http://waikato.researchgateway.ac.nz/ Research Commons at the University of Waikato Copyright Statement: The digital copy of this thesis is protected by the Copyright Act 1994 (New Zealand). The thesis may be consulted by you, provided you comply with the provisions of the Act and the following conditions of use: Any use you make of these documents or images must be for research or private study purposes only, and you may not make them available to any other person. Authors control the copyright of their thesis. You will recognise the author’s right to be identified as the author of the thesis, and due acknowledgement will be made to the author where appropriate. You will obtain the author’s permission before publishing any material from the thesis. Organising and Sustaining Hegemony: A Gramscian perspective on Suharto’s New Order Indonesia A thesis submitted in fulfilment of the requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy at the University of Waikato Ross O. Casci June 2006 To re-create something with words is like being alive twice ….. Under the Tuscan Sun, Frances Mayes ii Abstract The Suharto New Order was born out of ethnic conflict around religious, ideological and regional/cultural issues that were threatening national chaos. As a pre- requisite to pursuing the socio-political and economic developmental agendas deemed necessary to legitimize their hold on power, the new regime committed the resources of the state behind forging national unity and stability out of potentially antagonistic ethnic and cultural diversity. This study examines how the Suharto New Order sustained the processes that organised the Indonesian nation behind its agendas through an exclusive representation of the state ideology Pancasila, as the ideological pillar of socio-political and economic development. The Italian Marxist, Antonio Gramsci, viewed social politics as an arrangement that inextricably linked pluralism, political participation and ideological supremacy and placed critical emphasis on the methods by which a ruling order deployed ideology and culture to craft mass consensus that would underwrite the moral and intellectual legitimacy of hegemonic rule. The study is original in that it contrasts Gramsci’s insights into ideology as a discourse of hegemonic legitimacy, in the context of the Suharto New Order’s exclusive representation of Pancasila as the ideological pillar of the regime’s arrangement of Indonesian life. The study also examines whether the Gramscian model of hegemonic order is robust when employed to explain the Suharto regime’s decline and collapse, as well as the prospects for socio-political and economic stability during the post-Suharto transitionary phase and the pressures of Islamic socio- political resurgence, which were accompanied by demands for more liberal democratic processes and participation. Antonio Gramsci provides the analytical framework for the study, and the Suharto New Order the behavioural perspective, with the prime purpose of the research being to test Gramsci’s model of hegemonic order and ideological legitimacy against a contemporary context. With Indonesia comprising the world’s largest Islamic population, the Suharto New Order’s endeavours to construct national consensus and unity around Pancasila’s secular-nationalist orientation suggest prima facie a highly iii appropriate perspective in which to test Gramsci’s theories. The post-Suharto era of transition, also offers a timely opportunity to test the Italian Marxist’s thoughts on crafting national consensus to underwrite a ruling arrangement’s ideological legitimacy in the contemporary environment of Islamic socio-political resurgence accompanied by a global spread of secular, liberal democratic ideals. iv Acknowledgements Words are somewhat inadequate in expressing my gratitude to Dr. Dominic O’Sullivan, who helped me when I had lost my way and started me on a path along which first Fr. Rom steered me, and today Fr. Bruce and St. Anthony’s in Waiuku continue as my guide. My thanks and gratitude goes to my supervisor Dr. Alan Simpson, and my supporters, Drs. Mark Rolls and Ron Smith. All three have come to represent for me ideal teaching academics that I would be proud to emulate. Over the years that he has supervised my work, as well as thoughtful, coherent, guidance, Alan has provided a friendship that has come to be both appreciated and valued. Mark knows how I tend to go my own way, but at a stage when it was sorely needed, provided me with highly appropriate and valuable guidance. While my research area falls well outside Ron’s field, his stimulating academic presence in the department, his meticulous attention to detail, and the opportunities he has provided me to share with him his joy of teaching, have proved invaluable as a support. My thanks go to my family, and in particular Michelle, Damon and Joanne, who have remained my most vocal fans and supporters. I seek no greater reward from my studies, than the knowledge that I have made them all proud. Finally, my thanks go to Trish Tribe who came into my life when I chose to return to study. In partnership and friendship, Trish has made my life complete. My research would never have been completed without her guidance and academic example, together with her wonderful sense of humour and ceaseless support. v Table of Contents Abstract iii Acknowledgements v Table of Contents vi List of Tables xi List of figures xi Glossary and abbreviations xii Introduction 1. Preface 1 2. Thesis 8 3. The themes and issues 13 3.1 Regime political survival in Southeast Asia 13 3.2 Indonesia and liberal democracy 16 4. An analytical framework for the thesis 18 Chapter One: Antonio Gramsci and the thesis 19 1. Gramsci’s contribution 20 1.1 Gramsci and ideological legitimacy 20 1.2 Gransci and the Suharto New Order 21 1.3 Political ideology: Gramsci and Marx 25 1.4 Gramscian hegemony 28 1.5 Hegemony and ideology 32 1.6 Hegemonic legitimacy and counter-hegemony 35 1.7 Gramsci’s temporal power arrangement: his ‘historic bloc’ 37 1.8 The site of hegemonic contestation 39 1.9 Gramsci’s intellectual 40 1.9.1 The organic intellectual 42 1.9.2 The traditional intellectual 46 2. Hilley’s Malaysian study 47 2.1 Towards crisis and hegemonic challenge 51 2.2 An emergent counter-hegemony? 53 2.3 Comparing the constitutional basis of hegemony: Malaysia and Indonesia 56 3. The propositions 57 3.1 Proposition 1 58 3.2 Proposition 2 58 3.3 Proposition 3 59 3.4 Proposition 4 60 4. Thesis structure 61 4.1 Methodology and literary sources 66 5. Summary 66 vi Chapter Two: The Suharto New Order and Pancasila: the dialogue of ideological legitimacy 68 1. Introduction 68 2. The Sukarno ‘old’ order: Pancasila as the socio-political foundation of the independent unitary Indonesian state 71 3. The Suharto New Order and Pancasila as an ideology of integration, unity, and conformity 73 3.1 Pancasila and ideological conformity 75 3.2 Pancasila and its symbolism in achieving socio-political 78 control and conformity 3.2.1 Dwi Fungsi 78 3.2.2 Sara 79 3.2.3 Pancasila demokrasi: tightening New Order political control through the rationalisation of the political party system 80 3.2.4 ‘Upgrading course on the directives for the realisation and implementation of Pancasila’ (P4) 81 3.2.5 Further tightening the screws on socio-political control: azas tunggal 82 4. Pancasila: Islam and azas tunggal 83 4.1 Azus tunggal: societal consensus and ideological conformity 86 4.1.1 Pancasila and ‘traditionalist’ Islam in the post-azas tunggal era 87 4.1.2 Pancasila and modernist Islam in the post-azas tunggal era 89 4.1.3 Pancasila, democratisers, and the ABRI during the post-azas tunggal era 91 5. Pancasila’s relevance to Indonesian life 92 6. Pancasila: a doctrine of convenience and contrivance 96 7. Summary 100 Chapter Three: Indonesian political culture and its historical background 102 1. Indonesian political culture 103 1.1 Elite politics in Southeast Asia 103 1.2 Indonesia, Javanism and power 105 1.3 Political culture, ideology, and participation 107 1.4 The political conservatism of the Javanese ruling elites 110 2. Indonesia: historical and contextual outline 112 2.1 Background: Indonesia’s Dutch colonial experience and its legacy 112 2.2 Context 114 2.2.1 Sectarian interests and tensions 114 2.2.2 The independence era and the Sukarno ‘old order’ elites 115 vii 2.2.3 Suharto’s ruling order, its ruling class, and the modernising national elites 117 2.2.4 Institutionalizing New Order power and influence 118 2.2.5 ABRI and the New Order ‘Pancasila state’ 119 2.2.6 Relations of power, political organisation and a resurgent Islam 121 2.3 Suharto’s fall and the end of the New Order 125 2.3.1 Uncertainty among the New Order establishment Elites 125 2.3.2 The student movement and reformasi dan demokras. 127 3. Summary 129 Chapter Four: The Suharto New Order as a Gramscian ‘historic bloc’: its economic form, the New Order economic bloc 134 Gramsci and the economy 134 1. The New Order economic system 137 1.1 Origins 137 1.2 New Order economic policy frameworks 139 1.3 The beneficiaries of the Pancasila-ist New Order economy 142 1.4 The relationship between state and domestic capital 145 1.5 State capitalism 149 1.6 Corruption, the New Order economic bloc and the New Order ‘pact of dominance’ 151 2. The military and the New Order economic system 154 2.1 The origins of the ABRI’s involvement in economic and business affairs 154 2.2 Deepening ABRI business activity under the New Order 156 2.3 The extent of ABRI’s business activity 157 3.