IAR Journal of Humanities and Cultural Studies ISSN Print : 2709-3328 | ISSN Online : 2709-3336 Frequency : Bi-Monthly Language : English Origin : Kenya Website : https://www.iarconsortium.org/journal-info/iarjhcs

Research Article Dynamics of Humanitarian Assistance to Refugees in the of Cameroon: The Case of Frontline Villages along the Cameroon-Republic of Central African Boundary

Article History Abstract: Charity and philanthropic aid have been embodied for centuries in most cultures and religions. Early examples abound of actions by religious Received: 05.09.2020 institutions and subsequently by states, through related institutional and Accepted: 02.10.2020 Ministerial Departments to alleviate situations of man-made suffering or natural Revision: 09.10.2020 disasters. This paper looks the chronological shift in the dynamics of humanitarian assistance of self-rule era to that of late colonial, to non-nationals Published: 10.10.2020 within the frontline villages of the East Region of Cameroon with the Republic of Central Africa. From the analyses viewed, this paper shows that humanitarian Author Details assistance in the late colonial era within the frontline villages of the present day East Region of Cameroon with the Republic of Central Africa was not Reymond Njingti Budi1 & Christian 2 institutionalized as to that of post self-rule institutionalized style, regulated and Nkatow Mafany enforced by International Conventions and Protocols helmed by the United Authors Affiliations Nations’-refugee organ. The nature of late colonial assistance reached 1PhD Research Candidate, Department of humanitarian migrants in forms of Zakatand Sadaka provided by humanitarian History and Archaeology, The University of philanthropists and French missionaries as well as in the form of waqf from the Bamenda, Cameroon Islamic communities as prescribed by the Quran as one of the great pillars. With st the acquisition of self-rule on the 1 of January 1960, Ministerial Departments 2PhD Research Fellow, Department of were created, coupled with Cameroon being a signatory of the UN, the United History, The University of Yaoundé, Nations High Commission for Refugees (UNHCR)through its multi-facet Cameroon implementing humanitarian partners with the presence of over 350.000 refugees Corresponding Author* from Central African Republic in the frontline villages of the East Region of Cameroon with Central Africa, extended organized humanitarian assistance to the Reymond Njingti Budi st refugees since the past two three decades of the 21 century. The non-refoulement How to Cite the Article: law outlined by all international, regional and national instruments was respected Reymond Njingti Budi & Christian Nkatow by the government of the Republic of Cameroon. This was followed by the Mafany; (2020); Dynamics of Humanitarian provision of planned humanitarian assistance by the partners of UNHCR to the Assistance to Refugees in the East Region of Cameroon: The Case of Frontline Villages along the refugees within the frontline villages in the forms of food, identification papers, Cameroon-Republic of Central African Boundary. protection against sexual violence, enforcement of peaceful coexistence, provision IAR J Human Cul. Stud. 1(1)48-61. of shelter and the integration of the refugees into basic education, all governed by Copyright @ 2020: This is an open-access article humanitarian principles. This clear contrast emanated as a result of the change in distributed under the terms of the Creative era and the birth of international instruments governing the provision of aid to Commons Attribution license which permits humanitarian migrants. unrestricted use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium for non commercial use Keywords: Shifting Dynamics, Humanitarian Assistance, Refugees, Late- (NonCommercial, or CC-BY-NC) provided the Colonial and Post-colonial periods. original author and source are credited.

INTRODUCTION Humanitarian assistance from recent developmental discourses has shifted greatly from the late colonial non- institutionalized style. To crown it, humanitarian assistance provided in situations of wars and disasters by donor governments, international organizations like the United Nations (UN), and particularly, Non-Governmental Organizations (NGOs) in situations of concern has saved hundreds of thousands, perhaps even millions, of lives within Sub Saharan Africa, South America and in Middle East (Smoc 2005, p.2). The East Region of Cameroon by 2014 hosted almost 631,000 Refugees from Central African Republic in total (European Commission 2016, p.1). Over 72,000 Nigerian refugees by 2013 sought refuge in the Far North Region of Cameroon (European Commission 2016, p.1). The situation constituted a huge challenge for local administrations and communities, which made it critical for the provision of emergency aid to meet basic needs of the humanitarian migrants. The provision of food and medical supplies to refugees, Internally Displaced Persons (IDPs), and those near the battlefields in Rwanda, Zaire, Sudan, Republic of Central Africa, frontline villages of the East Region of Cameron with the Republic of Central Africa and elsewhere constituted one of the most heroic and life-preserving activities of the 21st century. This paper aims at cross examining the post-colonial humanitarian assistance has shifted from the late colonial non-institutionalized style within the present- day villages bordering the East Region of Cameroon with Central African Republic as a result of the massive influx of

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Reymond Njingti Budi & Christian Nkatow Mafany; IAR J Human Cul Stud; Vol-1, Iss- 1 (Sep-Oct, 2020):48-61 over 350.000 Central African refugees into the East Region of Cameroon within the last two decades of the 21st century as a resulted of the 2011-post electoral violence.

The frontline villages from which this paper takes it spatial territorial delimitation are the villages within the East Region of Cameroon under the coverage of the Kwo, Gbaya, Kako’o, Baka, Mpoman and the Bowalla nations.Most of these villages along the frontiers of the East Region of Cameroon with Central African Republic had hosted a sizeable number of Externally Displaced Persons (EDPs) from the Central African Republic and other Internally Displaced Persons (IDPs) from other regions of the Republic of Cameroon. The frontline host communities are Yamba, Bo rgop, Ngam, Ngaoui, Meiganga, Gbatoua Ngodole, Gado, Betare Oya, Gbiti, Timangolo, Lolo, , Mbile, Gari-Gombo, , Mboy (See Map 1).

Map 1: Showing Frontline Villages of the East Region of Cameroon with Central African Republic

Source: Map Adapted by the Author from UNCS, UNHCR, p.2.

Most of the EDPs in these frontline border villages of the East Region of Cameroon with Central African Republic came into region as a result of the numerous civil unrests within the Central African Republic since her accession to independent in 1960. The most remarkable trends of cross border movements were witnessed in the 21st century, as a result of the post-2011 electoral crisis in that country. This resulted to the massive migration of over 223.750 Central Africans into the frontline villages of the East Region of Cameroon with Central Africa Republic as refugees.

Legal Instruments Governing Status of Displaced Persons Humanitarian assistance is one of the main provisions outlined in International Humanitarian Laws (IHL) adopted during the Geneva Conference of 1949 (Mafany 2019, p.12). Republic of Cameroon since 1960 has gone down in the annals of History as a haven of sanctuary to humanitarian migrants in the turbulent Communaute Economique et

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Monataire D’Afrique Centrale (CEMAC) zone. As a sphere of peace, she ratified the 1951 Convention and Protocols Relating to the Status of Refugees. Cameroon was part of the 30th October 1961 Convention and also ratified the 1967 Protocol Relating to the Status of Refugees in September 1967 whereby the different signatories agreed to apply most of the articles of the Refugee Convention to all persons covered by the Protocol’s refugee definition (Protocol 1967, p. 1). Finally, she was a signatory to the 1969 Organization of African Unity’s (OAU’s) Convention Governing the Specific Aspects of Refugees’ Problems in Africa that entered into force on the 20th June 1974 (Protocol 1967, p. 1). The lower house of Cameroon’s assembly on the12th of July 2005 came out with her own internal set of bill relating, governing the status and protection of refugees in Cameroon enacted into a bill by the head of state in law No.777/PJL/AN of 2005 (Cameroon Refugee Law 2005, p. 5).

From the onset, the UNHCR has been the sole “Holy Sea” institution that was created in 1951 and was implanted in Cameroon in May 1982, vested with the primary duties of seeing into the plights of humanitarian migrants (UNGA Resolution 429 V 1950). This institution with bases in almost crises stricken countries was the sole institution that worked with her related implementing international partners 1 in Cameroon, particularly in the East Region of Cameroon guaranteeing the legal protection of internally and internationally displaced persons within the recent decade of the 21st century. The national institutional partners2 were government’s Ministerial Departments which were formally, led by Ministry of External Relations (MINREX). With all these inter-connected institutional frameworks, the internally and the internationally displaced (IIDPs) within the frontline villages of the East Region of Cameroon from Central Africa Republic, Chad, Gabon, Congo and those from other tribes or regions of Cameroon were granted relief aid by the donors led by UNHCR in the post independent era. Apart from the presence of Internationally Displaced Persons (IDPs) within the frontline villages of the East Region of Cameroon with Central Africa Republic, there were also many IDPs within the frontline villages in the late colonial era from other districts of French Cameroon and in the post independent era, there were lots of IDPs within the frontline villages from other regions of Cameroon like the North West, Center, littoral, Adamaoua, Far North, North, West, and South who also felled under the framework definitions of IDPs and refugees as clearly spelled out by the definition of 1951 and other Conventions defining and clarifying the status of humanitarian migrants. Apart from instruments governing the status of refugees, there also exist other regional instruments governing the status of internally displaced person.

As far as the IDPs were concerned, their problems and needs were considered to be national problems until the last decades of the twentieth century. There has been global violation of the rights of IDPs, which escaped the eyes of international humanitarian communities and other human right departments from providing responses, since they were happening within a state. Finally, in 1991 an international conference on human rights protection for internally displaced was held in Washington, DC. The international legal framework and the adoption of binding treaties in the case of IDPs were supported by those offering sanctuaries to refugees and IDPs (Bagshaw 1999). In 1992, Francis Deng was appointed the first representative of the UN Secretary General on IDPs, with a role of studying the causes and consequences of internal displacement, as well as their status in international law (UNHCR 1996). In 1998, Deng presented Guiding Principles on Internal Displacement (GPID), which were submitted and approved by Commission on Human Rights (Bagshaw 1999, p. 23). This document defines who is an IDP, addresses their needs and sets out the rights and guarantees pertinent for their protection, during the whole process of their displacement.

Some governments like Cameroon formulated their national laws and policies based on this document. This document was widely accepted even though it did not present a binding legal document, due to the traditional concept of sovereignty, which excludes an outside intervention. Cohen (2006) turns to the UN Secretary-General’s reform plan, stating that:

If national authorities are unable or unwilling to protect their citizens, then the responsibility shifts to the international community to use 32 diplomatic, humanitarian and other methods to help protect the human rights and well-being of civilian populations. Sovereignty cannot be dissociated from responsibility.

1The international implementing partners of UNHCR within the frontline villages of the East Region of Cameroon with Central Africa includedAfrica Humanitarian Agency (AHA), the International Federation of Red Cross and Red Crescent Societies (IFRC), International Medical Corps (IMC), the International Organization for Migration (IOM), International Relief and Development (IRD-US), Faites Aux Femmes,Plan Cameroun, the Adventist Development and Relief Agency (ADRA), Afrique Solidarité (AS), Première Urgence-Aide Médicale Internationale (PU-AMI), the World Food Programme (WFP), CARE International, ACTION CONTRE LA FAIM, the Catholic Relief Services (CRS) and Medicins Sans Frontières (MSF). Other related UN agencies were UNDP, UNFPA, UNICEF and WFP. 2Implementing partners are Governmental, inter-governmental or non-governmental entities with which UNHCR enters into a sub-agreement to carry out specific tasks. The implementing partners, bring additional resources of their own to meet needs which would otherwise were to be met by UNHCR. This was done through implemented arrangements. 50

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Going by Cohen’s submission, in October 2009 in Uganda, a historical accomplishment was made when the African Union’s Convention for the Protection and Assistance of IDPs in Africa was adopted by the plenipotentiaries to the 2009 African Union (AU) summit. This legal framework is also referred to as the Kampala Convention (KP). It has been the first legally binding instrument at regional level, focused on prevention of displacement, protection and assistance of the internally displaced. The Convention needs to be ratified by 15 AU states to come into force, and so far it has been ratified by 11 member states of the AU. Bearing in mind that Africa is a continent with more than half of the total displaced populations, this Convention has presented as an important achievement in the field of protection of the IDPs within African countries (Grinvald 2006). These premises laid the bases for the extension of humanitarian assistance and integration of internally displaced within the East Region of Cameroon from other regions and ethnic groups of Cameroon as aforementioned caused by both pull and push factors. Based on the instruments guiding the protection of EDPs and IDPs, the trend of humanitarian assistance to displaced persons within the frontline villages of the East Region of Cameroon and Central African Republic witnessed a change or shift in the stakeholders, provision patterns and dynamics.

Late Colonial Paradigm of Humanitarian Assistance Formal African relief systems date back to ancient Egypt under the Pharaohs (Illife 1987, p. 55). In general, there were few formal institutions for humanitarian assistance in pre-colonial Cameroon. From 1948, within the villages of Yamba, Borgop, Ngam, Ngaoui, Meiganga, Gbatoua Ngodole, Gado, Betare Oya, Gbiti, Timangolo, Lolo, Kentzou, Mbile, Gari-Gombo, Yokadouma, Mboy etc, today found in the East Region of Cameroon, vulnerability of humanitarian migrants from the French colonies of Central Africa and other IDPs from other districts from French Cameroon, were addressed through family networks and personalized charity “attuned to the personalized character of mobile and colonizing societies” (Gonni, 2017). Bevan (2004, p. 17) agrees that “given the lack of organizations in most contexts within the trusteeship or late colonial era in French colonial Africa, the main element or stakeholder in assistance was the family.” Modes of provision varied across the continents and varied from one Trust Territory to another. Within the villages of Yamba, Borgop, Ngam, Ngaoui, Meiganga, Gbatoua Ngodole, Gado, Betare Oya, Gbiti, Timangolo, Lolo, Kentzou, Mbile, Gari-Gombo, Yokadouma, Mboy of the present East Region of Cameroon, there was little institutional care set up by the French colonial government. The indigenous inhabitants of these frontline villages rarely provided for the poor who were mostly strangers in their land from other bordering French colonies within the French equatorial sub region.

French colonial Cameroon did not have any Institutional frameworks that laid pressure on the warrants chiefs to care for the poor from other French equatorial colonies of Central Africa, and IDPs from other French districts of French Cameroon within the late colonial era. The level of provision of charity depended on the whim of individual kings (Illife 1987, p.54). Secret societies cared for struggling individuals and strangers within these frontline communities (Toue, 2017). Other IDPs, turned to Chief Palaces. This assistance was provided in the form of information and security through the indigenous secret societies that safeguarded the land against the fear of the unknown. Food items from the villagers were also provided to IDPs (Freth 2017). Shelter through accommodations at the level of the palaces was also made available by the categorized chiefs by the French colonial administration, even though decentralized in nature (Freth 2017). From 1948-60, the first, second and third class chiefs within their concessions of the Gbaya and Kako’o clans or nations within the frontline villages kept huge storehouses, while within the Maka’a nationorclan maintained food reserves against scarcity and supported the old and vulnerable IDPs who were from other nearby colonies especially the nearby French colony of Central Africa and those from other French Cameroon’s Administrative Districts (Mgako 2017).

In addition, concern to IDPs within the Gbaya tribe within the late colonial was visible through interesting interactions between Islamic, Christian practices and the “characteristically African preference for personalized relationships over institutions” (Gruat 1990, p. 6). Although elsewhere in Islamic civilization waqf3was the principal form of philanthropy or philanthropic help to those in need, in most villages within the Maka’a tribe from I948 to 1860 especially with those of dominant Islamic culture and beliefs, waqf was limited only to the villages mostly occupied by the Hausas such as , Mokolo, Mbotoro, Garoua Boulai etc (Ngelle 2018). Another common institutional form of Islamic charity that served as a means of institutional relief to IDPs was seen in the form of Zakat (Abdallah 2017). The absence of waqf in villages in non-Islamized villages within the frontline communities like Lomie, Kuete, Mbang etc encouraged begging amongst resurgent IDPs (Mgako 2017). This gave room to alms-giving, from the natives to the humanitarian migrants (Elpse 2017).

3Waqf was giving out of Will. This was practiced not only by the Muslem but also by the indigenes and those that were practicing the white man’s religion. In specific, waqf was practiced more in villages that were dominated by those prophesying prophet Mohammed’s religion. 51

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Sadaka4, from the direction of the natives who were Christians, non-Christians and Muslims brought social prestige and was believed to have conferred prosperity and had reduced the vulnerability of humanitarian migrants within the frontline communities of the present day East Region of Cameroon within the late colonial era (Yaya 2017). Donors of Sadaka rarely distinguished between the “able-bodied” and “deserving” poor within their land (Elpse 2017). The indigenous styled colonial Christianity during the trusteeship within these frontline villages gave a special priority to charity, not unlike Medieval Christianity in Europe (Wikipedia 2017). During 1955 hunger period caused by the insecurity orchestrated by the political upheavals within most French equatorial African colonies, the IDPs within the frontline communities converged around the churches which were opened by the French missionaries in the area where relief was distributed to the vulnerable foreigners from the nearby French colonies of equatorial Africa and the indigenes in search of spiritual reward from the French missionary heads (A Dieu 2017). There were flows of charity to IDPs from the Roman Catholic religious institutions, although private charity was less institutionalized to the outsiders in the present day East Region of Cameroon. Behind these forms of philanthropies lay a theology of charity set out in Fetha Nagast5, where alms were conceptualized as a loan to God.6

Early Roman Catholic Institutions (Avenues for Charity)

A B

Source: Photographic collection, Sambo, 12th May 217 Plates “A” and “B” above, show the late colonial Roman Catholic institutions opened by the French within the frontline villages of the East Region of Cameroon. These institutions were avenues where IDPs gathered, awaiting part of Fetha Nagast from the churches heads. The Fetha Nagast was collected from the new converts that were successfully converted into the white man’s religion by the French Roman Catholic Missionaries. From the establishment of Portuguese first permanent settlement in Africa in 1486, the French during the trusteeship era altered the availability of formal indigenous humanitarian paradigm (Tazifor and Tabi 2003, p. 17). The provisions of assistance were to those “deserving” and eligibility was made strict in order to prevent “swamping” (Asaah 2014). Although the new forms of social assistance operated principally through proselytizing missionary works, there were various forms of provision.7The French traders who were charged with the evangelization of East of French Cameroon distributed to the humanitarian migrants within the their zones of concessions confiscated merchandise or the surplus from fines levied on employees, fines from those who were victims of French policies8 suffered by the unassimilated indigenous Cameroonians during the trusteeship era in French Cameroon (Tazifor and Tabi 2003, p. 84). The IDPs relied more on missionary charity, which in the present East Region of Cameroon followed the Southern European Catholic tradition (Asaah 2014).

Before 1948, Calvinist “Poor Relief” was introduced in French Cameroon from 1946 by the French missionary evangelical teams (Tazifor and Tabi 2003, p. 84). Lay people trained by the French mobile team sent to the Eastern part of French Cameroon, cared for the vulnerable, in targeted out-relief schemes, in the mission stations where they acted as Deacons (Okerewa 2016). This system became increasingly linked to governance, as the 1777 system whereby anyone freeing a slave had to pay a deposit to the Deacons, since freed slaves were perceived to be absorbing most poor relief resources (Ngoh 1996, p. 45). When the French passed the Enabling Law in French Cameroon in 1956 (Tazifor and Tabi

4Form of personal alms-giving to the needy within the community in other words known as sacrifice. 5Fetha Nagast set out for the provision of your one-tenth pay to god or to the poor. In other words, it is referred to as tithe in most churches of the Baptist, Catholic and of the Presbyterian faiths. 6Second (2) Corinthian Chapter 6(6, 8, and 9). 7The alien type introduced by the French during the trusteeship era to migrants from French Équatorial colonies that were found in the South Eastern part of French Cameroon. 8The various French policies which unassimilated French Cameroonians suffered from the hands of the French were; corvée (forcefully recruited unpaid labor), prestation (ten days of forced labor without pay carried out by the able French Cameroonians), indigenat (punishment of the natives without trial by the French colonial officers) etc. 52

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2003, p. 107), the system of pre-1956 paradigm of humanitarian assistance to IDPs within the frontline villages of East Region of Cameroon with present-day Central Africa Republic shifted from out-relief to institutionalization as embodied in the British New Poor Law (BNPL) of 1834. 9 The permanently incapacitated were institutionalized, and private charity was sabotaged, to prevent vulnerability of poor immigrants from other places. This approach was redolent of the Malthusian view that: “social protection created moral hazard”, a view that was fiercely contested in pre-Revolutionary France by Condorcet and Turgot who argued that “social protection was important for economic prosperity as well as social dignity, because it encouraged the poor to take risks (Rothschild 1995, p. 8).”

The Malthusian approach was also at odds with traditional African models, which did not distinguish between humanitarian migrants “deserving” and “able-bodied” poor and vulnerable immigrants (Okerewa, 2016). The Poor Law principles were harshly applied in 1956, when hundreds of starving Gbaya from Central Africa, were refused relief until they agreed to work, and vagrancy legislation in the 1956 that sentenced anyone found wandering without sufficient means of support to three months of hard labor or corvée by the French administrative staff during the late colonial era (Asaah 2014). For those considered deserving charity, private organizations such as the French Reformed Church (FRC) and the Salvation Army (SC) were active in Lomie in the Deng-Deng District (Ngwaue 2015).

The sisterhoods represented another strand in the tradition of religious institution.10 Missionaries’ type social protection in the late colonial French Cameroon in other words, embodied the broad distinction that blended European models of humanitarian assistance, which emphasized on the role of institutions, and African models, that emphasized on personal largesse (Rothschild 1995). Both systems co-existed, but as Iliffe points out, “institutional provision of social protection for the immigrants and for the poor during the early and late colonial periods came largely from missionaries” (Illife 1987, p.56). During the second half of the 19th century, Franciscan ideals of self-abnegation and care permitted much missionary work in French Cameroon with the application of the French colonial policy of assimilation in all French colonies in particular and protectorates in general (Illife 1987, p.56). French Sisters of Casters founded missions in Deng-Deng forest zones in 1949. They concentrated their work on the African poor in French Equatorial Africa (Illife 1987, p.88).

The scale of relief provided by these organizations was small, but other catholic and protestant missionaries gradually penetrated the region. The influence of colonialism, made relief to the poor and to humanitarian migrants largely tilted secondary in “spiritual” work, but the missionaries’ focused on the poor and immigrants in areas that were not incidental in the Gbaya land of French Cameroon. “It was among the poor immigrants from neighbouring countries of Gabon, Congo and Central Africa within the frontline villageswhere they generally found their first converts” (Ngutee 2017). The secondary status of relief changed in the early 20th century, catalyzed, according to Iliffe, by Albert Schweitzer’s settlement in Lamaberéné (Gabon) in 1950s (Illife 1987).

The trend of social protection in the late colonial era in French Cameroon, most especially within the frontline villageswas towards the expansion of formal systems, an emerging distinction between social security, crisis relief, secularization and specialization of non-governmental care. These features of late colonial “development” of humanitarian assistance in French Cameroon to humanitarian migrants were associated with changes in patterns of poverty, with lack of access to land, food and alongside the lack of access to labor (Ngutee 2017). Humanitarian Migrants from the French colony of Central Africa in the eastern part of French Cameroon from 1956 created the need for supplementary systems of patronage, dependence, personal largesse and distribution of relief by religious organizations or powerful secular groups or individuals (Ngutee 2017). These supplementary systems had a long history in Africa. Before the colonial period, institutionalized forms of relief to refugees or humanitarian migrants were rare. Iliffe emphasizes that “the institutions created to assist the poor during the late colonial period in 1956 generally embodied the traditions, preconceptions, concerns and circumstances of the foreigners who devised them” (Illife 1987, p.77). This constituted a continuous theme in social protection provisioning in French Cameroon to the humanitarian migrants from the French Equatorial Africa and to other IDPs within the frontline villages of the present East Region of Cameroon with Central Africa. Implanted in the contexts where formal humanitarian institutions were scarce, colonial

9The History of the poor law in England and Wales is usually divided between statutes, the old poor law passed during the reign of Elizabeth I and the new poor law passed in 1834, which significantly modified system of poor relief, available at www.http:en.mwikipedia.org English poor laws, retrieved on 14 of November 2017. 10Calvin was a pastor in Geneva (Holland) protestant church between 1572 and1620. He did not have deacons who were responsible for the poor. He believed that the civil magistrates were appointed by God to ensure that they took care of the poor and ensured that contributions to the poor were handed over to them. Calvinist doctrine or relief shaped the logic governing humanitarian field through it conviction about the nature of war, states, and society relations. It laid down the core ethical and organizational assumptions that values impartiality, independence and neutrality as makers of proper humanitarian work. These assumptions were institutionalized in the humanitarian field and continued to underpin relief organization today, available at www.http.books.google.cm-book, retrieved on the 22 November 2017. 53

Reymond Njingti Budi & Christian Nkatow Mafany; IAR J Human Cul Stud; Vol-1, Iss- 1 (Sep-Oct, 2020):48-61 systems were often durable and were of limited relevance to the migrants.From an evolutionary approach, we are going to move to the post-colonial style of how humanitarian migrants were managed within the frontline villages of the present day “The East Region of Cameroon”.

Self-rule Era-style Humanitarian Assistance Immediately after the reunification of former British Southern Cameroons with La Republique du Cameroun on the 1st of October 1961, humanitarian assistance was institutionalized. The essential Ministerial Departments in charge of humanitarian assistance to either IDPs or EDPs were Ministry of Public Health, Ministry of Social Welfare, Ministry of Defense, Ministry of Agriculture, Ministry of Tourism and Environmental Protection, and Commerce among others. At the head of all these Ministerial Departments was the Ministry of External Relations (MINREX). By 1982 as cited by Keming, the UNHCR was implanted in Cameroon as a result of the upsurge of migrants’ crisis (Keming 2016, p. 253). This United Nations special organ for refugees since its implantation in Cameroon has been working hand in glove with MINREX in synergy with other implementing humanitarian partners in the provision of humanitarian assistance to humanitarian migrants in Cameroon. The paradigm of provision of humanitarian assistance to IDPs and refugees changed completely from the late colonial style to an institutionalized style led by the UNHCR.

Independent in nineteen sixty, the Central African Republic has been subjected to five Coup D’états. The first took place in 1965, when President David Dacko was overthrown by Colonel Jean-Bedel Bokassa (Spittaels and Hilgert 2009, p. 23). He was succeeded by Francois Bozizé in March 2003 (Spittaels and Hilgert 2009, p. 23). In 2010, Francois Bozize’s regime came under fire from opposition leaders who announced their intention to boycott the January 2011 elections in light of institutional changes affecting the voters’ registration process. When Bozizé was re-elected in 2011, his victory was shrouded by allegations of electoral mal-practices that further threatened the already declining security situation in the region. The Bozizé government’s inability to demobilize rebels and ex-soldiers, along with such foreign involvement on February 2012, ajoint offensive between troops from Central Africa and neighbouring Chad added to growing instability throughout the country (Weyns et al 2014, p. 55).

Deducing from the aboveanalytical facts, the country has been rated the fifteenth, as one of the most violent countries by the Armed Conflict Location and Even Data Project (ACLED) dataset, with over 2,000 recorded events of political violence between January 1997 and September 2014 (CELED Report 2015, p. 2). Since the Republic of Cameroon shares common border with Central African Republic, over 560.000 Central African citizens migrated into the East and the Adamaoua Regions of Cameroon within the 20th and the 21st centuries (UNHCR 2017, p. 12). Most of the refugees settled within the frontline villages of the East Region of Cameroon, constituting of Yamba, Borgop, Ngam, Meiganga, Gbatoua Ngodole, Gado, Garoua Boulai, Betare Oya, Gbiti, Timangolo, Lolo, Gari Gombo and Yokadouma with Central African Republic. Since the Republic of Cameroon ratified some of the international instruments relating tothe status and refugee protection, she provided settlement sitesto the refugees in conformity to the non-refoulement clause of the 2005 internal law, governing the status of refugees in Cameroon (Cameroon Refugee Law 2005, p. 3). This called for the attention of UNHCR with her multi-facet partners, which resulted to the offering of organized humanitarian assistance to the Central African refugees within the frontline villages of the East Region of Cameroon with Central African Republic. A critical comparative analyses found lots of changes in the manner of post-colonial humanitarian assistance styled action from the afore-examined late colonial style.

Plan Humanitarian Assistance Since 1960, the Republic of Cameroon has offered sanctuary to millions of humanitarian migrantsfrom countries withinCommunaute Economiqueet Monataire D’Afrique Centrale (CEMAC). UNHCR and her multi-facet international implementing partners were potential sources of help for the Central African Refugees within the frontline villages of the East Region of Cameroon with Central Africa Republic. The operating environment for humanitarian organizations in the East Region of Cameroon was favourable, since Cameroon welcomed the UN refugee agency in 1982 (Keming 2016, p. 251). From 1990 to the first eighteen years of the 21st century, the government of the Republic of Cameroon in conformity with other refugee international, regional and also according to the national law ensuring refugees’ protection adopted by the Republic of Cameroon in 2005 (Keming 2016, p. 251) conformed to the non-refoulement clause (Cameroon Refugee Law 2005, p. 10) of the refugee bill of it different protocols and conventions. This pushed the government of the Republic of Cameroon together with the UN refugee agency to establish refugee camps as stipulated by the same bill (Cameroon Refugee Law 2005, p. 10) although most Central African refugees (70%) chose to live outside of these sites and instead self-settled in villages along the frontline boundaries of the East Region of Cameroon with the Central African Republic, namely Yamba, Borgop, Ngam, Ngaoui, Meiganga, Gbatoua Ngodole, Gado, Betare Oya, Gbiti, Timangolo, Lolo, Kentzou, Mbile, Gari-Gombo, Yokadouma and Mboy (Barbelet 2017, p. 11). The provision of settlement sites by the government of the Republic of Cameroon facilitated the delivery of planned humanitarian assistance to the 2005 and 2013 caseloads who arrived en masse (more than 125,000 arrivals) in 2014 (Barbelet 2017, p. 11). From 2005 with the presence of 510.000 humanitarian migrants from Central African Republic within the Adamaoua and the East Regions of Cameroon, the UNHCR with its field office in , the capital of the

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Kadey Division, deployed its personnel to the different frontline villages of the East Region with Central African Republic for the registration and the eventual issuance of refugee biometric identification papers as outlined by the international and the national instruments governing refugee protection for the refugees to be eligible for other provisions. The registration was followed by material assistance which shifted completely from the late colonial style of humanitarian provision.

The registration and the issuance of refugee identification documents are some main humanitarian currents, enshrined in the 1951 refugee universal instrument governing refugee protection worldwide. By 2005, the monthly arrivals of refugees from Central African Republic into the East Region of Cameroon stood between 3.000 and 5.000. The influx of the refugees into the East Region of Cameroon declined in mid-2016. Nevertheless, the stability of the country remained precarious and fragile, with sporadic incidents of violence which resulted to further displacement of the people. In 2009, registration of the Central African Refugees in the Region was implemented in a manner which ensured that every refugee held a certificate or a refugee card. The provision of travelers’ documents by UNHCR was according to Article 27and 28 of the refugee convention of 1951 stating that;

The Contracting States shall issue to refugees lawfully staying in their territory travel documents for the purpose of travel outside their territory, unless compelling reasons of national security or public order otherwise require, and the provisions of the Schedule to this Convention shall apply with respect to such documents. […]. Travel documents issued to refugees under previous international agreements by parties thereto shall be recognized and treated by the Contracting States in the same way as if they had been issued pursuant to this article (Protocol 1951, p. 30).

The registration or status determination of the Central African Refugees within the frontline villages of the East Region of Cameroon with Central African Republic was through a special biometric system as a pilot project by the UNHCR (See Plate Below).By the year 2016, over 225,000 refugees were registered and were assisted by the UNHCR, with strict collaboration with the institutions of the Republic of Cameroon. The refugee identification cards offered by the UNHCR to the Refugees were of two types. The first was based on individual identification11 and the last on the family size.12 Plate No.1: Samples of Refugee Identification Documents

Source: Photographic collections, Sambo, Batouri-Cameroon, 2018. The plates above show the different refugee identification papers issued by the UNHCR to the Central African Refugees who were within the frontline villages of the East Region of Cameroon with Central Africa Republic. The first identification document was issued based on individual while the second was delivered based on the number of teenage refugees within a single family or family size. Between 2009 and 2016, over 15.000 refugees from Central Africa Republic within the frontline villages of the East Region of Cameroon with Central Africa Republic were identified by the UNHCR and out of the stated number, over 7.000 managed to identify their relatives along the frontline sites of the East Region of Cameroon with Central Africa Republic.

11The individual identification paper carried the name of the refugee, place and year of birth. Behind the card were the articles of the 1951 UNHCR and the 1969 OAU that defined the status of refugee identification by the UNHCR in collaboration with the government of the host country. 12Familyidentificationissuance permit carried the half size passport photograph of the head of the family, his name, the number of children he has, the names of all the children, has size passport photographs of all the children, the sexes, years and places of birth. 55

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Perceived as one important gestures of humanitarian action, food within the post-colonial era, especially from 2005 was also provided by World Food Programme (WFP) to the Central Africa Refugees who were in the aforementioned villages. Between 2005 and 2018 over one hundred and fifty (150) tons of food items composed of pumpy nuts, cooking oil, rice, spaghetti, maize, Maggi, salt etc were delivered to the Central African Refugees along the frontline villages of the East Region of Cameroon.13One refugee, for instance, defined the food assistance he had received as “a capacity strengthening measure” (Nasser 2019). In order to render the refugees auto productive and self- reliance, the UNHCR through Catholic Relief Services (CRS) and ACTION CONTRE LA FAIM with aid from the host communities provided cultivable land to the refugees who were in Gbatoua Gado, Betare Oya, Gbiti, Timangolo and Lolo refugee barracks (Ndi 2019). The provision of land and farm inputs (Farming Kits) by the humanitarian institutions empowered some of the Central African Refugees within the frontline villages . Many of the displaced persons became food self-reliant by 2010. In addition one of our informants who was a refugee explained that the agents from Action Contre la Faim in 2012 gave him a hectare of land in Mboy to cultivate with farm inputs butsince he owned a provision shop, he paid other refugees who deed the farming (Hamet 2019). Another female refugee affirmed that, “she does not longer need food from UNHCR”. She said farminghas enabled her to feed her five children and has enabled her to save money in case of unforeseen sickness or other shocks since there vulnerable to contingencies (Hadidza 2019).

Maize and Cassava Farmland atGbatoua Gado

Source: Authors’ photographic collection, 10th of April 2018.

The plates above, show a piece of land that was given to one of the refugees from Central African Republic in Gbatoua Gado by agents of CRS in 2014. Some of the farming kits given to her were maize seeds, cassava tubers, a hoe, a cutlass, a water pump and a financial token of 100.000FCFA. The plates also demonstrate a visiting who accompanied us in 2018 for their forth yearly inspections or follow up.Humanitarian assistance was one among a range of sources of revenue to the refugees. This relieved them from their state of vulnerability and abject poverty.

In addition, education was one of the fundamental planned humanitarian post-colonial gestures which the Central African refugees within the East Region and specifically within he frontline villages of the East Region of Cameroon with Central African Republic, received from international humanitarian institutions within the 21st century. Article 22 (paragraph 1 and 2) of the 1951 convention relating to the status of refugee states:

The contracting states shall accord to refugees the same treatment as accorded to nationals with respect to elementary education. The contracting states shall accord to refugees treatment favourable as possible and in any event not less favourable than that accorded to aliens generally in the same circumstances, with respect to education other than elementary education and in particular, as regard access to studies, the recognition of foreign schools certificates, diplomas, degrees, the remission of fees, charges and the granting of scholarship (Protocol 1951, p. 26).

This was in line with the goals of the Millennium Development Programme (MDP) or the Sustainable Development Goals (SDG) which out lined the notion of “universal education to all or the advocacy for literacy” (Enokenwa 2016, p.143). In respect to this goal, UNHCR through UNESCO and CRS by 2017 had deployed over 400 sensitization teams to the sites, to lay emphasis on the importance of education. This was because 99% of the refugees from Central African Republic were Muslims, a religion that prohibit western education. More so, the UNHCR through

13WFP, File No. 85, total delivery of tons of Food to the Humanitarian migrants in the East Region of Cameroon, Batouri, 2019, p.12. 56

Reymond Njingti Budi & Christian Nkatow Mafany; IAR J Human Cul Stud; Vol-1, Iss- 1 (Sep-Oct, 2020):48-61 her implementing partners facilitated the admission of Central African Refugees’ kids into the respective formal basic institutions of the sites of the frontline villages with Central African Republic (Mbuh 2017). From 2009 to 2016, over 1.000 Central African Refugees were helped in the Region out of the estimated 350.000 (Mbuh 2017). In addition, yearly minimum packages, in French humanitarian language as Kits Pedagogique14were offered to the schools hosting the refugees and to the refugee pupils in the area. Plates showing Campaigns against illiteracy

Source: Authors’ collection from field work, 15-20th March 2019

The above plates show literacy campaigns launched by agents of CRSin some of the frontline villages of the East Region of Cameroon with the Republic of Central Africa. The plates demonstrate school kits like a bag with other learning instruments inside, a pair of uniform to each, essential school textbooksand the required tuition fees.

Mores so, the UNHCR and UNESCO through their implementing partners also deed construction and the rehabilitation of classrooms. The construction and rehabilitation depended on the number of refugee pupils and students enrolled. From the year 2005, yearly universal help was offered to primary institutions of Ecole Publique Primaire de Ngonkora Barrier (Kuete), Ecole Publique Primaire de Kuete Groupe I and II, Ecole Publique Primaire de Gbiti, Ecole Publique Primaire de Baka, Ecole Publique Primaire de Chantier and Ecole Publique Primaire de Namara. All the schools were under strict inspection of Regional, Divisional and Sub Divisional Delegations of Basic Educations.

Table No. 1: Class Size of Refugee Pupils under Inspection of Divisional Inspectorate of Basic Education for the Division, 2013-14 Refugees class Effective Total class Staff No. No. Schools size indigenes size Effective TeacherNeeded 1 EPP Becimbam 180 103 283 01 03 2 EPP Boma 75 155 230 01 02 3 EPP Nyabi 241 519 760 03 04 4 EPP II 193 307 500 02 03 5 EPP Tapare 82 324 406 02 03 6 EPP Ndende II 167 157 325 01 04 7 EPP Gadji 70 553 623 01 04 8 EPP Ngouindi 46 186 232 01 01 9 EPP Dem II 58 446 504 01 04 10 EPP Sandae 40 205 245 02 01 11 EPP Mobe 26 323 349 01 03 12 EMP Nyabi 32 21 53 01 01

14Yearly minimum package or kits Pedagogique offered by CRS, to the enrolled refugee childrenmconstituted of; à ruler, a calculator, a compass, a trapezium, a school bag, a box of chalk, a ruler, a maths set, pens, pencils, teaching-learning aid, maps, textbooks and to the staff equipments like office stationeries. 57

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13 EMP Ngoura II 38 15 53 01 01 EMPMokolo- 14 06 134 140 05 01 Yoko 15 EPP Nguemo 76 136 212 01 02 16 EPP Beuta II 43 136 179 01 02 Total 1374 3720 5094 25 39 Source: Divisional Delegation of Basic Education Batouri (DDBEB), File No.05, class size of CARs’ pupils in all the selected primary institutions within the Kadey Division, 2014, p.5.

The table above shows the number (1372) of refugees’pupils who were admitted into some basic public institutions within the frontline villages of the East Region of Cameron with Central Africa Republic between 2013 and 2014 school year as a result of the deepened Central African crisis which had profound effects in the East Region of Cameroon. It also shows the number of projected teachers which were to be recruited by the UNHCR to be dispatched to the basic institutions in acute shortages. The admission of these refugee pupils into these basic educational system was a shift from the late colonial style of humanitarian perception.

Enforcement of Social Cohesion and Peaceful Co-existence Another domain in which post-colonial style of humanitarian assistance tilted from that of late colonial style was in the domain of the enforcement of social cohesion and peaceful co-existence between those termed “refugees” and the indigenous inhabitance of Yamba, Borgop, Ngam, Ngaoui, Meiganga, Gbatoua Ngodole, Gado, Betare Oya, Gbiti, Timangolo and Lolo. In order to ensure that the refugees deed away with their past psychological war traumas, psycho - social counselors were placed at their disposal at the level of the camps within the mobile health units opened within the villages and sites by the MSF and AHA. These health officials succeeded in restructuring the mental psyche of hundreds of thousands of the refugees referred to them by the field teams. In addition, to ensure that the refugees co-exist with the indigenous population of the frontline villages with little problems, sensitization teams were deployed to the refugee camps and some of the frontline by the different NGOs led by UNHCR from 2005. The sensitization messages or talks were capitalized on the respect of one another, both on the side of the refugees and the indigenes (Diguir 2016). Due to the campaigns carried out by the partners of UNHCR, the refugees were capable of co-existing with the indigenes within the communities. This was with the situation of the refugees who were not found within the camps that were setup. The refugees were sensitized on the need of respect of state symbols, property, national emblems and the respect of order. The indigenes were sensitized on the habits of non-stigmatization and on hate speech.

As part of the search for durable social protection strategy different from the late colonial style, the IMC, WFP, CRS and Plan Cameroon between 2013 and 2014 facilitated the gradual socio-economic self-reliance of refugees UNHCR 2016, p. 6). Socio-economic integration resulted to the gradual dismantling of refugee sites and camps and the integration of refugees into host communities. To confirm this, in 2016, 10% of the refugees that were lodged in Mbilé left and entered into the nearby villages of Ndélélé, Nyabi and Manjou (Diguir 2016). This made most of the refugees to reach a significant degree of self-reliance which wasn’t the case with the late colonial style. Eighty percent of the 2005 “Old Caseloads” reached self-sufficiency in food requirements by 2015 (Timo 2017).

Protection Against Sexual and Gender Based Violence (SGBV) Under Cameroon legislation, rape is a crime that is punishable by law. Marital rape, however, is not explicitly mentioned under criminal law under the new Penal Code of Cameroon (2006, p. 77). Criminal cases of rape can generally only be initiated following a complaint by the victims. Commercial sexual exploitation of refugee girls and pornography according to law was made punishable up to three to ten years of imprisonment by the international instruments framing the status of refugees and Internally (Cameroon Penal Code 2006, p. 77). In June 2006, the Law on the Elimination of Domestic Violence and Protection of IDPs was adopted. Article 3 of this law defined domestic violence against refugees as a violation of the constitutional rights and liberties of IDPs by the indigenes and the inhabitants or host by means of physical, psychological, economic, or sexual violence or coercion. This also criminalized domestic violence against the vulnerable. The enforcement of law condemning sexual scandals with the refugees was a lawful social protection strategy that protected the vulnerable Central African Refugees from being sexually harassed by the host communities and the security agents of the frontline villages of the East Region of Cameroon with Central African Republic.

Mores so, post-colonial humanitarian assistance also shifted from late colonial style in the domain of the provision of water to the IDPs from Central Africa along Cameroon’s eastern border with Central Africa. By 2004, the UNHCR through her implementing partners had provided over 172 borehole water stations in twenty villages in the Kadey and Lom-Djerem Divisions. This provided an average of 14 liters of water per person in a day (CRS Report 2016, p. 6). In addition, 2,385 latrines were constructed, reaching an average ratio of 26 persons per latrine in the refugee camps of Boumba-Ngoko (CRS Report 2016, p. 6). More so, 187 boreholes with hand pumps were constructed and 235

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Reymond Njingti Budi & Christian Nkatow Mafany; IAR J Human Cul Stud; Vol-1, Iss- 1 (Sep-Oct, 2020):48-61 water stations were rehabilitated between the year 2001 and 2016 by UNHCR through her implementing partners (UNHCR Combine Report 2015, p. 5). The four Divisional councils with aid from the UN refugee organ constructed and rehabilitated 97 boreholes water pumps in host villages of Nyabi, Ndélélé, Mboy and Gbiti accompanied by the Divisional Delegations for Water and Energy Resources (Nzika 2017). This was because the right to the beneficiary of social amenity by refugees was also enshrined in 2005 nnational refugee law or instrument adopted by the Cameroon’s lower house of Assemblyin 2005 (Cameroon Refugee Law, p. 4).

Table No.5: Water Pumps Financed by UNHCR in the East between 2013 and 2016 Year Divisions Council Name Place 2013 2014 2015 2016 Total Djerem Garoua Boulai Garoua 3 4 10 7 24 School / / Nadoungue 5 6 8 2 21 Village / Betare Oya Tongo 1 2 4 3 10 Village / Garoua Boulai Yokossire 1 2 0 0 3 Village / Betare Oya Borongo 3 0 0 0 3 Village / / Ndokayo 0 3 0 0 3 Village / Garoua Boulai Dabouli 1 0 0 0 1 Village Kadey Bertoua 3 0 0 2 5 Village / Batouri Batouri 1 1 0 5 7 Village / Boubara 0 0 3 0 3 Village / Kentzou Mbile 5 0 2 3 7 Village / Kentzou Lolo 0 3 0 1 4 Village / Kette Timangolo 5 0 0 2 7 Village / Kentzou Sambo II 1 0 2 4 7 Village Ngoko Gari Gombo Gribi 1 0 2 0 3 Village Ngoko Gari Gombo Ngarisingo 0 0 2 0 2 Camp Total 30 21 33 29 107 Source; UNHCR-Batouri, File No. 12, A Brief Report on the Water Provision, 25 July 2017, p.22

The table above shows number of borehole water stations constructed by UNHCR in some divisions of the East Region of Cameron between 2013 and 2016. From the table, the UNHCR realized 220 water pumps stations in the Divisions of the Kadey, Boumba-Ngoko and Lom-Djerem between 2013 and 2016. This number did not include the ones that were realized at the level of the refugee camps of the region. The UNHCR and her implementing partners put in place 397 Water Sanitation and Hygiene [WASH] management committees in the villages concerned. UNHCR through her partners like the International Medical Corps (IMC) constructed over 115 boreholes water stations and 230 latrines (see plate below)in the frontline host villages, especially beside the sites and primary institutions hosting the IDPs like Ecole Publique Primaire (EPP) Becimbam, EPP Boma, EPP Nyabi, EPP Ngoura II, EPP Tapare, EPP Ndende II and EPP Gadji (UNHCR-Batouri 2017, p. 22).

Plate No. latrine and a borehole water station at Mbile 2011

Source: Authors’ Photographic Collection, 17th March 2019

The first plate above shows a sample of modern toilet put at the disposal of the refugees by UNHCR through the IMC at Mbile health center in 2011. The last plate by the right shows one of the boreholes water pumps that was constructed by UNHCR within the same areain 2011.

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CONCLUSION The main aim of this paper was to examine the historical evolution of humanitarian assistance from the late colonial to the post era within the frontline villages of the East Region of Cameroon with Central African Republic. From the analyses made, we realized that the manner of approach of humanitarian assistance has changed through time and circumstances. The manner of extension of aid to displaced persons within the zone in the late colonial era was in the form of philanthropic gifts from the Muslims, traditional authorities and from the Christians to immigrant who generally converged around the worship places to collect them. The holy grounds were the early Roman Catholic Church yards which were opened by the French Missionary Societies in French Cameroon. From 1960 with the acquisition of the independence of French Cameroon, the manner of extension of humanitarian aid to humanitarian migrants changed. This was as result of the effect of the bipolarization of the world as a result of the Cold War, the advent of international protocols and conventions governing humanitarian migrants. This was the case with the 1951 refugee convention, the 1967 protocol, the 1969 OAU convention and the 2005 Cameroon’s law on status governing the protection of refugees within Cameroon. This was also supported by national ministerial departments incarnated by the UNHCR. The birth of these institutions dictated the manner of extension of humanitarian assistance to refugees in Cameroon and worldwide. The Central African Refugees who were in the frontline villages of the East Region of Cameroon with Central African Republic received humanitarian assistance within the 21st century in the form of food by prescription, shelter, the provision of refugee identification cards, the enforcement of social cohesion, extension of health relief initives, the integration of the refugees into the educational system and the provision of WASH by the UN refugee organization in synergy with national ministerial departments. This style of humanitarian extension differed from the late colonial traditional system.

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