Exploring Intercultural Education Discourses and Everyday Practices
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Exploring intercultural education discourses and everyday practices in a Greek-Cypriot primary school Elena Papamichael A Thesis submitted in fulfilment of the requirements for the PhD Degree at the Institute of Education, University of London February 2011 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS As I complete this thesis, I realize how generously so many individuals have provided me with their help, love, and support. Warmest and heartfelt thanks goes firstly to my exceptional supervisors, Hugh Starkey and Ann Phoenix, for dealing with my long sentences, my longer drafts, and my insecurities with so much patience and love. Hugh materially and emotionally encouraged me to present at conferences, apply for scholarships, publish, teach, and, even provided opportunities to dine and party at the Big Ben. Ann, willingly and kindly became my supervisor after being my upgrade examiner, offering academically and personally inspiring tea sessions in her yellow office and chats about all aspects of life, in addition to outstanding support. Michalinos Zembylas has been a great friend but also an unofficial supervisor, available at all times to comment on drafts, discuss, and share gastronomic experiences. Similarly, Nicos Trimikliniotis has provided me with ongoing support and advice, feedback on earlier drafts, opportunities to publish and contagious good spirits. I also thank David Gillborn for his feedback as my upgrade examiner and insightful discussions about a `white' researcher's strengths and weaknesses. My MA supervisor at Goldsmiths, Paul Dash, was the first to believe in my abilities to pursue a PhD, and has remained supportive and inspiring throughout the years. Special thanks for her proof-reading, feedback and astrological readings goes to my friend Panayiota Charalambous. Also, Chara Makriyianni, Spyros Spyrou and Peter Stevens, provided me with constant encouragement, feedback on earlier drafts, and good examples through their work and practice. Of course, any omissions or mistakes in this thesis are my own. My gratitude and respect goes to the teachers, children and parents of the school I researched, who accepted me in their everyday lives. Though anonymously, I thank them for their honesty and their hard work; and, as will be repeated in the following pages, for their good intentions. My big-fat-Greek-Cypriot extended family, too many and too special to mention, has provided comfort food, unconditional love and care. For always being there, I thank my friends Zoe, Anna, Elena, the three Marias, Simos and Thanasis. Thanks also goes to the friends I made while floating in the bubble of London: Felicia, Anna, Becky, Hande, Raphaelle, Evi, Judith, Bassel, Sam and Rania, for the feeling of belonging away from home. I thank my yoga teacher Graham, for teaching me how in the divine art of yoga, with our hard work, humility and surrender, we can lead a life through peace, love and joy. Thanks goes to Marios, who came along towards the end and provided the necessary motivation boost during those endless writing up stages. Looking forward to writing our life chapters together. Also, to my brother Andreas, not just because he's the only one I have but for being who he is. Finally, and most importantly, I thank my parents, teachers Prokopa and Michalis, to whom I dedicate this piece of work. Though not the much- desired grandchild (yet) it is the best way to express my gratitude for everything they have done and continue to do for me. 2 'As an individual, I can't undo the past and I can't undo my childhood. I can, however, choose what to do about race and racism now. I can't make my society or the place where I live or work suddenly nonracist, but I can decide how to live as a white person in relation to my privileged position as a white person. I can decide whether to laugh or object when I hear racist "humor"; I can decide how to treat people who aren't classified as "white"; I can decide what to do about the consequences racism produces for people, whether to be part of the solution or merely part of the problem. I don't feel guilty because my country is racist, because it wasn't my doing. But as a white person who participates in that society, I feel responsible to consider what to do about it. The only way to get past the potential for guilt and see how I can make a difference is to realize that the system isn't me and I'm not the system.' (Johnson, 1997, p. 16) 3 ABSTRACT This thesis is an ethnographic study of intercultural education discourses and everyday practices in an urban Greek-Cypriot primary school. The pupil population is comprised of Greek-Cypriots, Eastern European economic migrants and increasing numbers of newly- arrived Iraqi-Palestinian asylum-seekers. Despite the introduction of intercultural education policy in 2001, the education system prescribes a monoculturalist and nationalist ethos. At the same time, the limited opportunities for intercultural education training leave teachers uncertain as to how to respond to the increasing diversity. Informed by ethnographic, discursive and intersectional approaches, this study analyses data from fieldwork conducted in this school for a total of three months over a period of three years. The analysis identifies the discursive resources from which teachers draw to talk about diversity in Greek-Cypriot society and construct the Other, mainly in essentialist and negative ways. It also identifies teachers' constructions of racism on a societal and educational level, including racism denials, minimizations and justifications. The thesis argues that teachers' constructions of racism inhibit them from recognizing and challenging institutional racism and racialized incidents they observe among their pupils. The study also demonstrates how minoritized children become differentially racialized as groups and individuals through institutional, teachers' and children's discourses and practices, regardless of intentionality. As a result, many minoritized children experience school in an environment of harassment. The study discusses the experiences of an Iraqi-Palestinian boy as an example of how intercultural education is implemented. Some teachers' resistance to the dominant discourses of colourblindness and racism denial, and minoritized children's negotiation of their racialized positionings create the spaces of ambivalence that are necessary for change. The findings bear implications for policy and practice in terms of teacher training, development of antiracist policies and supportive networks for teachers, changes in the curriculum, and, structural transformations, so that educational opportunities are equally provided to all children. 4 TABLE OF CONTENTS PREFACE: AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF THE QUESTION 9 1 SETTING THE SCENE 13 1.1 INTRODUCTION 13 1.2 DIVERSITY, MIGRATION AND RACISM IN THE GREEK-CYPRIOT SOCIO-POLITICAL CONTEXT 16 1.2.1 MIGRANTS 17 1.2.2 ASYLUM-SEEKERS 19 1.3 GREEK-CYPRIOT EDUCATION SYSTEM 22 1.4 INTERCULTURAL EDUCATION IN GREEK-CYPRIOT EDUCATIONAL POLICY 26 1.4.1 INTRODUCTION OF INTERCULTURAL EDUCATION POLICY 26 1.4.2 INTERCULTURAL EDUCATION POLICY GUIDELINES 28 1.4.3 CONSTRUCTIONS OF RACISM IN THE POLICY DISCOURSE 30 1.4.4 CRITICIZING INTERCULTURAL EDUCATION POLICY IN CYPRUS 32 1.5 IDENTIFYING THE RESEARCH GAPS 35 1.6 RESEARCH AIM AND QUESTIONS 41 1.7 OUTLINE OF THESIS CHAPTERS 43 2 CONCEPTUAL AND THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK 46 2.1 INTRODUCTION 46 2.2 MULTICULTURAL EDUCATION RESPONSES TO RACISM AND INEQUALITIES 46 2.2.1 THE ANTIRACIST CRITIQUE 49 2.2.2 THE POSTMODERNIST CRITIQUE 52 2.2.3 CRITICAL RACE THEORY AND CRITICAL MULTICULTURALISM 53 2.3 SHIFTING RACISM(S) 58 2.4 DIFFERENTIAL RACIALIZATION 63 2.5 DISCOURSE AND RACISM 66 2.6 INTERSECTIONALITY 69 2.6.1 CRITIQUES OF INTERSECTIONALITY 72 2.6.2 APPEAL OF INTERSECTIONALITY 73 2.7 CONCLUSION 75 3 METHODOLOGICAL AND ANALYTICAL FRAMEWORK 77 3.1 INTRODUCTION 77 3.2 EPISTEMOLOGICAL FRAMEWORK 77 3.3 ETHNOGRAPHIC APPROACH 78 3.4 DISCURSIVE APPROACH 82 3.5 THE RESEARCH SETTING 84 5 3.5.1 DIVERSITY REPRESENTATION IN THE SCHOOL ETHOS 86 3.5.2 INTERCULTURAL EDUCATION IMPLEMENTATION AT THE SCHOOL 89 3.6 ACCESS AND DATA COLLECTION 91 3.6.1 INTERVIEWING 92 3.6.1.1 INTERVIEWS WITH TEACHERS AND OTHER ADULTS 93 3.6.1.2 GROUP DISCUSSIONS WITH CHILDREN 94 3.6.2 OBSERVATIONS 96 3.6.3 MY 'IDENTITIES' AS A RESEARCHER 97 3.7 ETHICAL CONSIDERATIONS AND DILEMMAS 99 3.8 KEY ANALYTICAL CONCEPTS 103 3.8.1 BEYOND LABELS OF 'RACIST' AND 'NON-RACIST' 103 3.8.2 IDEOLOGICAL DILEMMAS AND RACISM DENIALS 107 3.9 ANALYTICAL PROCESS 109 3.9.1 TRANSCRIBING AND TRANSLATING 109 3.9.2 'DOING' ANALYSIS AND WRITING UP 111 3.10 CONCLUSION 114 4 TEACHERS' REPERTOIRES OF DIVERSITY IN GREEK-CYPRIOT SOCIETY 116 4.1 INTRODUCTION 116 4.2 REPERTOIRE OF INEVITABILITY 117 4.3 REPERTOIRE OF INTOLERANCE 120 4.4 REPERTOIRE OF FEAR 130 4.5 REPERTOIRE OF EMPATHY 138 4.6 REPERTOIRE OF INTEREST 141 4.7 CONCLUSION 144 5 TEACHERS' CONSTRUCTIONS OF RACISM 149 5.1 INTRODUCTION 149 5.2 CONSTRUCTIONS OF RACISM IN GREEK-CYPRIOT SOCIETY 150 5.3 DENIAL OF RACISM IN CHILDREN'S LIVES 155 5.3.1 CONSTRUCTIONS OF CHILREN'S RELATIONS AS COLOURBLIND 155 5.3.2 NORMALIZATION OF CHILDREN'S RACIALIZED RELATIONS 159 5.3.3 MINIMIZATION OF RACISM IN CHILDREN'S LIVES 161 5.3.4 ATTRIBUTION OF RESPONSIBILITY TO MINORITIZED CHILDREN 164 5.4 CONSTRUCTIONS OF RACISM IN CHILDREN'S LIVES 167 5.4.1 AWARENESS OF CHILDREN'S RACIALIZED RELATIONS 167 5.4.2 ATTRIBUTION OF CHILDREN'S RACIALIZED DISCOURSES TO FAMILY INFLUENCE172 5.5 CONCLUSION 174 6 PROCESSES OF DIFFERENTIAL