to be from the Abbey of Longchamp but originally from a translation made in England. This paper will focus chiefly on Paris, BnF, MS fr. 1802 which came to England with other manuscripts belonging to the Duke de Berry, most likely when he was kept as a hostage in England after the treatise of Bretigny in 1360. After Agincourt (1415) Charles d’Orleans was imprisoned in England until 1440 and when released brought BnF, MS 1802 back to France. Although the extent to which this manuscript was read and to which its texts circulated in England is not known, most of the texts that it contained have survived in other manuscripts, some of them translations from the Latin. MS fr. 1802 is a religious compilation and was the ‘livre de dévotions’ of Jeanne d’Evreux (1310-1371), the Queen of Charles IV of France. One of its texts is described as a ‘letter of spiritual direction’ (fols. 74v-87r) and has survived in three other manuscripts, one of which is now in the British Library (Additional MS 29986), and once also belonged to the Duke de Berry. It is an interesting text which advises a girl or young woman regarding the well-being of her soul. It is divided into three parts which are summarised thus at the end of the text: ‘I have described how the devout soul must behave towards its beloved, how it must attract and call him, and how it must keep him so that he does not leave’ (my translation). The first part uses the allegory of the soul as a castle, and the two subsequent parts offer more practical guidance such as how to behave in church or at dinner and how to guard one’s five senses. If BnF MS 1802 contains no illustration, another manuscript which also belonged to Jeanne d’Evreux in contrast not only has many illustrations but is known primarily for its beautiful images. Indeed, New York,The Cloisters Museum and Gardens, Acc., No. 54.1.2 was illustrated by the well-known illustrator Jean Pucelle. Interestingly MS fr. 1802 ‘letter of spiritual direction’ mentions a book of hours which the author of the text will give to the recipient. Although it is not certain that Jeanne d’Evreux’s Book of Hours now in the Cloisters is the book of hours referred to in MS fr. 1802, this paper will first analyse the ‘letter of spiritual direction’ in MS fr. 1802 and then explore how this text can be read in conjunction with Jeanne d’Evreux’s Hours in the Cloisters.

31 Valentina Nieri (Università di Siena) Modelli coevi latini e volgari: il nodo all’origine del Palladio attribuito ad Andrea Lancia Il trattato agronomico latino noto come Opus agriculturae, scritto da Tauro Rutilio Emiliano Palladio fra IV e V secolo d.C., è uno dei testi tecnici più diffusi del Medioevo europeo e, fra le sue molteplici traduzioni, si annoverano tre volgarizzamenti toscani realizzati nella prima metà del Trecento. Nell’articolo che ha fondato gli studi sui volgarizzamenti di Palladio, pubblicato da Concetto Marchesi sugli «Studj romanzi» del 1907, lo studioso esaminava i due volgarizzamenti allora noti (da lui siglati A e B e oggi indicati rispettivamente come I e II), ponendo un problema che non ha ancora trovato una soluzione definitiva. Marchesi riscontrava infatti fra i due testi, purtroppo senza fornire esempi, «molte frasi ed espressioni comuni, le quali per il loro distacco dall’originale espressione latina, non si possono spiegare con somiglianze accidentali», che lo portavano a ritenere, assieme ad altri elementi quali la cronologia e lo stile dei due testi, che il traduttore di II avesse avuto come modello non solo un Palladio latino, ma anche il più antico volgarizzamento I. La questione della fonte o delle fonti del traduttore del volgarizzamento II è peraltro resa più centrale dal suo intrecciarsi con un altro problema aperto, quello dell’attribuzione del volgarizzamento II, basato sugli explicit di alcuni dei testimoni, al notaio fiorentino Andrea Lancia. In questo panorama ancora da chiarire sono recentemente intervenute importanti scoperte: gli studi condotti sulla tradizione tarda dell’Opus agriculturae latino hanno infatti permesso di individuare un nucleo di manoscritti con un testo innovato rispetto a quello ricostruito dall’edizione critica del trattato palladiano e molte di queste innovazioni trovano riscontro sia nel testo del volgarizzamento I sia in quello del volgarizzamento II. Tale acquisizione ha fornito un case study notevole agli studi sui volgarizzamenti, consentendo di visualizzare con più precisione che tipo di testi traducessero i volgarizzatori dei classici; si è potuto infatti dimostrare come i traduttori lavorassero spesso su codici tardi, annotati e talvolta interpolati, e il reperimento di modelli con simili caratteristiche ha portato a ridimensionare una serie di categorie (ad es. la dicotomia fedeltà/innovatività) e di stilemi (ad es. le dittologie e le glosse) assai sfruttati negli studi sulla traduttologia medievale. Grazie a tali scoperte è dunque oggi possibile riaprire la questione sollevata da Marchesi, da un lato individuando quali siano le apparenti tangenze testuali fra i volgarizzamenti palladiani I e II che potrebbero essere semplicemente la traduzione indipendente di uno stesso modello latino innovante, e, dall’altro lato, verificando se ci siano tangenze che non trovano spiegazione con il solo riscontro del latino, per focalizzare l’attenzione su questi loci e intraprenderne l’analisi su basi più solide. L’intervento si propone dunque di classificare ed esaminare i contatti testuali fra questi due volgarizzamenti palladiani, per arrivare a sciogliere il nodo dei modelli presenti sul tavolo del traduttore di II: la risposta a tale questione avrebbe ricadute significative sulla ricostruzione sia del profilo del singolo traduttore, che si tratti o meno di Andrea Lancia, sia dello statuto della precedente traduzione anonima.

Tatsuya Nii (Queen Mary University - London) John Lydgate’s Aureate Translations and their Lay Readership The Middle English term ‘aureate’ is thought to have been coined by John Lydgate from the Latin adjective aureatus to express his own highly ornamental poetic style embellished with Latin dictions. When used for translations from Latin, the aureate style becomes a linguistic hybrid between the source and target languages. Thus, unlike ordinary translations, aureate translations are not completely separated from their sources linguistically. This linguistic hybridity, however, should not be confused with cultural transference from the source text to the translation. As some scholars

32 have asserted, aureate translations tend to differentiate themselves from their sources as rhetorical inventions. Additionally, linguistic hybridity itself may engender new literary effects that do not exist in the source language, and, in aureate translations, source text content is not always straightforwardly conveyed to vernacular readers. Therefore, aureate translations are linguistically associated with Latin, but, at the same time, their cultural connections to their source texts are fragmented. To understand this peculiar status of aureate translations in fifteenth-century literary culture, it is necessary to consider their relationship to vernacular readers over the course of their textual transmission. This paper, focusing on Lydgate’s aureate poems translated from Latin liturgical materials and their manuscript contexts, will discuss how such translations were received by vernacular, and predominantly lay, audiences. Most of Lydgate’s aureate translations are extant in mid- and late-fifteenth-century vernacular literary manuscripts mainly circulated among the laity. It is possible to trace contemporary readers’ attitudes towards aureate translations by examining the paratextual features that were added to the translated texts in these manuscripts. Typically, the Latinity of aureate poems is most often highlighted — as seen in Rex Salamon summus of sapience (NIMEV 2816) in Oxford, Bodleian Library, MS Ashmole 59, in which all Latin dictions are visually distinguished from English words via underlining. In other cases, Latin phrases are visualised more prominently. In New Haven, Beinecke Library, MS Takamiya 17, for instance, the Latin burdens in Lydgate’s Fifteen Joys of Our Lady (NIMEV 533) are written in frames drawn like scrolls. These practices of highlighting Latin dictions seem to indicate that there was no expectation that vernacular readers would understand the texts literally. Rather, particularly considering the example of the Takamiya MS, it is likely that the Latin words in the translated texts were given new meanings (e.g. visual or performative) beyond the literal, or perhaps even verbal, meanings they had in the source texts. This paper will explore the possibility that such receptions of Lydgate’s aureate translations were related to key aspects of fifteenth-century lay devotional culture.

Florence Ninitte (Université catholique de Louvain) Due esempi di ricezione del Corano nella letteratura francese medievale: Jean de Vignay e Jean Germain Prima della traduzione in francese del Corano realizzata da André du Ryer nel 1647, i lettori francofoni hanno avuto accesso a frammenti del testo sacro dell’Islam da altri intermediari. Uno di questi è l’Apologia di al-Kindī, scambio epistolare sotto forma di dibattito appartenente al genere della polemica islamico-cristiana, scritto a Bagdad durante il secolo IX e tradotto in latino da Pietro di Toledo nel 1142 circa. Dell’Apologia si sono serviti vari autori medievali, tra i quali Jean de Vignay, responsabile della traduzione francese dello Speculum historiale di Vincent de Beauvais, e Jean Germain, autore, nel 1450 circa, del Débat du Chrétien et du Sarrazin. Questi due autori integrano il materiale coranico dell’Apologia nella loro argomentazione o narrazione, ciascuno secondo il proprio scopo: il primo segue una prospettiva enciclopedica, il secondo è mosso da intenti ideologici, polemici e apologetici. Nell’ambito di questa presentazione vorrei analizzare i metodi e le tecniche di traduzione di Jean de Vignay e Jean Germain. In che modo i due traduttori gestiscono le caratteristiche specifiche del Corano? Inoltre, poiché la versione latina dell’Apologia di al-Kindi contiene varie traslitterazioni dell’arabo, come vengono gestiti e spiegati questi elementi? Questa indagine mi porterà a considerare il ruolo di "mediatore tra due culture" della figura del traduttore (Cecini 2014: 579), valutando come le traduzioni di Vignay e Germain abbiano adattato il testo alla cultura occidentale e ai diversi intenti, enciclopedici o polemici, della loro opera.

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Silvia Nocentini (Università Tor Vergata Roma) La traduzione italiana della Vita di Brigida di Svezia L’agiografia latina relativa a Brigida di Svezia annovera un discreto numero di testi prodotti nei pochi anni intercorsi tra la morte (1373) e la canonizzazione (1391) della santa. Tenendo da parte le raccolte di miracoli e le singole deposizioni dei testimoni al processo, si possono contare almeno tre redazioni della prima Vita, scritta dai due confessori svedesi in un latino ruvido ed essenziale e consegnata nel dicembre 1373 agli incaricati di avviare il processo di canonizzazione: la Vita breve detta C15 (BHL 1339), la Vita inclusa negli atti del processo di canonizzazione (BHL 1334), e quella nota come retractata o Panisperna (BHL 1334b), che tramanda diversi miracoli aggiuntivi. Vi sono inoltre altre tre Vitae ad uso liturgico, composte, con ben diversa ambizione e pratica letteraria, da Birger Gregersson, vescovo di Uppsala (BHL 1335), Nils Hermansson, vescovo di Linköping (BHL 1338) e Ragwald, canonico di Linköping (BHL 1340). La critica si è finora concentrata sul dibattito relativo alla priorità tra le tre versioni della Vita dei confessori, con risultati incerti e contraddittori, vista la mancanza di edizioni affidabili per le prime due (le vecchie edizioni si basano su un solo testimone manoscritto) e l’assenza di un’edizione critica per la terza, caratterizzata, peraltro, da una tradizione biforcata in due rami e diffusa soprattutto in Italia e nei territori corrispondenti all’attuale Germania. Non sarà forse un caso, dunque, se i volgarizzamenti più antichi della Vita dopo quello svedese appartengono alle aree linguistiche italiana e germanica. Mentre di quest’ultimo, e in particolare della traduzione in niederdeutsch, esiste un’edizione critica datata, ma ancora valida (Mante 1971), il volgarizzamento italiano (BAI, BriSve II.124) giace nei fondi manoscritti inedito e inesplorato. Eppure la storia della tradizione di questo testo, prodotto certamente dopo la canonizzazione, e l’analisi comparativa con il resto dell’agiografia brigidina possono svelare molto delle intenzioni dell’anonimo traduttore, delle fonti che aveva a disposizione e dell’ambiente a cui era destinato. L’esame dell’agiografia brigidina che ho recentemente condotto (Nocentini 2019) unitamente ad un nuovo censimento dei testimoni manoscritti, dimostra che non solo il flusso di scambi di testi tra l’Italia e la Svezia fu continuo negli anni in cui si preparava il processo di canonizzazione, ma l’interesse per Brigida fu trasversale a diversi ambiti culturali e religiosi, tanto da generare una vivace rielaborazione dei contenuti capace di adattarsi a varie esigenze di fruizione. Il mio intervento sarà dunque un primo tentativo di lettura del testo italiano alla luce delle possibili fonti latine, con alcune questioni aperte riguardanti l’ecdotica e la storia del testo.

Elena Parina (Universität Marburg) Vernacular circulation of religious texts in Wales: a case study of Transitus Mariae The paper focuses on two Welsh translations of the account of the Assumption of the Virgin Mary (or Transitus Mariae). The first one is found in Oxford, Jesus College MS 119 (The Book of the Anchorite of Llanddewi Brefi, dated 1346) and is a composite of two translations of a Latin text belonging to the Transitus B2 version (see Haibach- Reinisch 1962: 63-87 for the text). The second one is found in Aberystwyth, Peniarth 182 (dated c. 1509-1513) in the hand of Sir Hugh Pennant. This text has been argued to be close to the version found in the Legenda Aurea (Williams 1959). In both cases we observe different forms of cultural and linguistic inclusion and deal with potential fluidity of both the source and the target texts. The earlier Welsh text nevertheless remains much closer to its supposed source, which allows us to identify specific parallels to a particular group of Latin manuscripts and also to study the translators’ linguistic and stylistic choices. It is therefore an instructive test case to assess general hypotheses about

34 characteristically ‘medieval’ strategies of translation. The later text does not show such a similarity to any of the Latin and English versions of the text so far identified as potentially available for the translator. In the case of another religious text from the same manuscript, the Life of Saint Ursula, Cartwright states, having drawn on multiple parallels texts for comparison, that the translator ‘would appear to be generating his own text, partly by amalgamating several different sources and weaving translated sections into his own adaptation’ (Cartwright 2016: 176). This difference in translator’s strategies will be contextualized within the larger discussion of relative distance between a source and its translation in the Middle Ages (see Worstbrock 1999, Poppe 2006, Burke 2007, Müller 2017). My case study examines two texts belonging to the same genre, so that at least one factor possibly relevant for an explanation of the differences can be discounted. By addressing these texts within a broader picture of the vernacular circulation of religious texts in Wales and by looking in detail at the translators’ choices and decisions I will locate the two accounts of the Assumption of Virgin Mary on the general map of medieval translations and contribute to the typology of strategies of translating in the Middle Ages.

Paul Patterson (Saint Joseph’s University - Philadelphia) Translating Approved Women in Late Medieval England Many of the devotional texts translated into English from Latin in the early fifteenth century originated within a system of textual exchange between the Birgittine Syon Abbey and the Carthusian Sheen Charterhouse. These texts were often guidebooks for the proper reading of devotional texts. The Mirror of Our Lady, for example, instructs the Birgittine nuns on how and when they should read books and about the kinds of books they should employ for their differing moods and needs. Central to the Birgittines’ daily life was the idea of devout reading, a part of contemplation that caused much grace and comfort to the soul if used discretely. One work that derives from within this milieu and exemplifies the type of text intended for devout reading is the anonymous Speculum devotorum or the Mirror to Devout People. The Speculum was written by an anonymous Carthusian monk at Sheen and is directed to a nun at Syon Abbey. It is addressed to a “gostly sustre in Ihesu criste” or “relygiouse sustre” with little knowledge of Latin who was promised a meditation on the Passion of Christ. To this end, the author selects and orders source materials to direct the female reader to meditate on the life of Christ. While describing his use of sources in the Preface, the author reveals that he will draw on the works of what he calls “approved women,” which include Mechtild of Hackeborn, Catherine of Siena, and Bridget of Sweden. All of the remaining sources used in the Speculum devotorum to recount Christ’s life are traditional, male sources such as Saint Augustine, Saint Jerome, Saint Gregory, Nicholas of Lyra, Henry Suso, and Jacobus de Voragine’s Legenda aurea. This paper opens with a brief consideration of the idea of textual authority, its connection to the approval of sources and the role it played in religious communities such as the Carthusian Charterhouse and Syon Abbey, where the nuns were expected to read as a part of their spiritual existence. The paper then turns to the three “approved” women of the Speculum and how they are employed within the text. For example, the discussion of Christ’s Passion is filtered through the eyes of Saint Bridget, which lends a particularly feminine aspect to Christ’s death. In conclusion, I will briefly consider the final chapter of the Speculum, which features a lengthy discussion of Saint John the Evangelist and the Virgin Mary. It describes the miracles associated with the recitation of the O Intemerata, a prayer to Mary and John, and gives detailed instructions on how to properly read and recite the prayer. The chapter ends with the prayer, in Latin, so the reader can put to use the direction given throughout the Speculum and experience the material outcome of miracles through the practice of reading devoutly.

35 Kathryn Peak (St. Cross College Oxford) The medieval interchange between Latin and English of De Consolatione Philosophiae Boethius’s De Consolatione Philosophiae is well-known within studies of medieval English literature for the Old English Boethius and Chaucer’s Boece. There has also been extensive scholarship on the commentary culture that surrounds the Latin text. However, in this paper I wish, primarily through the examination of individual manuscripts, to consider how Latin and English were used interchangeably throughout the medieval period, translating back and forth between English and Latin, and how this manifests in extant manuscripts. The commentary of Nicholas Trevet is recognised as an influence on many works of Middle English literature, such as Troilus and Criseyde and Testament of Love. However, less has been made of the extensive sources used by Trevet, including his use of the Old English Boethius and his references to English culture. This means that the vulgate Latin text was translated to old English, back into Latin by Trevet, and then back into Middle English by the many writers influenced by Trevet’s work. Furthermore, it reveals Trevet’s work as being idiomatically English though Latin in language, whilst still having wide circulation as a European commentary, and extending the life of an Old English text well beyond the point where it could be easily read by English speakers. Chaucer’s Boece was a close translation from the Latin, with additional material supplied by Trevet’s commentary and the French vernacular translation by Jean de Meun. Two manuscripts of Chaucer’s Boece – Cambridge University Library MS Ii.3.21 and Salisbury, Cathedral Library MS 113 – are both pertinent to this story. The Cambridge manuscript contains both the Latin text of the Consolatio as well as Chaucer’s translation, and contains two Latin commentaries, Trevet’s as a marginal addition, and that of William of Aragon as a separate text. It is unrivalled in showing the use of Chaucer both as the result of Latin rhetorical apparatus and as a tool for scholars in applying a new Latin-English bilingual register to literary study. The Salisbury manuscript, on the other hand, is bound with Latin texts, and includes a marginal inclusion of the Latin for the first few pages, added by the fifteenth century owner of the book. Finally, Oxford, Bodleian Library MS Auct F.3.5 contains six Latin texts and one in Middle English, the Boke of Counfort of Bois. This single witness of the text is a conflation of Chaucer and Trevet with other sources added, both Latin and English, and transferred into a less Latinate English register. Though close analysis reveals the use of plentiful commentary and id est glossing, the manuscript subsumes such apparatus into the body of the text. The result is a work which is linguistically and codicologically a rationalisation of classical rhetorical pedagogy into an English text accessible to a less learned audience. From a Latin text with some Old English influences, to English texts which still carry the apparatus of Latin rhetorical models, to an English text where the apparatus has been subsumed, this paper will elucidate the manuscripts which helped to expand the audience of the Consolatio.

Thomas Persico (Università di Bergamo) Traduzioni latine dantesche: il caso del ‘Commento’ di Alberico da Rosciate Alberico da Rosciate, nato attorno al 1290 a Rosciate o a Villa di Serio e morto dopo il settembre 1360, data del suo ultimo testamento, è noto agli studiosi per lavori giuridici, tra cui il celebre Dictionarium iuris, alcuni trattatelli grammaticali e per aver composto un commento integrale alla Divina Commedia (attualmente in fase di lavorazione per la Edizione Nazionale dei Commenti Danteschi a cura mia e di Marco Petoletti), fornendo in realtà una traduzione latina del commento fiorentino di Iacomo della Lana. L’obiettivo dichiarato fin dall’intentio della prima cantica è quello di fornire una traduzione, in realtà con ampliamenti originali di tutto interesse, «ad utilitatem volentium studere in

36 ipsam Comediam», affinché, cioè, fosse più agile lo studio del poema dantesco anche ai lettori privi di un’approfondita conoscenza del volgare fiorentino. Il lavoro esegetico si snoda infatti in due direttrici: la prima consiste nella traduzione e nell’ampliamento del commento laneo; la seconda prevede invece una parafrasi sempre più oculata del testo dantesco, in modo che questo potesse essere più facilmente inteso dal più ampio pubblico dei cultori delle discipline nobili, in primis giuristi, grammatici e letterati. Trattandosi, tuttavia, di un commentario con più redazioni, è fin da subito parso interessante verificare come il percorso di traduzione letterale del commento laneo avesse subito una forte evoluzione nel corso degli anni, fino a raggiungere un grado di maturazione e di estensione tale da poter considerare l’intero lavoro di Alberico come un commento quasi del tutto autonomo ed emancipato dal suo illustre modello toscano, soprattutto negli esiti finali. Si proporrà un’analisi di passi scelti tratti soprattutto dal Purgatorio e dal Paradiso che mostrino, a partire da un lavoro di pura traduzione dal volgare a una lingua koinè, l’evoluzione storica, lessicale e culturale di un’operazione pressoché unica per la tradizione esegetica al poema dantesco, in un commento che mette in luce le pratiche di traduzione non solo di testi letterali, ma anche di quelli scientifici (soprattutto astronomici) e giuridici, nelle parti originali in cui Alberico da Rosciate implementa rispetto all’originale laneo.

Andrea Radošević (Old Church Slavonic Institute - Zagreb) Vernacular circulation of Latin sermon collection in the Croatian late middle ages – the case of Johannes Herolt’s Sermones Discipuli The paper will examine Croatian translation of the late medieval Latin popular collection of sermons, exempla and miracles of the Virgin Mary known as a Sermones Discipuli de tempore et de sanctis cum Promptuario exemplorum et de miraculis Beatae Mariae Virginis that was written by German Dominican Johannes Herolt (†1468). Croatian translation that is known under the name Disipul dates from the first half of the 16th century. It is written in the Glagolitic script and contains around less than a half of the Latin collection. In total, there are 53 sermones de tempore and 33 sermones de sanctis. Translation of Sermones Discipuli is kept in four manuscripts which differ in content, layout and disposition of the sermons. Between the first three manuscripts (Disipul A, B, C) that appear in the middle of the 16th century and the youngest one (Disipul D) from the year 1600 there are significant language changes. Unlike the translation that was written in mixture of Old Croatian and Croatian Church Slavonic (the language of glagolitic liturgical books), younger transmission is characterized by use of diverse contemporary language features. The Croatian translation represents so called random sermon collection which contains only the selected sermons that was considered useful in everyday preaching. In Croatian Disipul there is no separated collection of exempla and Mary's miracles like it is the case with Herolt's Sermones Discipuli. Unlike the Latin work whose contents offers various possibilites of combining preaching material (several sermons for each Sunday combined with hundreds of short narratives), Croatian Disipul was shaped as a solely sermon collection that contained mostly one sermon for each Sunday and a feast day. In the translation, and even more in the further transmission, there are many examples of cutting and omitting the Latin text. Recent research has shown that different translation procedures (additon of the prepositions, imperative forms, verba dicendi etc.) served to improve performative characteristics of sermons. This research aims to show the adjustment of the Latin collection, that Herolt adressed to a unsophisticated wider audience, to a new vernacular enviroment. The research will determine changes between Latin sermons and Croatian

37 translation toward the auctoritates, rationes and exempla. In order to show vernacular circulation of the sermons the research will also explore the language and graphic differences between translation and younger transmission.

Denis Renevey (Université de Lausanne) ‘Translating Jesus’ Voice in The Book of Margery Kempe’ The translation of heavenly voices into post-lapserian vernacular language has led medieval contemplatives like Rolle, Julian of Norwich, or the Cloud-author to offer subtle reflections on the use and power of language in conveying God's voice to an attentive readership. Often, these translations of the divine voices reach poetic and theological sophistication that are immensely compelling. However, such is not exactly the case in The Book of Margery Kempe, where Jesus is often portrayed as having direct vocal interactions with Margery Kempe. Not only are most of the topics addressed by Christ very down-to-earth, but they are conveyed in a style that, if considered from the perspective of the divine speaker, does not fit with his high spiritual credentials. This paper addresses the question of the translation of Jesus's voice into a conversational exchange that is revealing of the way her inner self is confected. It asks more fundamental questions about the way in which divine voices can be translated into post-lapserian language and how Christ's incarnation facilitate or potentially disturb the translation of his voice into that form of language.

Vera Ribaudo (Università Ca’ Foscari – Venezia)

Biflow session: What is the social history of medieval translation I segreti delle femmine: tradizione, circolazione, fruizione Tradizionalmente attribuito allo pseudo Alberto Magno, ma in realtà di autore non identificato (probabilmente un membro del basso clero), il De secretis mulierum, prodotto in area germanica tra XIII-XIV sec., è un testo di carattere eminentemente teorico che, intersecando medicina e filosofia naturale, indaga i meccanismi della generazione per farli conoscere a chi li ignora, ovvero agli uomini. Il trattato, edito nel 2012 da José Pablo Barragán Nieto, aveva peraltro già sollecitato l’interesse di Monica Green che, nei suoi studi preparatori all’edizione del corpus di Trotula, aveva condotto ricerche improntate alla prospettiva di genere intercettando un’altra opera, les Secres des Dames, che del De secretis mulierum rappresenta un compendio, con inserto di altri materiali. Il trattato francese è disponibile in un’edizione non esente da limiti, allestita sulla base di un unico testimone nel 1880 da Alexandre Colson e Ch. Cazin (pseudonimo di Charles Edmond Chojecki). L’intervento che qui si propone, frutto dello studio condotto nell’ambito del progetto europeo ERC StG BIFLOW- Bilingualism in Florentine and Tuscan Works (ca. 1260 - ca. 1416), g. a. n. 637533, prende in esame un testo, I segreti delle femmine, che dei Secres des Dames costituisce il volgarizzamento. L’indagine è condotta su due livelli: studio delle raccolte italiane, che ora beneficiano del reperimento di nuove testimonianze manoscritte, e analisi del testo tràdito. Quanto al primo punto, l’esame dettagliato dei singoli allestimenti restituisce interessanti risultati non solo in termini di circolazione e fruizione dell’opera, in cui un ruolo attivo è giocato dall’alta e dalla bassa borghesia fiorentina, ma anche di ricezione della cultura scientifica sottesa a I segreti delle femmine. Relativamente al secondo, l’escussione delle tradizione individua due famiglie di testimoni che della diversa ricezione di tale sapere si fanno portatori, peraltro adottando differenti scelte traduttive. Inoltre l’analisi filologica permette di ricostruire la fisionomia del testo francese da cui dipendono i manoscritti italiani, una versione contaminata da più codici (in particolare due) che si distanzia talora

38 significativamente da quella edita. Il puntuale confronto tra latino-francese-italiano consente altresì di valutare il livello di compendio e rielaborazione che caratterizza il testo de I segreti delle femmine.

Marian Rothstein (Carthage College) “Fragmentation and Inclusion: the case of the 1483 Eneydes” Virgil’s Aeneid remained a keystone text from Antiquity through the Middle Ages as the place Dante accords him in the Divina Commedia attests. In France, Virgil’s epic was first adapted in the vernacular in the twelfth century Roman d’Enéas, bent to suit the tastes of the day. Independent of its medieval predecessor, an anonymous compilation, les Eneydes, appeared in 1483, putting Virgil’s poem in conversation with Boccaccio’s Latin prose portrait of Dido in De mulieribus claris, where the Italian master (following Justinus’ Epitome of Trogus Pompeius), praises Dido’s chastity while yet acknowledging Virgil’s rival narrative known to all (educated men). Presented as a single work translating two source-texts in turn, the Eneydes join two discordant versions of Dido. Boccaccio’s work of moral philosophy represents her as an exemplar of chastity, who dies to preserve that state. This cannot be reconciled with Virgil’s tragic, passionate, and lovelorn queen. The 1483 Eneydes joins, sequentially, two translations/adaptations, from two quite disparate, and incompatible Latin texts. The translator/compiler shifts the genre of Boccaccio’s portrait of Dido from moral philosophy to an episode in a roman d’aventures of which Dido is the heroine. The subsequent adaptation of Aeneid I-IV reorganizes events into chronological order in accordance with the truth-value attributed to ordo historialis. This version, centered on a present in Carthage, puts Dido at the center, displacing Aeneas. Virgil’s poetry is not entirely absent: epic similes translated from the Aeneid are present, but now personalized, so for example Dido is like a wounded doe (cf. Aeneid IV, 69-72). The French composite further profits from the distance prose translation provides from its sources, placing the two versions side by side, as possible equals. The compiler gives no sign that he considers one to be preferable to the other, continuing a mode of radical indecision active from Servius to sixteenth-century authors. While the first translation of the Aeneid into French verse by Octavien de Saint Gelais in the last years of the fifteenth century has Latin catch-phases in the margins allow readers to move directly to Virgil’s Latin, the Eneydes makes broad claims to be something "auquel pourront tous valeureux princes et aultres nobles veoir moult de valereux faictz darmes" before leaping quickly to another mode: "Et aussi est le present livre necessaire a tous citoyens et habitans en villes et chateaulx car ils veront comme jadis troye la grant et plusieurs aultres places fortes et inexpugnables ont este assiegies …. " (a1r). Its illustrations further nourish the sense that the target audience of this compilation, published in Lyon, were bourgeois, tradesmen or artisans, practical people literate in French but not in Latin, familiar at most with the names of Virgil, Aeneas, or Boccaccio, but ready to learn more, to include bits of the past in their understanding of the world.

Emmanuelle Roux (Université de Poitiers) Philologie et les traductions vernaculaires de La Somme le roi : problématiques. La Somme le roi, compilée par Frère Laurent d’Orléans et achevée en 1280, peut être qualifiée de best-seller du Moyen Âge par sa diffusion à l’échelle européenne et par les nombreux témoins dont nous disposons encore aujourd’hui. Ce manuel d’instruction religieuse destiné aux laïcs reprend l’ensemble du savoir nécessaire à tout bon chrétien médiéval qui s’interrogeait sur les principes et significations des sept péchés capitaux, des sept vertus, de l’Ars Moriendi, du Pater Noster etc. Cette soif de connaissance ne s’est pas limitée aux frontières françaises : la compilation de Laurent s’est vue traduite et donc répandue à travers l’Europe entière. Nous connaissons aujourd’hui des traductions en moyen anglais (5

39 versions indépendantes dont 2 sont publiées et 3 sont en cours de publication), en provençal, en occitan, en néerlandais et en toscan. Cette présentation veut expliquer les problématiques rencontrées par l’éditeur de manuscrit, le philologue, qui s’attache à retranscrire le plus fidèlement possible les cinq traductions en moyen anglais de ce texte si influant. Chaque traduction est incomplète et ne reflète qu’une partie ou plusieurs parties du texte source, et chacune est écrite de la main d’un traducteur (ou copiée par un scribe) différent. Outre les problèmes philologiques « classiques » lié au travail répétitif du copiste - saut du même au même, répétition, correction volontaire, mécompréhension etc. – nous souhaitons aborder une strate problématique supplémentaire directement liée à la nature même des manuscrits étudiés : les problèmes de traductions qui s’ajoutent aux écueils habituels. Parce que ces versions de la Somme sont des traductions écrites de la main originelle du traducteur ou bien traduites puis copiées par la main d’un scribe, elles accentuent la problématique première du philologue en ajoutant les écueils que le maniement de deux langues simultanément peut induire. Que doit faire le philologue lorsque qu’une répétition s’ajoute à une mé-traduction ? Lorsque le traducteur use de néologismes pour traduire une partie obscure à son entendement ? Le philologue a-t-il le droit de se positionner et lui-même interférer volontairement dans son édition pour en rendre la lecture plus simple ? Le devoir de l’éditeur de manuscrit médiévaux est d’offrir au lecteur une source d’études fiable et reflétant au mieux la source primaire étudiée par ses soins, et donc de prendre des décisions qu’il soumettra à la critique de son lecteur jusqu’à temps que tous les manuscrits soient édités et que leur étude et comparaison soient achevées. Et même alors, aurons-nous toutes les réponses ? Rien n’est moins certain.

Adriana Serban (Paul Valéry University Montpellier 3) Palia de la Orăştie: Translators, motivations, readers In this paper, I would like to revisit a landmark translation in the Romanian language which had numerous implications—cultural, historical, linguistic and theological—at the time when it appeared and also in subsequent years. The text, published in 1582 by Şerban Coresi and Marian Diacul, is known as the Palia de la Orăştie and it is the first (partial) translation into Romanian of the Old Testament. The Middle Ages are conventionally thought to start in the 5th century (the decline and fall of the Western Roman Empire) and end with the Renaissance, in the 15th century. Palia de la Orăştie, which came out in towards the end of the 16th century, does not, then, fall within this period. It is nevertheless my contention that a case can be made for its relevance to the topic of the conference, within the Romanian context, in which the circulation (in the original or in translation) of religious writings, literary texts, not to mention scientific production, was rather delayed by comparison with Western Europe. According to its preface, the initiative for the translation belongs to bishop Mihai Tordaşi; the context is that of the Reformation, but in a predominantly Orthodox country. The alleged motivation is the desire to spread the word of God in the Romanian language (“Că vădzum cum toate limbile au şi înfluresc întru cuvântele slăvite a lui Domnedzeu, numai noi românii pre limbă nu avem”) and the question of the sources is an interesting reminder of the vagaries of the circulation of texts: although the preface states that the translation was made from Hebrew, Greek and Slavonic (“den limba jidovească pre greceşte, de la greci sârbeşte şi într-alte limbi şi din acelia scoase pre limbă românească”), it has been established that the translators used a Hungarian version of the Pentateuch, as well as the Latin Vulgate.

40 While the linguistic dimension of the Palia is extremely interesting (Popovici 1911; Gafton 2007) and so are the aspects concerning its complex web of filiations (Roques 1913; Gafton 2007), I propose to focus on the figures of the translators, within their context, on their (known or assumed) motivations, and the intended target audience.

Sibilla Siano (Università di Padova) Illumination and text in the Pearl-manuscript The late 14th-century manuscript MS Cotton Nero A.x. has always held a fascination for scholars and readers not only for the stark contrast between its sophisticated content and its unpretentious outward appearance, but also for the mystery involving its authorship, ownership, as well as its date of composition. It is composed of four texts: a dream vision Pearl, two homiletic texts Patience and Cleanness as well as an Arthurian romance, Sir Gawain and the Green Knight. The Pearl- manuscript is a codex unicus since there is no other existing copy of any of the four texts contained in it, and it is the only surviving Middle English manuscript entirely consisting of alliterative poetry. Although the manuscript is quite small in size (approximately 180 x 155 mm) and far from being a deluxe piece of artwork, it contains 12 illustrations. This is quite unusual for a manuscript in the vernacular in general, and remarkably more unusual in comparison with any other contemporary manuscripts of Middle English romances, such as the Auckinleck MS or the Alexander and Dindimus Fragment. The illustrations were likely added after the writing for unknown reasons, since unpretentious manuscripts such as this were usually not illustrated. This change might have taken place due to a change in the ownership of the manuscript or a sudden change in the perception of its value. Although sometimes the representation might be quite inaccurate, the tenor of the poems is always unaltered. Such inaccuracies might be explained supposing that the illustrator had followed some guidelines provided by the owner. However, such a close relationship between the text and the illustrations is quite uncommon in contemporary manuscripts, especially considering those written in the vernacular. The magic of these four texts arises from the combination of visual image and the sounds produced by the alliterating lines; the images depict the scenes selected from the poems with astonishing realism. The purpose of this paper is to analyse the illuminations of the Pearl- manuscript – with particular attention to Sir Gawain and the Green Knight – in order to highlight possible interpretations deriving from the connection between the illustrations and the text. I would also like to try to uncover some peculiarities of the Pearl-manuscript illustrations in the context of contemporary fashion, as well as possible additional meanings concealed under a surface of amateurishness, if not lack of skill.

Anna Solomonovskaja (Novosibirsk State University) Double Translations in Corpus Areopagiticum Slavicum: Structural-Semantic Classification Double translations were a popular device found in translations throughout Europe during the whole period from Late Antiquity (Jerome, Rufinus) to the beginning of Renaissance (Jean de Meun, Isaiah from Serres) and even in later works. Various explanations have been put forward as to the origin and function of the doublets ranging from accidental fixation of translator’s hesitation (Thery) to conscious use of the technique to accommodate two philosophies of translation in one lexical unit (Hansack). This paper is devoted to double translations in Corpus Areopagiticum Slavicum, the Church-Slavonic translation of Corpus Areopagiticum carried out by an Athonian monk Isaiah in the third quarter of the 14th century. Although the doublets have been studied from textological point of view (Fahl, Fahl), their structural and semantic classifications have not been carried out yet and this, as well the reconstruction of the translator’s motivation prompting him to introduce doublet, is the focus of the current study. The term doublet or double

41 translation here means two lexical units conveying one word of the original in one immediate context (be it the text itself or a marginal commentary) linked with a conjunction (A and B, A that is B, etc). Such approach somewhat limits the sample, as it does not include cases of distributed doublet – with one element in the text and the other on the margins. Several conclusions have been drawn as the result of the research. First, double translations in the Corpus are concentrated around key notions (symbol, image, imitation) and form ‘doublet clusters” which may be used in the same context to clarify difficult philosophical ideas of St. Dionysius. Secondly, some of the doublets appear to enhance the message and moral teaching of a particular text (the Greek word therapeutis – monk, is rendered by the Slavic lexemes rab bozhii rekshe inok (God’s Slave and monk) emphasizing humility and moral integrity that the addressee of the text lacked. From the structural-semantic point of view, several groups of doublets are singled out. First, about a third of the double translations (19 out of 65) are “classical double translations” – a combination of an etymological and contextual translation of a Greek word, for example, ataktos translated zol I beschinen [evil and disorderly]. The second group (16 out of 65) consists of synonymous renderings of the same Greek word, neither of them being its etymological or morphemic rendering (apikhima, formed from the Greek for echo, is rendered as podrazhanie i upodoblenie – imitation and assimilation). The third group contains 8 combinations of two different morphemic translations of the same word – sometimes formed from synonymous roots (hermeneia – skazanie i tolkovanie – both mean explanation), sometimes formed by different methods (apsofos – bez schuka and neplishne – without noise and quietly) . The rest of the sample are double translations rendering different meanings of the same Greek word (akros (top and edge) – verkh I krainee) or demonstrating the shifts in meaning of a Slavic syncretic lexeme (gastir – utroba rekshe chrevo abdomen, stomach, womb).

Paola Spazzali (Università di Milano) Dal latino al volgare: una orazione “renana” nel XV e XVI secolo Tra il Quattrocento e il Cinquecento si diffondono lungo il corso del Reno le versioni in volgare di un genere di preghiera mariana attestato in latino tra il XIII e il XV secolo: si tratta di un’orazione in cui l’Avemaria è ampliata inserendo le benedizioni di 23 o 24 parti del corpo della Vergine, ricordate per il ruolo che esse svolsero nella cura del Figlio bambino. Diffusa soprattutto nell’area del basso e medio corso del Reno, questa forma di devozione - riconducibile al tipo dell’orazione Benedictus - accomuna aree linguistiche e dialettali diverse, dal neerlandese al basso- renano al ripuario, fino a giungere nella seconda metà del XV secolo in area alemanna, a riflesso delle reti di rapporti che intercorrevano in questa macroregione. Poiché inoltre l’orazione è conservata in libri di preghiera di ordini monastici differenti (francescani, agostiniani, domenicani), si rivela essere una forma di devozione trasversale agli ordini stessi. In area alemanna avrà anche punti di contatto con un’altra tipologia di lode del corpo di Maria che, uscendo dallo stretto ambito monastico, si ritrova pure nei libri di preghiera per i laici. D’altronde, la narrazione va a colmare la lacuna relativa alla prima infanzia di Gesù, ma la diffusione è da ricondurre anche alla forza evocativa delle immagini di cura materna evocate dalle singole benedizioni, poiché corrisponde a un contesto culturale (religioso e laico) fortemente determinato dalla componente visuale. Mai traduzioni dirette delle versioni latine che si sono conservate, queste preghiere le echeggiano da vicino, presentando le variazioni caratteristiche della preghiera in volgare, nella quale la dimensione dell’oralità influisce sulla tradizione: il nucleo del ricordo, il gesto di Maria, è quasi sempre lo stesso, ma la formulazione e il lessico presentano differenze. A partire da un confronto preliminare tra alcuni testimoni delle diverse aree dialettali e la tradizione latina, l’intervento si propone di evidenziarne le peculiarità sullo sfondo del ruolo culturale che la preghiera e i libri di preghiera in volgare

42 rivestivano tra la fine del medioevo e la prima età moderna. Sebbene infatti in area basso-renana fosse diffuso in prevalenza il libro di preghiere liturgico e in quella sud-occidentale invece quello di devozione privata e non-liturgico, la presenza di alcune orazioni su tutto lo sviluppo del Reno si configura come un elemento di continuità.

Ditta Szemere (Università Eötvös Loránd, Budapest) La diffusione in volgare delle Meditationes Vitae Christi in Umbria a cavallo del ‘400-‘500 Nel Basso Medioevo all’interno della tradizione testuale della ‘Vita Christi’ uno dei più importanti testi francescani erano le Meditationes Vitae Christi, che furono tradotte in diverse lingue volgari, ed erano oggetto di riscritture e rielaborazioni anche dagli Osservanti del Quattrocento. Gli autori di queste riscritture furono principalmente i frati francescani, ma il lavoro di copiatura includeva anche le comunità femminili che avevano un ruolo cruciale e attivo nella circolazione dei testi religiosi in volgare. L'oggetto della presente relazione è un’elaborazione delle Meditationes Vitae Christi e in parte dell’Arbor Vitae di Ubertino da Casale, scritta da un frate francescano, Gabriele da Perugia, e copiata dalle suore di Perugia e Foligno a cavallo del Quattro-Cinquecento. Il testo è tramandato da due testimoni: il manoscritto perugino è stato sempre conosciuto dalla ricerca, ma il manoscritto folignate – copiato quasi dieci anni prima di quello perugino – è stato considerato perso ed è stato ritrovato recentemente da Dávid Falvay nel catalogo dell'Università di St. Bonaventure (USA). Il codice di Perugia (BAP 1074 e 993) e il codice di Foligno (Holy Name 71.) nonostante siano copie, hanno numerose differenze tra di loro. L’obiettivo principale della relazione è di presentare in che modo Gabriele da Perugia elaborò il Meditationes Vitae Christi nel suo Libro di vita, e illustrare come cambia il testo nei due testimoni. Inoltre, il paragone dei due testimoni del Libro di vita offre per la prima volta l’opportunità di una comparazione delle due elaborazioni, e dunque l’analisi filologica aiuta a chiarire se le modificazioni nel testimone perugino sono opere di frate Gabriele da Perugia stesso oppure delle suore copiatrici. Uno studio più dettagliato dei due testimoni di questa tradizione testuale porta a conoscere meglio la trasmissione della cultura letteraria in ambito francescano osservante in Umbria, soprattutto riguardo al network tra le comunità. I risultati della ricerca possono essere integrati in una ricerca internazionale sulle Meditationes Vitae Christi e nell’analisi del lavoro negli scriptoria delle clarisse umbre, visto che la copiatura del Libro di vita nei due monasteri femminili più importanti di Umbria mostra il legame di collaborazione nel transfer culturale delle comunità femminili e i frati osservanti della regione.

Giulio Vaccaro (CNR, Istituto di Storia dell'Europa Mediterranea, Roma)

Una Bibbia abbreviata: il ms. Acq. e doni 785 della Biblioteca Mediecea Laurenziana di Firenze Il manoscritto Acquisti e doni 785 della Biblioteca Medicea Laurenziana di Firenze, databile agli anni Trenta/Quaranta del Trecento contiene un estratto biblico (ff. 1rA-132rB) da Genesi, Esodo, Levitico, Numeri, Deuteronomio, Giosuè, Giudici, Re, Tobia, Daniele, Esdra, Giuditta, Ester, Proverbi, Maccabei, Vangeli, Atti degli Apostoli e Apocalisse: se le modalità di compendio sono molto accentuate per la sezione corrispondente all’Antico Testamento, nella sezione del Nuovo Testamento il volgarizzamento è assai meno scorciato e la traduzione assai vicina all’originale. L’indagine mira a una duplice analisi: la prima è quella della pratica di scorciamento e compendio per la prima parte del testo; la seconda è la pratica traduttologica che si riscontra invece nella seconda parte del testo; una parte conclusiva sarà dedicata all’analisi di altre scritture bibliche compendiose, cronologicamente successive e di ampia fortuna manoscritta e a stampa (i Fioretti della Bibbia).

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Juliette Vuille (Université de Lausanne) Ovid and Chaucer: Translating Metapoetry Chaucer is notoriously resistant to the process of allegoresis which led to so many medieval reinterpretations of Ovid’s works. Rather, his interest in the Roman poet lay most pointedly in the metapoetic aspect of Ovid’s writings, particularly when the latter reflected on the instability of the auctor and auctoritas constructs as well as the problem of art to transmit meaning accurately. In this paper, I shall posit that Chaucer recognised in Ovid’s works the use of metamorphosis to reflect on the process of poetic inventio as a transformation of reality, but also of his sources, into a new literary product. In Chaucer, the metapoetic metamorphosis is perfected and goes underground, on a textual rather than a physical level, being deployed by the vernacular author to reflect on poetic inventio, but also, and most importantly, to think about the process of transmission through translation. In other words, with Ovid, Chaucer interrogates the processes of transmitting meaning accurately, especially when a beakdown between source and retelling is effected by translation into another language. This is, I shall argue, best expressed in Chaucer’s translation of Ovid’s famous opening “arma virumque cano” with his “I wol now synge, yif I kan, / The armes and also the man” (HF I, 143-4), where the first line of the translation offers two alternative renderings of cano: the first, literal, "I wol now synge", and the second, aural, with the near-homophone to the Latin "yif i kan", voicing the poet's doubts as to his ability to transmit faithfully without transforming the source text. Here, the mimetic attempt at echoing most closely Virgil’s “cano” emphasizes the loss of the original and its metamorphosis into a new text. After a short discussion of Ovid's own metapoetic reflection through metamorphosis, I shall discuss two of Chaucer’s Ovidian passages in which I feel the translation process is influenced by his predecessor's engagement with metapoetics: The ekphrastic representation of the Dido and Aeneas story at the beginning of the House of Fame, and the Ceys and Alcyone episode that introduces the Book of the Duchess.

Christiania Whitehead (Université de Lausanne) The Translation of The Life of St Oswine in Oxford, Bodleian Library, MS Bodley 779 This paper will investigate the fifteenth-century Middle English Life of St Oswine, which survives uniquely in the late redaction of the South English Legendary in Oxford, Bodleian Library, MS Bodley 779. The life of Oswine, the seventh-century king of Deira who succeeded Oswald of Northumbria and was ultimately murdered by Oswui of Bernicia, is described by Bede in his Historia ecclesiastica, although he is not presented as a saint there. Nonetheless his cult has become established at Tynemouth, a dependency of the great Benedictine Abbey of St Albans, by the late- eleventh century, and several redactions of a vita and miracula of St Oswine are produced there in the course of the twelfth century. Both Bede’s description and this twelfth-century vita, along with the digest of the vita in John of Tynemouth’s fourteenth-century Sanctilogium Angliae, probably feed into the curious Middle English translation of the Life of St Oswine incorporated into the greatly expanded version of the South English Legendary (135 lives) in MS Bodley 779. However, this is by no means a slavish translation. Rather, this paper will explore the way in which in translation this life is artfully intertwined with that of King Edwin of Northumbria (Oswine’s saintly uncle) and elaborated in various directions, creating a structured narrative which emphasizes the complexities of family, feudal and regnal loyalty and treachery.

44 Why is the translation expanded to produce these new emphases ? I will argue that it is designed to comment obliquely on the contemporary crisis of loyalties created by the civil war, bringing Anglo-Saxon sainthood to bear upon contemporary political difficulties, and utilising the divided sub-kingdoms of seventh-century Northumbria, Deira and Bernicia, as instructive paradigms for the factionalism that paralysed the nation in the 1460s and 70s. While it is well known that Malory’s Morte d’Arthure offers political commentary on the civil war via the distancing trope of Arthurian romance, it has not been noted previously that the hagiography of the ancient Northumbrian king-saints also became a strategic lenses through which to interpret the contemporary malaise.

Lucas Wood (Texas Tech University) Translating the Subject of Politics: Aristotle, Nicole Oresme, Alain Chartier Le Livre de politiques, the Middle French translation (from William of Moerbeke’s Latin) of Aristotle’s Politics completed by Nicole Oresme around 1377, is one of many philosophical texts brought into French under the auspices of King Charles V’s famously programmatic patronage of vernacular intellectual culture. Within this broad movement to make theoretical knowledge, formerly the domain of the clerkly class, directly accessible to literate but not erudite laymen, especially noblemen and princes, the Livre de politiques stands out for its use of translation to turn theory into practical wisdom by transmitting it to readers with real political power. In the same process, and perhaps partly for the same reason, Oresme also doubles the work of linguistic translation with that of cultural translation, mediating what he intends as a faithful rendering of Aristotle’s text to a late medieval audience by means of extensive glosses that seek to accommodate the Politics—in many ways ideologically dissonant with medieval political culture—to the intellectual and practical needs of his readers. Most importantly for this paper, Oresme makes Aristotelian theory inclusive of, so as to include it within, medieval conceptualizations and valorizations of feudal monarchy. Framing politics as the branch of knowledge most suited to study by princes, he constructs the prince as the ideal leader, the caretaker of the common good, and, drawing on Aristotle’s medical metaphors for politics, the “doctor” of the state. At the same time, however, and in a way that has attracted less critical attention, Oresme rejects Aristotle’s exclusion of merchants, tradesmen and farmers from citizenship (and hence from political life) so as to open up a space in medieval Aristotelianism for the feudal subject, including all members of the third estate, with whom the prince shares a reciprocal (if unequal) bond of political and moral obligation. This aspect of Oresme’s specifically medieval Aristotelianism is picked up and intensified in Alain Chartier’s 1422 Quadrilogue invectif. Although Chartier has received little scholarly study as a reader of Oresme by comparison with contemporaries like Christine de Pizan, his Quadrilogue, a dream vision that stages vitriolic debate between personifications of France and the three estates, is in many ways Aristotelian and can be read as translating Aristotle’s and Oresme’s political thought, not between languages, but from the genre of political theory into that of polemic, a polemic that Chartier explicitly addresses to all subjects of the realm. Writing late in the reign of the mad, inadequate King Charles VI and at a particularly grim point in the Hundred Years’ War, Chartier makes a plea for national unity and patriotic action that displaces the prince from his privileged role and ascribes political subjectivity, agency, and responsibility to the collectivity of French subjects, including each estate—and each individual reader—in the urgent tasks of political thought and concrete, active intervention, asking all to work in concert, for the common good and in the apparent absence of the prince, to heal the sick body politic of fifteenth-century France.

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