Timeline of U.N. Security Council Resolutions

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Timeline of U.N. Security Council Resolutions Timeline of U.N. Security Council Resolutions Jason Starr Security Council Resolution 1737, Vote: 15-0 (December 23, 2006) Ballistic Missiles: Requires[1] states to prevent the sale or transfer to Iran of items contributing to weapon delivery systems. Imposes asset freeze on eight individuals and companies for involvement in ballistic missile programs (see “Sanctioned” below). Nuclear: Requires states to prevent sale or transfer of items to Iran contributing to nuclear proliferation. Calls on states to prevent nuclear proliferation-related training to Iranian nationals. Imposes asset freezes on 15 individuals and companies for involvement in Iran’s nuclear programs (see “Sanctioned” below). Travel: Calls on states to exercise vigilance regarding entry to their territories of individuals affiliated with Iran’s nuclear program. Sanctioned: Companies and individuals involved in ballistic missile programs (Shahid Hemmat Industrial Group, Shahid Bagheri Industrial Group, Fajr Industrial Group, Gen. Hosein Salimi, Ahmad Vahid Dastjerdi, Reza-Gholi Esmaeli, Bahmanyar Morteza Bahhmanyar, Maj. Gen. Yahya Rahim Safavi); companies and individuals involved in nuclear program (Atomic Energy Organization of Iran, Mesbah Energy Company, Kala-Electric, Pars Trash Company, Farayand Technique, Defence Industries Organization, 7th of Tir, Mohammad Qannadi, Behman Asgarpour, Dawood Agha-Jani, Ehsan Monajemi, Jafar Mohammadi, Ali Hajinia Leilabadi, Lt. Gen.Mahammad Mehdi Nejad Nouri, Maj. Gen. Yahya Rahim Safavi) Security Council Resolution 1747, Vote: 15-0 (March 24, 2007) Arms: Requires that states prohibit the procurement of arms and related material from Iran. Calls on states to restrict supply of specified arms and combat equipment to Iran. Ballistic Missiles: Imposes asset freeze on individuals, companies, and banks involved in ballistic missile activities (see “Sanctioned” below). Calls on states to restrict such individuals from entry into their territories. Nuclear: Imposes asset freeze on individuals, companies, and banks involved in Iran’s nuclear activities (see “Sanctioned,” below). Calls on states to restrict such individuals from entry into their territories. 1 Banking and Finance: Imposes asset freeze on three companies and seven individuals affiliated with the IRGC. Calls on states to restrict travel of aforementioned individuals. IRGC/Military: Imposes asset freeze on three companies and seven individuals affiliated with the IRGC. Calls on states to restrict travel of aforementioned individuals. Travel: Requires states to notify the Security Council Committee of entry into or transit through their territory of any person named in Resolutions 1737 or 1747 for involvement in Iran’s nuclear or ballistic missile programs, or affiliated with the IRGC. Sanctioned: Individuals and companies involved in nuclear or ballistic missile programs (Ammunition and Metallurgy Industries Group, Esfahan Nuclear Fuel Research and Production Centre, Kavoshyar Company, Parchin Chemical Industries, Karaj Nuclear Research Centre, Novin Energy Company, Cruise Missile Industry Group, Bank Sepah and Bank Sepah International, Sanam Industrial Group, Ya Mahdi Industries Group, Fereidoun Abbasi-Danavi, Mohsen Fakhrizadeh-Mahabadi, Seyed Jaber Safdari, Amir Rahimi, Mohsen Hojati, Mehrdada Akhlaghi Ketabachi, Naser Maleki, Ahmad Derakhshandeh); individuals and companies affiliated with the IRGC (Qods Aeronautics Industries, Pars Aviation Services Company, Sho'a’ Aviation, Brig. Gen. Morteza Rezaie, Vice Adm. Ali Akbar Ahmadian, Brig. Gen. Mohammad Reza Zahedi, Rear Adm. Morteza Safari, Brig. Gen. Mohammad Hejazi, Brig. Gen. Qasem Soleimani, Gen. Zolqadr) Security Council Resolution 1803, Vote: 14-0-1 (March 3, 2008) Ballistic Missiles: Imposes an asset freeze on individuals and companies involved in Iran’s ballistic missile programs (see “Sanctioned” below). Calls on states to restrict travel of aforementioned individuals. Extends list of nuclear proliferation-related items banned from Iran. Nuclear: Imposes an asset freeze on individuals and companies involved in Iran’s nuclear programs (see “Sanctioned” below). Calls on states to restrict travel of aforementioned individuals. Imposes mandatory travel ban on five individuals involved in nuclear programs, named in Resolutions 1737 and 1747. Extends list of nuclear proliferation-related items barred from Iran. Banking and Finance: Calls on states to exercise vigilance in entering new public financial support commitments with Iran. Calls on states to exercise vigilance over Iranian bank transactions in their territories. 2 Sanctioned: Individuals and companies affiliated with nuclear and /or ballistic missile programs (Amir Moayyed Alai, Mohammad Fedai Ashiani, Abbas Rezaee Ashtiani, Haleh Bakhtiar, Morteza Behzad, Dr. Mohammad Eslami, Seyyed Hussein Hosseini, M. Javad Karimi Sabet, Hamid-Reza Mohajerani, Brig.-Gen. Mohammad Reza Naqdi, Houshang Nobari, Abbas Rashidi, Ghasem Soleymani, Abzar Boresh Kaveh Co., Barzahani Tejarat Tavanmad Saccal companies, Electro Sanam Company, Ettehad Technical Group, Industrial Factories of Precision, Jabber Ibn Hayan, Joza Industrial Co., Khorasan Metallurgy Industries, Niru Battery Manufacturing Company, Pishgam (Pioneer) Energy Industries, Safety Equipment Procurement, TAMAS Company) Security Council Resolution 1929, Vote: 12-2-1 (June 9, 2010) Arms: Requires states to prevent supply of specified arms and combat equipment to Iran. Ballistic Missiles: Prohibits Iran from developing ballistic missile capabilities. Requires states to prevent sale or transfer of missile systems. Imposes asset freeze and travel ban on persons, companies, and banks for involvement in ballistic missile programs (see “Sanctioned” below). Nuclear: Prohibits Iran from acquiring interest in commercial activity in other states involving uranium mining, production or use of nuclear materials and weapons-related technologies. Imposes an asset freeze and travel ban on persons, companies and banks for involvement in nuclear program (see “Sanctioned” below). IRGC/Military: Imposes an asset freeze on IRGC and 15 affiliated companies and organizations. Sanctioned: Individuals and companies involved in nuclear or ballistic missile activities (Amin Industrial Complex, Armament Industries Group, Defense Technology and Science Research Center, Doostan International Company, Farasakht Industries, First East Export Bank, P.L.C., Kaveh Cutting Tools Co., M. Babaie Industries, Malek Ashtar University, Ministry of Defense Logistics Export, Mizan Machinery Manufacturing, Modern Industries Technique Co., Nuclear Research Center for Agriculture and Medicine, Pejman Industrieal Services Corp., Sabalan Co., Sahand Aluminum Parts Industrial Co., Shahid Karrazi Industries, Special Industries Group, Tiz Pars, Yazd Metallurgy Industries, Javad Rahiqi); IRGC entities (Fater Institute, Gharagahe Sazandegi Ghaem, Ghorb Karbala, Ghorb Nooh, Hara Co., Imensazan Consultant Engineers Institute, Khatam al-Anbiya Construction Headquarters, Makin, Omran Sahel, Oriental Oil Kish, Rah Sahel, Rahab Engineering Institute, Sahel Consultant Engineers, Sepanir, Sepasad Engineering Co.); IRISL front companies (Irano Hind Shipping Co., IRISL Benelux NV, South Shipping Line Iran) 3 Security Council Resolution 2231, Vote: 15-0 (July 20, 2015) Final Nuclear Agreement: Endorses the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA) negotiated by Iran and world’s six major powers —Britain, China, France, Germany, Russia and the United States. Calls upon all states to fulfill their obligations under the JCPOA. Monitoring: Requests the Director General of the IAEA to undertake the necessary verification and monitoring of Iran's nuclear-related commitments for the full duration of those commitments under the JCPOA. Allows monitoring and containing of the production, assembly and storage of centrifuges for 20 years and monitoring of uranium mines and mills for 25 years. Reporting: Requests the Director General to provide regular updates to the IAEA Board of Governors and, as appropriate, in parallel to the Security Council on Iran’s implementation of its commitments under the JCPOA. Requests the Director General to report if he or she has reasonable grounds to believe there is an issue of concern. Requests that the Director General submit a report once the IAEA confirms that all nuclear material in Iran remains in peaceful activities. Ballistic Missiles: Calls on Iran not to undertake any activity related to ballistic missiles designed to be capable of delivering nuclear weapons, including launches using ballistic missile technology, until October 2023 or until the date on which the IAEA reaches the Broader Conclusion that all nuclear material in Iran remains in peaceful activities, whichever is earlier. Nuclear: Terminates all U.N. Security Council sanctions imposed on Iran’s nuclear program since 2006 following IAEA verification of Iran’s compliance and the peaceful nature of its program. Arms: Bans conventional arms transfers to Iran for five years or until the IAEA verifies that all of Iran’s nuclear material remains in peaceful activities. Travel: Terminates all U.N. Security Council travel restrictions imposed on Iranian individuals since 2006 following IAEA verification of Iran’s compliance and the peaceful nature of its nuclear program. IRGC/Military: Lifts all U.N. Security Council asset freezes of IRGC and Iranian military officials imposed since 2006 following IAEA verification of Iran’s compliance and the peaceful nature
Recommended publications
  • DEPARTMENT of the TREASURY Office Of
    This document is scheduled to be published in the Federal Register on 11/17/2017 and available online at https://federalregister.gov/d/2017-24947, and on FDsys.gov DEPARTMENT OF THE TREASURY Office of Foreign Assets Control Notice of OFAC Sanctions Actions AGENCY: Office of Foreign Assets Control, Treasury. ACTION: Notice. SUMMARY: The U.S. Department of the Treasury’s Office of Foreign Assets Control (OFAC) is publishing the names of 41 persons whose property and interests in property are blocked pursuant to the Global Terrorism Sanctions Regulations, and whose entries on OFAC’s Specially Designated National and Blocked Persons List (SDN List) have been amended accordingly. All property and interests in property subject to U.S. jurisdiction of these persons are blocked, and U.S. persons are generally prohibited from engaging in transactions with them. DATES: See Supplementary Information section. FOR FURTHER INFORMATION CONTACT: OFAC: Associate Director for Global Targeting, tel.: 202-622-2420; Assistant Director for Sanctions Compliance & Evaluation, tel.: 202-622-2490; Assistant Director for Licensing, tel.: 202-622-2480; or the Department of the Treasury’s Office of the General Counsel: Office of the Chief Counsel (Foreign Assets Control), tel.: 202-622-2410. SUPPLEMENTARY INFORMATION: Electronic Availability The SDN List and additional information concerning OFAC sanctions programs are available on OFAC's Web site (www.treas.gov/ofac). Notice of OFAC Actions On June 6, 2003, OFAC issued the GTSR (68 FR 34196, June 6, 2003) to implement E.O. 13224. OFAC has amended the GTSR on several occasions. On August 2, 2017, the President signed into law the Countering America’s Adversaries Through Sanctions Act, Public Law 115-44, Aug.
    [Show full text]
  • How Iran Would Apply Its Asymmetric Naval Warfare Doctrine in the F
    Occasional Paper Series Obsolete Weapons, Unconventional Tactics, and Martyrdom Zeal: How Iran Would Apply its Asymmetric Naval Warfare Doctrine in a Future Conflict By Jahangir Arasli GEORGE C. MARSHALL EUROPEAN CENTER FOR SECURITY STUDIES No. 10 April 2007 ISSN 1863-6039 The George C. Marshall European Center for Security Studies The George C. Marshall European Center for Security Studies is a leading trans- atlantic defense educational and security studies institution. It is bilaterally sup- ported by the U.S. and German governments and dedicated to the creation of a more stable security environment by advancing democratic defense institutions and relationships; promoting active, peaceful engagement; and enhancing enduring partnerships among the nations of North America, Europe, and Eura- sia. The Marshall Center Occasional Paper Series The Marshall Center Occasional Paper Series seeks to further the legacy of the Center’s namesake, General George C. Marshall, by disseminating scholarly essays that contribute to his ideal of ensuring that Europe and Eurasia are de- mocratic, free, undivided, and at peace. Papers selected for this series are meant to identify, discuss, and influence current defense related security issues. The Marshall Center Occasional Paper Series focus is on comparative and interdisci- plinary topics, including international security and democratic defense manage- ment, civil-military relations, strategy formulation, terrorism studies, defense planning, arms control, peacekeeping, crisis management, regional and coop- erative security. The Marshall Center Occasional Papers are written by Marshall Center faculty and staff, Marshall Center alumni, or by individual, invited con- tributors, and are disseminated online and in a paper version. The views expressed in this publication are those of the author(s) and do not necessarily reflect the official policy or position of the George C.
    [Show full text]
  • RADICALIZATION DURING the ROUHANI YEARS Iran’S Political Shifts and Their Implications Contents
    ANALYSIS Political momentum in Iran now lies with the radicals. In the wake of U.S. sanctions, PEACE AND SECURITY President Hassan Rouhani’s policy of moderation has failed to produce promised RADICALIZATION economic growth. DURING THE Political shifts in Iran have up- ended the usual dynamics of inter-factional competition to not only affirm the radicals’ ROUHANI YEARS positions, but to also radical- ize the more moderate forces themselves. The hard-liners Iran’s Political Shifts and Their Implications remain a heterogenous group, with intense disputes over ideology and power. David Jalilvand and Achim Vogt (eds.) March 2021 Tehran’s nuclear and regional policies look set to become even more assertive while Iran’s progress in economic diversification renders con- cessions on its part less attractive. PEACE AND SECURITY RADICALIZATION DURING THE ROUHANI YEARS Iran’s Political Shifts and their Implications Contents Introduction 2 1 THE END OF MODERATION? SOCIAL AND POLITICAL RADICALISM UNDER HASSAN ROUHANI 4 Azadeh Zamirirad 2 RADICAL IRAN: GENERATIONAL CHANGES AND OUTLOOKS 9 Narges Bajoghli 3 IRAN’S HEZBOLLAH: A RADICAL AND DECISIVE POLITICAL CURRENT 15 Walter Posch 4 THE FUTURE OF IRAN’S NUCLEAR POLICY AND APPROACH TO THE JCPOA 23 Dina Esfandiary 5 A RADICAL IRAN: IMPLICATIONS FOR THE PERSIAN GULF AND THE LEVANT 29 Hamidreza Azizi 6 IRAN’S RESISTANCE ECONOMY: AMBITIONS AND REALITY 36 David Jalilvand About the Authors 48 1 FRIEDRICH-EBERT-STIFTUNG – RADICALIZATION DURING THE ROUHANI YEARS Introduction At the start of 2021, the political momentum in Iranian stitutions.1 In February 2020, hard-liners constituted the domestic and foreign affairs lies squarely with the radicals.
    [Show full text]
  • TAKING BACK the NEIGHBORHOOD the IRGC Provincial Guard’S Mission to Re-Islamize Iran
    THE WASHINGTON INSTITUTE FOR NEAR EAST POLICY n JUNE 2020 n PN81 Saeid Golkar TAKING BACK THE NEIGHBORHOOD The IRGC Provincial Guard’s Mission to Re-Islamize Iran During 2019, the Islamic Republic of Iran erupted in nearly simultaneous public protests in cities across the country. Thousands of citizens stopped traffic along major highways, marched, and shouted complaints about the gasoline price hike that had ostensibly sparked the demonstrations in the first place. They also aired their broader complaints against the leadership. Indeed, more than forty years after the country’s Islamic Revolution, the Iranian regime has become more repressive than ever, with an apparatus that attempts to reach into every facet of life and society. The protests, for their part, were brutally quelled through force. This was a familiar experience for Iranians seeking to express their displeasure. Scholars and journalists have produced a growing body of literature on political repression in Iran and the regime’s oppressive tools, including the police and the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) in general.1 © 2020 THE WASHINGTON INSTITUTE FOR NEAR EAST POLICY. ALL RIGHTS RESERVED. SAEID GOLKAR But these studies focus mainly on the IRGC’s 1979, to protect itself against a possible coup by military and security role and its five official divisions: Iran’s conventional army, the Artesh. At the beginning the IRGC Ground Forces (IRGC-GF), Aerospace of the Iran-Iraq War, in September 1980, the IRGC Force (IRGC-ASF), Navy (IRGCN), Qods Force was rapidly expanded to include ten departments. It (IRGC-QF),2 and Basij organization.3 Only a handful incorporated the National Mobilization (Basij-e Melli), of studies cover the IRGC’s role in political suppression which was created independently several months and maintaining state control, leaving a gap in the earlier, on April 30, 1980.
    [Show full text]
  • Major General Mohammad Bagheri: Chief of Staff of Iran's Armed Forces
    Major General Mohammad Bagheri: Chief of Staff of Iran’s Armed Forces November 2020 1 Table of Contents Early Life and the Iran-Iraq War ............................................................................................................... 3 Reorganization, Positioning, and Firouzabadi’s Shadow ........................................................................... 4 Promotion as Chief of Staff of Iran’s Armed Forces .................................................................................. 7 Conclusion ............................................................................................................................................... 9 2 Major General Mohammad Hossein Bagheri Major General Mohammad Hossein Bagheri is the chief of staff of Iran’s Armed Forces. The chief of staff is considered the highest ranking military officer in the Islamic Republic and is responsible for the coordination and supervision of Iran’s regular army (Artesh) and the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC). Bagheri ascended to this post through a storied family military history and quiet competence. His arrival at the helm of the Armed Forces General Staff (AFGS) also bolstered the IRGC’s role in Iran’s national command structure. Early Life and the Iran-Iraq War There are conflicting reports as to the year of Bagheri’s birth. Some sources, including the U.S. Treasury Department, say he was born in 1960 in Tehran. Others list the year as 1958. In addition to his military training, Bagheri received a conventional education as an engineering student and later earned a doctoral degree in political geography from Tarbiyat-e Modares University. Bagheri’s revolutionary activities date back to the founding of the Islamic Republic in 1979. He was one of the students who attacked and seized the U.S. embassy, and Iranian media indicates that he deployed to the battlefield one month after the Iran-Iraq War began. There isn’t an extensive record of his service in these early years.
    [Show full text]
  • Civil-Military Relations, State Strategies and Presidential
    Conflict Studies Research Centre Middle East Series 05/26 Civil-Military Relations, State Strategies & Presidential Elections in Iran Dr Babak Ganji Key Points The candidacy of Mohammad Baqer Qalibaf, the former commander of the Law-Enforcement Force and Revolution Guards air force, has triggered major debate about civil-military relations in Iran. Opponents of the participation of former military commanders in politics have argued that it contravenes the late Ayatollah Khomeyni’s ruling that the military must not interefere in politics. Four of the presidential candidates: Qalibaf; former C-in-C of the Guards Mohsen Reza’i; former director of the state radio and television Ali Larijani and mayor of Tehran Ahmadinezhad have served as military commanders. However, it is Qalibaf’s candidacy which has been most controversial. Qalibaf has argued that reformism and fundamentalism are not necessarily incompatible. Qalibaf has expressed his preferences for "a mixed economy" and also sought to appeal to young religious people. The current head of the Expediency Council and former president Akbar Hashemi-Rafsanjani has sought to improve his chances in the elections by arguing that only he is capable of preventing the militarization of the Iranian political system. Rafsanjani has moved closer to "reformist" political figures and some reformist journalists have been arguing that a major realignment of factions in Iran is in the offing. It would be wrong to interpret this realignment in terms of "hard- liners" versus "pragmatists". Qalibaf has been trying to gain the hard- line conservative and radical votes. However, he has been vehemently opposed by the largest vigilante organization in the country, Ansar-e Hezbollah, which has accused Qalibaf and Rafsanjani's election headquarters of coordinating their strategies.
    [Show full text]
  • Iran's Shift to a More Offensive Posture Could Be a Sign of Weakness by Farzin Nadimi
    MENU Policy Analysis / PolicyWatch 3073 Iran's Shift to a More Offensive Posture Could Be a Sign of Weakness by Farzin Nadimi Feb 7, 2019 Also available in Arabic ABOUT THE AUTHORS Farzin Nadimi Farzin Nadimi, an associate fellow with The Washington Institute, is a Washington-based analyst specializing in the security and defense affairs of Iran and the Persian Gulf region. Brief Analysis Pressures at home and abroad may be driving the regime to embrace new offensive operations and tactics, leaving the door open for a broader offensive strategy if another war erupts in the Middle East. n the post-9/11 era of regional military interventions, Iran sought to deter invasion by adopting a defensive I strategy with a “threat-centric” asymmetric approach. This strategy entailed focusing on its own vulnerabilities and how enemies might exploit them, developing suitable means to detect and respond to imminent threats. Over time, however, the regime appeared to question the efficacy of this approach, especially after President Trump assumed office and pulled the United States out of the nuclear deal. Last year’s deadly Islamic State terrorist attack in Ahvaz—for which Tehran blamed the United States and its regional allies—added to the air of uncertainty, as did Israel’s numerous military strikes against Iranian activities in Syria. Today, Tehran’s rhetoric and actions indicate that its defensive threat-centric posture may be giving way to an offensive “target-centric” paradigm. The armed forces are already hinting at this new mindset at the tactical and operational levels. If this trend continues—particularly if it results in a wider strategic shift—it could spur Iranian forces or their partners to disrupt the status quo in theaters such as the Golan Heights, west Iraq, and Yemen (e.g., Hodeida and the Bab al-Mandab Strait).
    [Show full text]
  • MIDDLE EAST, NORTH AFRICA Iranian Influence Extends to the Mediterranean
    MIDDLE EAST, NORTH AFRICA Iranian Influence Extends to the Mediterranean OE Watch Commentary: In 2007, Mohammad Ali Jafari “The Islamic Revolution has expanded its strategic succeeded Yahya Rahim Safavi as the head of the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC), and immediately set upon influence to the Mediterranean Sea.” restructuring it. Because Jafari calculated that the greatest threat to the Iranian regime would come from inside the Islamic Republic rather than outside it, he reorganized IRGC units so that there would be one in each province (and two in Tehran). On 23 July 2011, Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei delivered a speech to Iranian sailors at Iran’s main Persian Gulf port of Bandar Abbas, telling the Iranian Navy that they were “symbols of the might of the Iranian nation” and the vanguard of Iranian force projection. Three months later, Ali Fadavi, commander of the IRGC Navy, said “The military power of the United States is maritime,” he explained, “Naturally, the main battlefield is the sea and so the Revolutionary Guards Navy will be the center of resisting and defending and safeguarding the Islamic revolution.” Iranian leaders and military officials began talking about Iran not only as a regional power, but a pan-regional power as well (See, “Iran’s Navy Expands Operational Range,” OE Watch, January 2013). On 24 November 2014, Deputy IRGC Deputy Commander of the Armed Forces General Staff Mehdi Rabbani. chief Hossein Salami declared, “While, one day, our nation was Source: Tasnim News, https://goo.gl/rLfffC, CC 4.0. fighting
    [Show full text]
  • Assessing the Domestic Roles of Iran's Islamic
    THE ARTS This PDF document was made available CHILD POLICY from www.rand.org as a public service of CIVIL JUSTICE the RAND Corporation. EDUCATION ENERGY AND ENVIRONMENT Jump down to document6 HEALTH AND HEALTH CARE INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS The RAND Corporation is a nonprofit NATIONAL SECURITY research organization providing POPULATION AND AGING PUBLIC SAFETY objective analysis and effective SCIENCE AND TECHNOLOGY solutions that address the challenges SUBSTANCE ABUSE facing the public and private sectors TERRORISM AND HOMELAND SECURITY around the world. TRANSPORTATION AND INFRASTRUCTURE Support RAND WORKFORCE AND WORKPLACE Purchase this document Browse Books & Publications Make a charitable contribution For More Information Visit RAND at www.rand.org Explore the RAND National Defense Research Institute View document details Limited Electronic Distribution Rights This document and trademark(s) contained herein are protected by law as indicated in a notice appearing later in this work. This electronic representation of RAND intellectual property is provided for non-commercial use only. Unauthorized posting of RAND PDFs to a non-RAND Web site is prohibited. RAND PDFs are protected under copyright law. Permission is required from RAND to reproduce, or reuse in another form, any of our research documents for commercial use. For information on reprint and linking permissions, please see RAND Permissions. This product is part of the RAND Corporation monograph series. RAND monographs present major research findings that address the challenges facing the public and private sectors. All RAND mono- graphs undergo rigorous peer review to ensure high standards for research quality and objectivity. The Rise of the Pasdaran Assessing the Domestic Roles of Iran’s Islamic Revolutionary Guards Corps Frederic Wehrey, Jerrold D.
    [Show full text]
  • Implementing Regulation (EU) No 267 / 2012
    L 163/4 EN Official Journal of the European Union 24.6.2017 II (Non-legislative acts) REGULATIONS COUNCIL IMPLEMENTING REGULATION (EU) 2017/1124 of 23 June 2017 implementing Regulation (EU) No 267/2012 concerning restrictive measures against Iran THE COUNCIL OF THE EUROPEAN UNION, Having regard to the Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union, Having regard to Council Regulation (EU) No 267/2012 of 23 March 2012 concerning restrictive measures against Iran and repealing Regulation (EU) No 961/2010 (1), and in particular Article 46(6) thereof, Having regard to the proposal of the High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy, Whereas: (1) On 23 March 2012, the Council adopted Regulation (EU) No 267/2012. (2) In accordance with Article 46(6) of Regulation (EU) No 267/2012, where the United Nations decides to amend the identifying data of a listed person or entity, the Council is to amend Annex VIII to that Regulation accordingly. (3) The United Nations has decided to amend the identifying information of 23 persons and 14 entities listed in Annex VIII to Regulation (EU) No 267/2012. (4) Annex VIII to Regulation (EU) No 267/2012 should therefore be amended accordingly, HAS ADOPTED THIS REGULATION: Article 1 Annex VIII to Regulation (EU) No 267/2012 is amended as set out in the Annex to this Regulation. Article 2 This Regulation shall enter into force on the date following that of its publication in the Official Journal of the European Union. (1) OJ L 88, 24.3.2012, p.
    [Show full text]
  • The Basij Resistance Force
    The Basij Resistance Force Ali Alfoneh The Basij Resistance Force is a volunteer paramilitary organization operating under the Islamic Revolutionary Guards Corps (IRGC). It is an auxiliary force with many duties, especially internal security, law enforcement, special religious or political events and morals policing. The Basij have branches in virtually every city and town in Iran. The Basij have become more important since the disputed 2009 election. Facing domestic demands for reform and anticipating economic hardships from international sanctions, Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei has mobilized the Basij to counter perceived threats to the regime. The Basij’s growing powers have in turn increased the force’s political and economic influence and contributed to the militarization of the Iranian regime. Yet the Basij also face problems, reflected in their poor handling of the 2009 protests, limited budget and integration into the IRGC Ground Forces in July 2008. Targeted U.S. and international sanctions against the IRGC could further weaken the Basij. Overview On November 25, 1979, revolutionary leader Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini called for the creation of a “twenty million man army.” Article 151 of the constitution obliges the government to “provide a program of military training, with all requisite facilities, for all its citizens, in accordance with the Islamic criteria, in such a way that all citizens will always be able to engage in the armed defense of the Islamic Republic of Iran.” The “people’s militia” was established on April 30, 1980. Basij is the name of the force; a basiji is an individual member. The Basij were initially engaged in assisting the Revolutionary Guards and the Revolutionary Committees (disbanded in the early 1990s) to secure law and order in major population centers.
    [Show full text]
  • The IRGC Command Network Formal Structures and Informal Influence
    THE IRGC COMMAND NETWORK FORMAL STRUCTURES AND INFORMAL INFLUENCE A REPOrt BY AEI’S CRITICAL THREATS PROJECT JULY 2013 WILL FULTON All rights reserved. Printed in the United States of America. ©2013 AEI’s Critical Threats Project Cover Image: Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei addresses IRGC commanders, Tehran, July 2011. Left to right: Mohammad Bagheri, Ali Saidi, Mohammad Ali Jafari, Qassem Suleimani, Mohammad Pakpour, Gholam Ali Rashid. Credit: leader.ir. The IRGC Command Network Formal Structures and Informal Influence Will Fulton July 2013 A report by AEI’s Critical Threats Project ABOUT US About the Author Will Fulton is an analyst, a Palantir fellow, and the IRGC Project team lead at the Critical Threats Project of the American Enterprise Institute. His research focuses on Iran’s IRGC and its global force projection network, including the Quds Force, Lebanese Hezbollah, and proxies, as well as Iranian domestic politics. Will has testified before Congress and briefed congressional staff, as well as members of the defense community. He received his B.A. in Political Science from the University of Wisconsin- Madison, and received his M.A. in Near Eastern Studies with a concentration in Persian and Iranian Studies from the University of Arizona. Acknowledgments The author would like to thank: Frederick W. Kagan for his patient guidance throughout the research, analysis, and writing process; Jessica Lewis for helping to frame the assessment in its early stages; Katherine Faley for her editorial expertise and support; Stephen Gailliot and Amir Toumaj for their invaluable research and analytical support; Maggie Obriwin for InDesign training, and; Marie Donovan and Mary Ella Simmons for their assistance.
    [Show full text]