Institutional Partisanship
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Download History of the House Page Program
HISTORY OF THE HOUSE PAGE PROGRAM CONTENTS Introduction 1 Page Origins 2 Page Responsibilities 7 Representatives as Role Models and Mentors 10 Page Traditions 12 Breaking Down Racial and Gender Barriers 17 Pages and Publicity 19 Schools, Dorms, and Reforms 21 Pages and the Communications Revolution 26 The End of the House Page Program 28 Notes 30 Pages wore lapel pins to identify themselves during work or to affiliate themselves with the Page program. Left, a National Fraternity of Pages pin owned by Glenn Rupp, a House Page in the 1930s, includes the date 1912, which may indicate the founding date of the organization. Middle, a Page pin from 1930 is more elaborately designed than the average uniform lapel pin and features an enamel shield with links attaching a pendant that indicates the date of service. Right, a pin from 100th Congress (1987– 1989) has a House seal in the center and is similar to those worn by Members on their own lapels. Page Pins, Collection of the U.S. House of Representatives i House Pages pose for a class photo on the East Front of the Capitol. Class Photo from The Congressional Eagle Yearbook, 2007, Collection of the U.S. House of Representatives For more than two centuries, young people served as Pages in the U.S. House of Representatives and enjoyed an unparalleled opportunity to observe and participate in the legislative process in “the People’s House.” Despite the frequent and colossal changes to America’s national fabric over that period, the expectations and experiences of House Pages, regardless of when they served, have been linked by certain commonalities—witnessing history, interacting with Representatives, and taking away lifelong inspiration to participate in civic life. -
Self-Guided Tour of the State House
MAINE STATE HOUSE HALL OF FLAGS Next is a portrait of Margaret Chase United States Senate from 1980 to SELF-GUIDED TOUR From the Welcome Center, turn right Smith, who has the distinction of being 1995, and served as Senate Majority and continue on to the main corridor the first woman to have been elected to Leader from 1990 to 1995. of the building, then turn either right both houses of Congress. She was also or left to take the stairs or elevator to the first woman to have her name From 1996 to 2000, Senator Mitchell the second floor and the Hall of Flags. placed in nomination for President by served as chairman of the peace The flags displayed here are replicas one of the two major political parties. negotiations in Northern Ireland. of the original flags which are now This happened at the 1964 Republican Under his leadership the governments stored at the Maine State Museum, Convention in San Francisco. of Northern Ireland and the United WELCOME CENTER adjacent to the State House. Kingdom were able to arrive at the After entering the State House from the On the other side of the double doors is historic Good Friday Agreement that public west entrance, visit the These flags were used by military a portrait of Edmund S. Muskie, brought peace to Northern Ireland after Welcome Center to the right of the regiments from Maine that fought in Governor of Maine from 1955 to 1959, many decades of strife referred to there security kiosk. On the wall to the left the Civil War, the Spanish-American U.S. -
Can Party Governance Endure in the U.S. House of Representatives? a Personal Essay by Donald R
Can Party Governance Endure in the U.S. House of Representatives? A Personal Essay By Donald R. Wolfensberger A Congress Project 120th Anniversary Roundtable on Woodrow Wilson’s Congressional Government Monday, November 14, 2005 I was first introduced to Woodrow Wilson’s 1885 treatise, Congressional Government: A Study in American Politics, as a graduate student in political science at the University of Iowa in the mid-1960s. That same course also included on its reading list Congressional Government’s contemporary counterpart, James MacGregor Burns’s Deadlock of Democracy: Four Party Politics in America (1963), and Alexander and Juliette George’s psycho-biography of Wilson, Woodrow Wilson and Colonel House: A Personality Study (1964). I bundled my findings and opinions from these and other readings into a review essay titled (as I recall it), “James MacGregor Burns’s Deadlock of Democracy and Anglophilia in American Politics .” In the paper I traced the love affair many political scientists have had over the years with Wilson’s idealized notion of transplanting a British-like parliamentary system in American soil. Most notable among these was the report of the Committee on Political Parties of the American Political Science Association in 1950 titled, “Toward a More Responsible Two Party System.”1 I concluded in my review essay that any such transplant attempt would never take root and flourish here because our constitutional soil and evolving political environment were quite different from Britain’s, notwithstanding similar institutional traits. The reason the transplant would not take, I argued, was that our constitutional system of representative government was based, first and foremost, on the geographic representation of the people, whereas the British parliamentary system was based primarily on the representation of political parties, with constituency representation a secondary concern. -
The Contemporary Presidencythe Obama Administrative Presidency
FEATURES The Contemporary Presidency The Obama Administrative Presidency: Some Late-Term Patterns ANDREW RUDALEVIGE President Obama’s iteration of the administrative presidency, as his term ended, used both extant tools and stressed new ones. This essay centers on three themes: (1) the array of managerial directives used, as a caution against simply counting executive orders to measure Obama’s administrative efforts; (2) the central role of statutory interpretation to find power in extant law to justify presidential prefer- ences in areas such as health care, environmental protection, and immigration, with mixed results in the courtroom and thus on the ground; and (3) the aggressive—and far less challenged—use of that same tool in foreign policy and the war powers. In each area the Obama administrative presidency will bequeath useful precedent to his successors. In the lengthening shadow of the administrative state, Richard Nathan (1986, 82) wrote of an “administrative presidency”—necessitated by the fact that “in a complex, technologically advanced society in which the role of government is pervasive, much of what we would define as policymaking is done through the execution of laws in the man- agement process.” Two decades years later, one-time White House policy adviser and future Supreme Court Justice Elena Kagan would observe (2001, 2385) that “by the close of Clinton’s presidency, a fundamental ...transformation had occurred in the institution- al relationship between the administrative agencies and the Executive Office of the Presi- dent.” The new relationship was one that involved using a multitude of executive management tools to enhance presidential control of the bureaucracy—in Kagan’s phrase, to create “presidential administration.” Another 15 years have passed, but the dynamics Kagan described remain key to understanding presidential behavior. -
Benjamin C. West Oral History Interviews Final Edited Transcripts
Benjamin C. West Press Gallery, U.S. House of Representatives (1942–1968) Superintendent, Daily Press Gallery, U.S. House of Representatives (1969–1986) Oral History Interviews Final Edited Transcripts August 24, 2005 August 31, 2005 September 7, 2005 January 19, 2006 Office of the Historian U.S. House of Representatives Washington, D.C. Table of Contents Interview Abstract i Interviewee Biography i Editing Practices ii Citation Information ii Interviewer Biography iii Interview One 1 Interview Two 53 Interview Three 110 Interview Four 166 Notes 203 Index 204 Abstract Benjamin West joined the staff of the House Press Gallery in 1942 when he was 15 years old. His 44-year career spanned the pinnacle and the decline of the newspaper as Americans’ primary source of information and the ascendancy of electronic media. In this series of interviews, West discussed the evolution of the House Press Gallery, particularly as the press sought to explain federal actions and policies that had become increasingly important in Americans’ everyday lives. He described the structure of the gallery, related its early history, and detailed its daily operations under its second and third superintendents, William J. Donaldson, Jr., and Richard (Dick) Embly. West explained the role of the Standing Committee of Correspondents, mentioning many of its key members, and its dynamic relationship with the gallery. He recalled pioneering women reporters and African- American reporters in the 1940s and historic events such as the 1954 shooting in the House Chamber and the 1974 Nixon impeachment hearings, both of which he witnessed. West also provided insight into the complex role of the gallery staff—particularly the superintendent—in its efforts to serve “two masters”: the press and the Members and staff. -
“Regular Order” in the US House: a Historical Examination of Special
The Erosion of “Regular Order” in the U.S. House: A Historical Examination of Special Rules Michael S. Lynch University of Georgia [email protected] Anthony J. Madonna University of Georgia [email protected] Allison S. Vick University of Georgia [email protected] May 11, 2020 The Rules Committee in the U.S. House of Representatives is responsible for drafting special rules for most bills considered on the floor of the House. These “special rules” set the guidelines for floor consideration including rules of debate and the structure of the amending process. In this chapter we assess how the majority party uses special rules and the Rules Committee to further their policy and electoral goals. We explain the work of the Rules Committee and assess how the use of rules has changed over time. Using a dataset of “important” legislation from 1905-2018, we examine the number of enactments considered under restrictive rules and the rise of these types of rules in recent Congresses. Additionally, we use amendment data from the 109th-115th Congresses to analyze the amending process under structured rules. Introduction In October of 2015, Rep. Paul Ryan (R-WI) was elected Speaker of the House. Among other promises, Ryan pledged to allow more floor amendments through open processes and to return the House to “regular order” (DeBonis 2015). Ryan’s predecessor, former-Speaker John Boehner (R-OH), had been aggressively criticized by members of both parties for his usage of special rules to bar amendments. Despite his optimism, many were skeptical Ryan would be able to deliver on his open rule promises.1 This skepticism appeared to be warranted. -
Woodrow Wilson, Congress, and the Income Tax by Don
Woodrow Wilson, Congress, and the Income Tax By Don Wolfensberger An Introductory Essay for the Congress Project Seminar on “Congress and Tax Policy” Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars Tuesday, March 16, 2004 At almost every session Congress has made some effort, more or less determined, towards changing the revenue system in some essential portion; and that system has never escaped radical alteration for ten years together. Had revenue been graduated by the comparatively steady standard of the expenditures, it must have been kept stable and calculable; but depending as it has done on a much debated and constantly fluctuating industrial policy, it has been regulated in accordance with a scheme which has passed through as many phases as there have been vicissitudes and vagaries in the fortunes of commerce and the tactics of parties. – Woodrow Wilson Congressional Government (1885) Introduction The modern American tax system was conceived during the presidency of Woodrow Wilson (1913-1921). The Sixteenth Amendment to the Constitution, empowering Congress “to lay and collect taxes on incomes, from whatever source derived....” was ratified on February 23, 1913, just nine days prior to Wilson’s inauguration as president. One of Wilson’s first acts as president was to call Congress into special session on April 7 for the purpose of legislating lower tariffs and thereby fulfilling one of the campaign pledges of the Democratic Party platform and of Wilson the candidate. The next day, April 8, Wilson traveled to Capitol Hill to deliver his tariff message in person before a joint session of Congress–the first president to do so since John Adams.1 Part of Wilson’s “New Freedom” platform was to dismantle monopolies, and one of the ways of doing so was to take away high protective tariffs which he saw as one of the economic foundations of monopolies. -
American History 1020: Lecture Outline
Scholars Crossing Faculty Publications and Presentations Helms School of Government 1992 American History 1020: Lecture Outline Steven Alan Samson Liberty University, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.liberty.edu/gov_fac_pubs Part of the Other Social and Behavioral Sciences Commons, Political Science Commons, and the Public Affairs, Public Policy and Public Administration Commons Recommended Citation Samson, Steven Alan, "American History 1020: Lecture Outline" (1992). Faculty Publications and Presentations. 310. https://digitalcommons.liberty.edu/gov_fac_pubs/310 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Helms School of Government at Scholars Crossing. It has been accepted for inclusion in Faculty Publications and Presentations by an authorized administrator of Scholars Crossing. For more information, please contact [email protected]. 1 AMERICAN HISTORY 1020: LECTURE OUTLINE Steven Alan Samson I. THE STUDY OF HISTORY A. THE NATURE OF HISTORY 1. Role of Ideas and Presuppositions 2. Dual Purpose of History a. Seeking Facts: Reliability and Selectivity b. Interpreting Meaning Reading 1: Philosophies of History: A Secular View B. INESCAPABLE CONCEPTS 1. Sovereignty: Ultimacy 2. Ends: Goal, Purposes 3. Means: Blueprints, Plan, Method 4. Truth: Standard, Epistemology, Infallibility 5. Consequences: Ethics, Accountability, Liability Reading 2: Inescapable Concepts C. TWO EARLY VIEWS OF HISTORY 1. Cyclical a. Revolution b. Sacred Calendar c. Golden Age d. Polytheism e. Eternal Recurrence: Friedrich Nietzsche f. Oswald Spengler and Arnold Toynbee 2. Linear a. Teleology (telos = goal) b. History as a Story c. God's Self-Revelation d. Providence and Theophany (appearance of God) e. "The Greatest Story Ever Told" f. -
“Regular Order” in the US House: a Historical Examination of Special
The Erosion of “Regular Order” in the U.S. House: A Historical Examination of Special Rules1 Michael S. Lynch University of Georgia [email protected] Anthony J. Madonna University of Georgia [email protected] Allison S. Vick University of Georgia [email protected] August 25, 2019 1 Paper prepared for the 2019 Annual Meeting of the American Political Science Association in Washington, DC. The authors would like to thank Alyssa Achiron, Ari Anderson, Destiny Burch, Mathilde Carpet, Christina Chu, Sarah Ensley, James Everson, Patrick Femia, Christopher Ferguson, Lillian Holmes, Brooke Intlekofer, Mariliz Kastberg-Leonard, Caitlyn Kinard, Michael Klein, Andrew Lance, Zachary McDowell, Ellie McQuaig, Ansley Mobley, Susan Murley, Alexandria Pinckney, Spencer Pipkin, Kelsey Pruitt, Zachary Taylor, Jillian Tracy and Jaaie Varshney for their research assistance. All errors remain the authors. Introduction In October of 2015, Rep. Paul D. Ryan (R-WI) was elected Speaker of the House. Among other promises, Ryan pledged to allow more floor amendments through open processes and to return the House to “regular order” (DeBonis 2015). Ryan’s predecessor, Former-Speaker John Boehner (R-OH), had been aggressively criticized by members of both parties for his usage of special rules to bar amendments. Despite his optimism, many were skeptical Ryan would be able to deliver on his open rule promises (see e.g. Reynolds 2015). This skepticism appeared to be warranted. By May of 2018, Speaker Ryan and the 115th Congress had broken the record for the most closed rules in congressional history (McPherson 2018). Ryan’s promise reflected the important role played by rules in legislative bodies. -
Party Voting and the Institutionalization of the Whip System
Party Voting and the Institutionalization of the Whip System Brad T. Gomez Department of Political Science University of South Carolina Columbia, SC 29208 [email protected] Paper prepared for presentation at the Annual Meeting of the American Political Science Association, Washington, DC, August 31 – September 3, 2005. The author thanks Annabel Azim and A.J. Barghothi for their research assistance. In his classic work, Congressional Government, Woodrow Wilson (1885) famously described power within the United States House of Representatives as being decentralized among the chairs of the standing committees. Indeed, so great was their authority that Wilson characterized the chairs as “47 seigniories, in each of which a standing committee is the court-baron and its chairman lord proprietor” (1885, 76). One of the great ironies of this assessment of congressional government as being “committee government” is that it came to print just as the House entered into its most intense period of party government. Scholars routinely describe 1890–1910 as being the zenith of party government in the United States (e.g., Rohde 1991; Schickler 2001). The power of parties during the period, especially congressional Republicans, was manifest in both institutional arrangements and legislative behavior. Procedural change began with the succession of Republican Thomas Brackett Reed of Maine as Speaker of the House during the 51st Congress. Despite his party only holding a slim majority, Reed successfully pursued an aggressive partisan agenda by stripping the minority party of its ability to obstruct House business. By reinterpreting House procedures and establishing “Reed’s Rules,” the Speaker and his Republican majority passed sweeping changes in tariff, pension, and monetary policies. -
The “Regular Order”: a Perspective
The “Regular Order”: A Perspective November 6, 2020 Congressional Research Service https://crsreports.congress.gov R46597 SUMMARY R46597 The “Regular Order”: A Perspective November 6, 2020 Many contemporary lawmakers urge a return to “regular order” lawmaking. In general, the regular order refers to a traditional, committee-centered process of lawmaking, very Walter J. Oleszek much in evidence during most of the 20th century. Today, Congress has evolved to Senior Specialist in become largely a party-centered institution. Committees remain important, but they are American National less important than previously as “gatekeepers” to the floor. This development Government represents a fundamental “then and now” change in the power dynamics of Capitol Hill. Regular order is generally viewed as a systematic, step-by-step lawmaking process that emphasizes the role of committees: bill introduction and referral to committee; the conduct of committee hearings, markups, and reports on legislation; House and Senate floor consideration of committee-reported measures; and the creation of conference committees to resolve bicameral differences. Many Members and commentators view this sequential pattern as the ideal or “best practices” way to craft the nation’s laws. Regular order is a lawmaking process that promotes transparency, deliberation, and the wide participation of Members in policy formulation. Significant deviations from the textbook model of legislating—common in this party-centric period—might be called “irregular,” “nontraditional,” “unorthodox,” or “unconventional” lawmaking. The well- known “Schoolhouse Rock” model of legislating still occurs, but its prominence has declined compared with the rise of newer, party leadership-directed processes. Regular or irregular procedures can successfully be used to translate ideas into laws. -
Rules and the Containment of Interpersonal Conflict in Congress
Rules and the Containment of Interpersonal Conflict in Congress Christian Fong* Abstract Congressional rules are chosen by majority vote, but the application of those rules often leads to different outcomes than would prevail under direct majority rule. Why does Congress enact rules in the first place, and why wouldn't a majority overturn those rules whenever it disliked the outcomes they produced? Drawing from work in psychology, I argue legislators become angry and engage in socially costly retaliation when unfavorable outcomes are produced by discretionary authority but not when they are produced by the application of fixed rules. Consequently, rules sometimes inefficiently allo- cate congressional resources, but they also reduce costly interpersonal conflict within the institution. I present a model that provides conditions under which the legislature prefers rules and draw support for its predictions from the or- ganization of Congress and extant empirical literature. *Ph.D. Student, Graduate School of Business, Stanford University Address: Knight Management Center, 655 Knight Way, Stanford University, Stanford CA 94305. Email: [email protected]. 1 1 Introduction Congress is a self-governing institution: aside from a few restrictions imposed by the Constitution, each chamber may set its own rules by majority vote (Krehbiel, 1991). The majority may change the rules even when previously agreed upon rules formally preclude them from doing so. Thomas Reed's elimination of the disappearing quorum (McCall, 1914), George Norris's evis- ceration of the Speaker's right to assign committees (Peters, 1997), and Harry Reid's invokation of the nuclear option to confirm judicial nominees and exec- utive appointments (Smith, 2014, 1) are all examples of rules that were passed by majority vote in violation of the standing rules of their respective chambers.