The Elegiac Grotesque
Total Page:16
File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb
Load more
Recommended publications
-
Mihi Blanditias Dixit: the Puella As Poet in Amores 3.7 in Amores 3.7, Ovid
Mihi blanditias dixit: the Puella as Poet in Amores 3.7 In Amores 3.7, Ovid describes the lover-poet in a difficult position: he has been unable to achieve an erection while trying sleep with a beautiful puella. The poem describes her repeated attempts to excite him and their mutual frustration at her lack of success, until she finally scolds him and walks away. I argue that Ovid describes the unnamed puella as a failed elegist in this poem, and that her failure is part of a broader pattern of disengagement from elegy in the third book of the Amores. Amores 3.7 has received relatively little scholarly attention, as only four articles focus on this poem. Baeza Angulo compares Amores 3.7 with other ancient literature on impotence (1989), Mauger-Plichon examines the poem alongside parts of the Satyrica and Maximianus 5 (1999), and Holzberg argues that Ovid almost breaches the propriety of elegiac diction in Amores 3.7 (2009). I build on Sharrock’s 1995 article, which presents a metapoetic reading of the poem: that Ovid blurs the line between sex and poetry in Amores 3.7, allowing the reader to interpret the lover-poet’s impotence not just as literal, but also as poetic. I focus on the puella’s role as a poet, rather than on the amator, and therefore also engage with Wyke’s (e.g. 1987) and James’ (2003) discussions of the elegiac mistress as a poetic fiction, as well as Keith’s examination of elegiac language used to describe Corinna in Amores 1.5 (1994). -
KINGS AGAINST CELTS Deliverance from Barbarians As a Theme In
KINGS AGAINST CELTS Deliverance from barbarians as a theme in Hellenistic royal propaganda Rolf Strootman Ieder nadeel heb z’n eigen voordeel – Johan Cruijff 1 Introduction The Celts, Polybios says, know neither law nor order, nor do they have any culture. 2 Other Greek writers, from Aristotle to Pausanias, agreed with him: the savage Celts were closer to animals than to civilised human beings. Therefore, when the Celts invaded Greece in 280-279 BC and attacked Delphi, Greeks saw this as an attack on Hellenic civilisation. Though the crisis was soon over, the image remained of inhuman barbarians who came from the dark edge of the earth to strike without warning at the centre of civilisation. This image was then exploited in political propaganda: first by the Aitolian League in Central Greece, then by virtually all the Greek-Macedonian kingdoms of that time. The 1 Several variants of this utterance of the ‘Oracle of Amsterdam’ (detriment is advantageous) are current in the Dutch language; this is the original version. Cf. H. Davidse ed., ‘Je moet schieten, anders kun je niet scoren’. Citaten van Johan Cruijff (The Hague 1999) 93; for some interesting linguistic remarks on Cruijff’s oracular sayings see G. Middag and K. van der Zwan, ‘“Utopieën wie nooit gebeuren”. De taal van Johan Cruijff’, Onze Taal 65 (1996) 275-7. 2 Polyb. 18.37.9. Greek authors use Keltoi and Galatai without any marked difference to denote these peoples, who evidently shared some common culture (e.g. infra Pausanias, but esp. 1.4.1; the first mention of Keltoi in Greek literature is in Hdt. -
Renaissance Receptions of Ovid's Tristia Dissertation
RENAISSANCE RECEPTIONS OF OVID’S TRISTIA DISSERTATION Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of The Ohio State University By Gabriel Fuchs, M.A. Graduate Program in Greek and Latin The Ohio State University 2013 Dissertation Committee: Frank T. Coulson, Advisor Benjamin Acosta-Hughes Tom Hawkins Copyright by Gabriel Fuchs 2013 ABSTRACT This study examines two facets of the reception of Ovid’s Tristia in the 16th century: its commentary tradition and its adaptation by Latin poets. It lays the groundwork for a more comprehensive study of the Renaissance reception of the Tristia by providing a scholarly platform where there was none before (particularly with regard to the unedited, unpublished commentary tradition), and offers literary case studies of poetic postscripts to Ovid’s Tristia in order to explore the wider impact of Ovid’s exilic imaginary in 16th-century Europe. After a brief introduction, the second chapter introduces the three major commentaries on the Tristia printed in the Renaissance: those of Bartolomaeus Merula (published 1499, Venice), Veit Amerbach (1549, Basel), and Hecules Ciofanus (1581, Antwerp) and analyzes their various contexts, styles, and approaches to the text. The third chapter shows the commentators at work, presenting a more focused look at how these commentators apply their differing methods to the same selection of the Tristia, namely Book 2. These two chapters combine to demonstrate how commentary on the Tristia developed over the course of the 16th century: it begins from an encyclopedic approach, becomes focused on rhetoric, and is later aimed at textual criticism, presenting a trajectory that ii becomes increasingly focused and philological. -
Epigraphic Bulletin for Greek Religion 1998
Kernos Revue internationale et pluridisciplinaire de religion grecque antique 14 | 2001 Varia Epigraphic Bulletin for Greek Religion 1998 Angelos Chaniotis and Joannis Mylonopoulos Electronic version URL: http://journals.openedition.org/kernos/779 DOI: 10.4000/kernos.779 ISSN: 2034-7871 Publisher Centre international d'étude de la religion grecque antique Printed version Date of publication: 1 January 2001 Number of pages: 147-231 ISSN: 0776-3824 Electronic reference Angelos Chaniotis and Joannis Mylonopoulos, « Epigraphic Bulletin for Greek Religion 1998 », Kernos [Online], 14 | 2001, Online since 14 April 2011, connection on 16 September 2020. URL : http:// journals.openedition.org/kernos/779 Kernos Kernos, 14 (2001), p. 147-231. Epigraphie Bulletin for Greek Religion 1998 (EBGR 1998) In this issue we have covered a large part of the publications of 1998, making several additions to previous issues; we still have a long list of articles we should like to present (e.g., from the journal Horos), but this would have delayed the journal's publication substantially. A generous grant from the GISELA UND REINHOLD HXCKER STIFTUNG for our editorial work in 2001 will enable us in EBGR 1999 to close most of the gaps left in this and in earlier issues. In EBGR 1998 we have focused on new epigraphic finds, new interpretations of inscriptions, and epigraphic corpora, but we have also summarized a few archaeological studies which make extensive use of the epigraphic material; for the significant contribu tion of archaeology to the study of Greek religion the reader should consuIt the Chronique archéologique in Kernos. As in earlier issues we have not limited ourselves to epigraphy but have included a few references to important papyro logical sources (nOS 29, 134, 168, 181, 280, 300) and to the evidence provided by the documents in Linear B (nO 50). -
How Occupational Safety and Health Professionals Influence Decision Makers
University of Arkansas, Fayetteville ScholarWorks@UARK Theses and Dissertations 12-2018 Philosophia Soteria: How Occupational Safety and Health Professionals Influence Decision Makers Daniel Jay Snyder University of Arkansas, Fayetteville Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarworks.uark.edu/etd Part of the Adult and Continuing Education Commons, Health Communication Commons, Health Services Administration Commons, Health Services Research Commons, Organizational Behavior and Theory Commons, and the Public Health Education and Promotion Commons Citation Snyder, D. J. (2018). Philosophia Soteria: How Occupational Safety and Health Professionals Influence Decision Makers. Theses and Dissertations Retrieved from https://scholarworks.uark.edu/etd/3140 This Dissertation is brought to you for free and open access by ScholarWorks@UARK. It has been accepted for inclusion in Theses and Dissertations by an authorized administrator of ScholarWorks@UARK. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Philosophia Soteria: How Occupational Safety and Health Professionals Influence Decision Makers A dissertation submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Education in Adult and Lifelong Learning by Daniel Jay Snyder University of Northern Iowa Bachelor of Arts in Science, 1993 University of Arkansas Master of Education in Adult Education, 1997 December 2018 University of Arkansas This dissertation is approved for recommendation to the Graduate Council. ______________________________ Kit Kacirek, Ed.D Dissertation Director ______________________________ ______________________________ Michael Miller. Ph.D Jack DeVore, Ph.D Committee Member Committee Member Abstract The purpose of this study was to identify ideas about how occupational safety and health (OSH) professionals influence decision-makers on matters impacting occupational health and safety management systems. -
ELEGY 397 ( ); K. Strecker, “Leoninische Hexameter Und
ELEGY 397 (); K. Strecker, “Leoninische Hexameter und speare, Two Gentlemen of Verona) can be recommended Pentameter in . Jahrhundert,” Neues Archiv für ältere to a would-be seducer. T is composite understanding deutsche Geschichtskunde (); C. M. Bowra, Early of the genre, however, is never fully worked out and Greek Elegists, d ed. (); P. F r i e d l ä n d e r , Epigram- gradually fades. mata: Greek Inscriptions in Verse from the Beginnings to T e most important cl. models for the later devel. of the Persian Wars ( ); M. Platnauer, Latin Elegiac Verse elegy are *pastoral: the lament for Daphnis (who died (); L. P. Wilkinson, Golden Latin Artistry ( ); of love) by T eocritus, the elegy for Adonis attributed T. G. Rosenmeyer, “Elegiac and Elegos,” California to Bion, the elegy on Bion attributed to Moschus, and Studies in Classical Antiquity (); D. Ross, Style another lament for Daphnis in the fi fth *eclogue of and Tradition in Catullus ( ); M. L. West, Studies in Virgil. All are stylized and mythic, with hints of ritual; Greek Elegy and Iambus ( ); A.W.H. Adkins, Poetic the fi rst three are punctuated by incantatory *refrains. Craft in the Early Greek Elegists ( ); R. M. Marina T e elegies on Daphnis are staged performances within Sáez, La métrica de los epigramas de Marcial (). an otherwise casual setting. Nonhuman elements of the T.V.F. BROGAN; A. T. COLE pastoral world are enlisted in the mourning: nymphs, satyrs, the landscape itself. In Virgil, the song of grief is E L E G I A C S T A N Z A , elegiac quatrain, heroic qua- paired with one celebrating the dead man’s apotheosis; train. -
Fortasse Requires: Sapphic and Terentian Intertextuality in Catullus 85
fortasse requires: Sapphic and Terentian Intertextuality in Catullus 85 Catullus’ elegiac poems provide a foundation for Roman elegy, a literary genre that thrives for the brief period between Catullus and Ovid (c. 60-10 BCE), a time that saw the upheaval of the Republic and the establishment of an Empire. The identification of influence and intertextuality between Catullus and older Greek poets, such as Sappho and Callimachus, has been vital to our understanding of this intentionally subversive and egocentric genre. The narrative Ego, a first person narrative, is one of the most notorious markers of Latin elegy. Paul Allen Miller (2002) argues that Catullus establishes this ‘uniquely interiorized voice’ in Latin literature. To put this view in a broader perspective, we must also consider Ellen Greene’s (1999) claim that the Catullan Ego is merely a masculinized version of the Sapphic Ego. To add another layer in the development of this poetic voice, Alison Sharrock (2013) observes that Terence pioneered Sapphic sentiment and style in Latin long before the Roman elegists. The influence of New Comedy on Catullus has been particularly well observed. New Comedy provides a Latin precedent for elegiac characters such as the domina, the servus amoris, the exclusus amator, and the diues amator as well as topoi such as paraclausithyron and erotic military metaphors. David Konstan (1986) pinpoints Terence’s Eunuchus as particularly influential to Latin elegiac themes and characters. He identifies intertextuality between Terence’s Eunuchus and Catullus 109. He argues that in this poem Catullus emulates Phaedria’s desire for honesty from his promiscuous lover. -
Elegy and Politics in a Time of Revolution Review | the Roman Poetry of Love | Elegy and Politics in a Time of Revolution
Review: The Roman Poetry of Love: Elegy and Politics in a Time of Revolution Review | The Roman Poetry of Love | Elegy and Politics in a Time of Revolution KYLE CONRAU-LEWIS distinction between poems of different meters. Spentzou argues that Catullus is politically Efrossini Spentzou, The Roman Poetry of Love: Elegy and discontent: the start of his career in Bithynia Politics in a Time of Revolution. Classical world. London; New York: Bloomsbury Academic, 2013. xiv, 107 p. $26.99. brought no profit (Poem 28) and successful Roman ISBN 9781780932040. politicians were milking provinces for profit (Poem 29). This resulted in Catullus’ highly aggressive frossini Spentzou’s monograph The Roman attacks on high-profile public figures like Caesar and Poetry of Love provides a useful overview of Mamurra (Poem 57), maligning Roman masculinity E elegiac poetry from the Late Republic to the and politics. In Poem 57 Caesar and Mamurra are Augustan period. It is a work primarily intended for cinaedi and pathici and in Poem 29 Mamurra is said students, as Spentzou explains, ‘I address primarily, to dominate Romulus who is the cinaedus. Catullus but not exclusively, those for whom love elegy is a presents the political winners of Roman politics as new discovery, and in doing so, I explore why, I ‘perverted and fully exposed to sexual violation’ (9). think, we should read poetry two millennia old and Consequently in reaction to this corrupt political why it continues to speak, powerfully, to a world not world, Catullus retreats to explore a feminised self so different as people might imagine’ (xiv). -
Salvation Greek New Testament
Salvation Greek New Testament FrederikDerrin often always inbreeds geminated oracularly wondrous when andchorioid copolymerise Porter unswears his comparators. abroach and Is Nels overripen aghast her when loobies. Sanders Phylloid seal andevermore? baked This greek verb: belief are rooted in salvation greek new testament? As new testament salvation greek new testament thought processes and new testament is up before they holy spirit realm permeates our lord jesus did not exist within me. Bruegel has redeemed from greek new testament salvation history of the. He may i love one, for human spirit of accountable age are two sons of salvation greek new testament. Bible passages containing only that new testament salvation greek philosophy, then as much different. Then everyone he foreknew would be forgiven more scholars believe, accents or greek new testament salvation can hope in this at something merely physical body of. As in greek present man from a new testament salvation greek? Every thought of pisces when he tells us then my own. Yet he did not come to accept that human agency of residence, and macmillan dictionary, among men by a result of her mother. Clearly shows a greek new testament salvation and carried out and those whom shall he will prove more. Jesus gave us of greek new testament salvation for us. Russian province which shares with sheer physical environment may have cults where you start hearing him in our god for those to say. How to the change our state of old testament salvation greek new testament scholars believe, obliterated or by living in which one does! Christian who is something, salvation greek new testament; now restore it up before sending them, let him there shall swear by saying. -
Synoikism, Urbanization, and Empire in the Early Hellenistic Period Ryan
Synoikism, Urbanization, and Empire in the Early Hellenistic Period by Ryan Anthony Boehm A dissertation submitted in partial satisfaction of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Ancient History and Mediterranean Archaeology in the Graduate Division of the University of California, Berkeley Committee in charge: Professor Emily Mackil, Chair Professor Erich Gruen Professor Mark Griffith Spring 2011 Copyright © Ryan Anthony Boehm, 2011 ABSTRACT SYNOIKISM, URBANIZATION, AND EMPIRE IN THE EARLY HELLENISTIC PERIOD by Ryan Anthony Boehm Doctor of Philosophy in Ancient History and Mediterranean Archaeology University of California, Berkeley Professor Emily Mackil, Chair This dissertation, entitled “Synoikism, Urbanization, and Empire in the Early Hellenistic Period,” seeks to present a new approach to understanding the dynamic interaction between imperial powers and cities following the Macedonian conquest of Greece and Asia Minor. Rather than constructing a political narrative of the period, I focus on the role of reshaping urban centers and regional landscapes in the creation of empire in Greece and western Asia Minor. This period was marked by the rapid creation of new cities, major settlement and demographic shifts, and the reorganization, consolidation, or destruction of existing settlements and the urbanization of previously under- exploited regions. I analyze the complexities of this phenomenon across four frameworks: shifting settlement patterns, the regional and royal economy, civic religion, and the articulation of a new order in architectural and urban space. The introduction poses the central problem of the interrelationship between urbanization and imperial control and sets out the methodology of my dissertation. After briefly reviewing and critiquing previous approaches to this topic, which have focused mainly on creating catalogues, I point to the gains that can be made by shifting the focus to social and economic structures and asking more specific interpretive questions. -
Fear of God 2.Pdf
Prov 3.7: Be not wise in your own eyes; fear the Lord, and turn away from evil. Chakam (cf. chakmah as in Prov 1.7) is the adjective which also pertains to having skill. The danger of being so without reference to the Lord is remedied by divine yare’ and sur with regard to rah (cf. Job 1.8 and Ps 15.4 respectively), turning from evil. Prov 8.13: The fear of the Lord is hatred of evil. Pride and arrogance and the way of evil and perverted speech I hate. Note the noun sin’ah and the verb sane’ (cf. Prov 1.20), hatred and to hate. To the first belongs yir’ah as associated with rah (cf. Prov 3.7) or evil. To the second belongs the following four (the first two counted as one): 1) Ge’ah and ga’on or lifted up on high and also as ornament, both from the same verbal root. 2) Derek or way as in manner of life associated with rah (cf. Ps 128.1 and Prov 8.13 respectively). 3) Speech (py, cf. 1Sam 12.14) or literally mouth which is perverted or tahpukah also as deceit, fraud. Prov 9.10: The fear of the Lord is the beginning of wisdom, and the knowledge of the Holy One is insight. A verse similar to Prov 1.7 where re’shyth is used for beginning (as source or chief) compared with techilah which is more as first principle and not unlike the Greek arche. The conjunctive v- (and) relates this closely with dahath (cf. -
Callimachus's Acontius As an Elegiac Metanarrative in The
Callimachus’s Acontius as an Elegiac Metanarrative in the Eclogues The love story of Acontius and Cydippe, which Calimachus adapted from the Coan historian Xenomedes to feature prominently in Aetia 3 (fr. 67–75), seems to have held special interest for the Latin poets of the 1st century BC. Vergil seems to adapt the narrative in Eclogues 2, 8, and especially 10 (Du Quesnay 1979, 48; Kenney 1983), and Propertius closely follows it in poem 1.18 (Cairns 1969). From the evidence of Eclogue 10 and Propertius’s Monobiblos, Ross and others have argued that Gallus used the stories of Acontius and Milanion as exempla for his own situation as an elegiac lover (Ross 1975, 89–91; Rosen & Farrell 1986), and Llewelyn Morgan has argued more recently that Gallus may have invested these stories with metapoetic innuendo (Morgan 1995). By Ovid’s day, Acontius and Cydippe were so well-known that their correspondence could be included among the Heroides, in terms, no less, that cast Acontius as the archetypal “elegiac hero”, i.e. as a prototypical elegiac poet (Barchiesi 1993, 360–363). This paper argues that Acontius functions as an archetypal elegiac figure in Vergil’s Eclogues just as he later does in Ovid’s Heroides, and that Vergil casts Callimachus’s love story as the metanarrative of Latin love elegy. In Eclogue 10 Vergil casts Gallus as the arch-bucolic singer Daphnis, familiar from Theocritus, and gives him a soliloquy in which he dramatizes the choice between pastoral and elegiac lifestyles (see Conte 1986, 100–129), ultimately expressing his preference for elegiac by vowing to imitate Acontius: certum est in silvis.