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Does Cosmopolitan Thinking Have a Future?
Review of International Studies (2000), 26, 179–197 Copyright © British International Studies Association Does cosmopolitan thinking have a future? DEREK HEATER1 It certainly has a past.2 And that past, especially in its Stoic foundations, reveals a clear ethical purpose: ‘As long as I remember that I am part of such a whole [Universe],’ explained Marcus Aurelius, ‘… I shall … direct every impulse of mine to the common interest’.3 Moreover, the word ‘cosmopolitan’ derives from kosmopolites, citizen of the universe, and polites, citizen, notably in its Aristotelean definition, has a decided ethical content. Accordingly, if the citizen of a state (polis) should be possessed of civic virtue (arete), by extension, the citizen of the universe (kosmopolis) should live a life of virtue, guided by his perception and understanding of the divine, natural law. True, in non-academic parlance the word ‘cosmopolitan’ has, from the eighteenth century, acquired the vague and vulgar connotation for an individual of enjoying comfortable familiarity with a variety of geographical and cultural environments. None the less, the more precise, political–ethical sense of a kosmopolites is so much more apposite to our present purpose that this essay will be framed in the main by this meaning. With the question thus interpreted, it follows that we wish to know whether state citizenship, as we currently understand it, might be paralleled by a world citizenship of comparable content; if so, we obviously also wish to know what the implications must be for the individual’s moral and political behaviour and the institutional contexts which would be needed to facilitate this cosmopolitan behaviour. -
Barbara Wootton: Democracy and Federalism in the 1940S
City Research Online City, University of London Institutional Repository Citation: Rosenboim, O. (2014). Barbara Wootton, Friedrich Hayek and the debate on democratic federalism in the 1940s. International History Review, 36(5), pp. 894-918. doi: 10.1080/07075332.2013.871320 This is the accepted version of the paper. This version of the publication may differ from the final published version. Permanent repository link: https://openaccess.city.ac.uk/id/eprint/18396/ Link to published version: http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/07075332.2013.871320 Copyright: City Research Online aims to make research outputs of City, University of London available to a wider audience. Copyright and Moral Rights remain with the author(s) and/or copyright holders. URLs from City Research Online may be freely distributed and linked to. Reuse: Copies of full items can be used for personal research or study, educational, or not-for-profit purposes without prior permission or charge. Provided that the authors, title and full bibliographic details are credited, a hyperlink and/or URL is given for the original metadata page and the content is not changed in any way. City Research Online: http://openaccess.city.ac.uk/ [email protected] Socialism and democracy: Barbara Wootton's international thought in the 1940s Or Rosenboim Queens’ College University of Cambridge 2013 [email protected] 1 Abstract In the 1940s many internationalists thought the Second World War created a unique opportunity to establish a new world order to promote peace as well as social welfare. By thinking globally, British internationalists wanted to challenge earlier social theory, and to offer novel solutions to social and economic problems that according to them could not be solved domestically. -
The Quest for World Citizenship & Effective Global Governance A
The Quest for World Citizenship & Effective Global Governance A Short History of World Federalism By Daniel Schaubacher, Founding & Board Member of CUNCR www.cuncr.org The Charter of the United Nations Organisation begins with the words: “We, the peoples…”. However, the peoples are not (yet) directly represented; the executive powers or governments of nation states are. A call for reform of the UN, if not democratic legitimation of the world organisation, is increasingly heard in many lands, even though the victor states of World War Two which permanently sit at the helm of the UN Security Council have not yet agreed, in spite of Article 103c of the UN Charter, to call in a UN Reform Conference. In the thirties and during World War Two, several politicians and statesmen as well intellectuals proposed true community if not federalist measures for world governance, while condemning nationalism of Nazi Germany, Italian fascism and Japanese military imperialism. Campaign for World Government is an American organisation which was formed in 1937. In 1938, Clarence Streit proposed in the USA, in a book Union Now ! that a Federation of Democracies be formed. His thesis made a great number of adepts on both sides of the Atlantic and eventually gave birth to two independent organisations in America and in Britain, called Federal Union. The invention of nuclear power caused great fears, given the discernible inefficiency of the UN system to control armaments of mass destruction. After the Second World War, the peoples of Asia and Europe were still greatly suffering of the disastrous consequences of the global conflict. -
Constructing Global Civil Society from Below: a Case Study of Learning Global Citizenship in the Save the Narmada Movement, India
Constructing Global Civil Society from Below: A case study of learning global citizenship in the Save the Narmada Movement, India Natasha Shukla Institute of Education, University of London Thesis submitted for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy 1 Abstract The thesis examines the informal learning of global citizenship in the course of social struggle within grassroots movements, through an ethnographic case study of the Save the Narmada Movement (NBA). The movment, comprising village communities in India, campaigned with the support of international non-governmental organisations to prevent the construction of a World Bank (WB) financed dam. The study arises in response to a perceived marginalisation of grassroots resistances, especially in developing contexts, within empirical accounts of global civil society (GCS), which is conceptualised as a space where 'global citizens' seek to resist and transform the exigencies of economic globalisation. Interrogating the validity of this exclusion, a Gramscian framework is adopted to examine whether, and in what ways grassroots actors are global citizens, engaged in the transformative politics of GCS. Analysis of data emerging from NBA suggests that contestation with political structures at the national (Indian government) and global (WB) level is an important source of learning that leads to the construction of a movement's global citizenship. Through a Gramscian dialectical process of strategic action and reflection, the movement developed a critical awareness of the class character of these institutions, leading NBA to connect its local struggle against the dam to wider struggle against `destructive development and globalisation. This process encouraged a revalorisation of grassroots participants' subjective relationships to the nation-state, leading amongst some, to the rejection of national citizenship in favour of global affiliations. -
The Politics of World Federation
The Politics of World Federation Introduction to Both Volumes Truth passes through three stages: first, it is condemned, then it briefly triumphs, and finally it ends as platitude. —Arthur Schopenhauer, The World as Will and Idea, Foreword to the First Edition (1818), p. xv Summary Overview This is a history of the practical, political efforts to establish a constitutionally limited, democratically representative, federal world government in order to effectively abolish war. Historically, during the coming, waging, and aftermath of World War II, a number of people in and out of government in America and in the eventually 51 allied countries in the wartime “United Nations” urged that the failed League of Nations not be simply revived, even with U.S. membership, but be transformed into the beginnings of a representative world government. In principle, they argued that the moment had come to guide international organization through a transition like that when the United States under the Articles of Confederation (1781) passed to a more perfect union under the federal Constitution (1787). Europeans, too, looked to federation as an end to endemic wars, and in time the European Union would be the practical realization of such dreams. The basic idea is to do effectively for the world what has been painfully, but proudly, done for well organized national states—establish peace under the rule of law. Real liberty, as Immanuel Kant argued, exists only by obedience to law. The consent of the governed for the enactment of that law is the basis of democratic states. But the new United Nations Organization (1945) remained in principle a confederation of states, so world federalists then aimed to reform it into a representative federation of states and peoples. -
Volume 10 Issue 1 2018
VOLUME 10 ISSUE 1 2018 ISSN: 2036-5438 VOL. 10, ISSUE 1, 2018 TABLE OF CONTENTS SPECIAL SYMPOSIUM The Federal Experience of the European Union Edited by Francisco Pereira Coutinho and Martinho Lucas Pires EDITORIAL From the Unitary Patent Package to a Federal EU Patent Law The past, present and future of the EU’s JULIANA ALMEIDA AND GUILHERME OLIVEIRA federal experience E COSTA E- 125-145 FRANCISCO PEREIRA COUTINHO AND MARTINHO LUCAS PIRES ED- I-V Reconstructing Social Dialogue MARIANA PINTO RAMOS E- 146-173 ESSAYS The voting systems in the Council of the EU and the Bundesrat – What do they tell Differentiated integration contingent on us about European Federalism? objective ability: a federalist critique JACEK CZAPUTOWICZ AND MARCIN SAMO BARDUTZKY E- 1-25 KLEINOWSKI E- 174-199 Eurosceptic Federalism: Paradoxes and Socialisation and legitimacy intermediation Relevance of a long-running Critique of in the Council of the European Union European Integration KAMIL ŁAWNICZAK E- 200-218 TOMMASO VISONE E- 26-40 A Federal Turn? The European Union’s Responses to Constitutional Crises in the Member States MATTEO BONELLI E- 41-70 The implementation of EU law by national administrations: Executive federalism and the principle of sincere cooperation RUI LANCEIRO E- 71-102 The Role of the Capital Markets Union: Towards Regulatory Harmonization and Supervisory Convergence SÉRGIO COIMBRA HENRIQUES E- 103-124 RESEARCH ESSAYS The Second-Generation Theory of Fiscal Federalism: A Critical Evaluation JOHN BOYE EJOBOWAH E- 219-241 The referenda for more autonomy in Veneto and Lombardia: constitutional and comparative perspectives ERIKA ARBAN E- 242-267 ISSN: 2036-5438 The past, present and future of the EU’s federal experience by Francisco Pereira Coutinho and Martinho Lucas Pires Perspectives on Federalism, Vol. -
New Thinking on an Old Dream: Federal World Government
New Thinking on an Old Dream: Federal World Government Introduction “Is world government inevitable?” With little doubt, the great majority of people con- fronting this question today, whether they be government officials or business leaders, teachers or journalists, or rank-and-file citizens of whatever nationality, occupation, age, sex, religion, or political inclination, would answer this question most definitely in the negative. Nevertheless, Alexander Wendt, a well-known international relations authority at Ohio State University, published an article in the European Journal of International Relations several years ago under the highly provocative title: “Why a World State is Inevitable.” The boldness of the title, in conjunction with the lofty professional status of the author, has caused something of a stir among IR specialists. In the years since the publication of the article in 2003, there have been dozens of citations of it in mainstream IR periodicals.1 This is not to suggest, however, that “Why a World State is Inevitable” has elicited universal approbation from the IR profession. The fact is that none of the many authors who have cited the somewhat notorious “inevitability” article have explicitly endorsed it. On the other hand, thus far only one author has directly challenged Wendt’s argument on its own terms.2 Most of the citations fall into the noncommittal “see also” category. Many of them amount to little more than a shrug of the shoulders. For example, in a 2006 essay on international law in the University of Chicago Law Review, Eric Posner wrote: “Wendt is in a very small minority, and as he puts off the creation of world government for at least another century, the possibility has no relevant short-term implications even if he is correct.”3 Even so, the very fact that the article was published in a reputable, mainstream inter- national relations periodical may be significant. -
Kant's Mantle: Cosmopolitanism, Federalism and Constitutionalism As
Journal of European Public Policy ISSN: (Print) (Online) Journal homepage: https://www.tandfonline.com/loi/rjpp20 Kant’s mantle: cosmopolitanism, federalism and constitutionalism as European ideologies Kalypso Nicolaidis To cite this article: Kalypso Nicolaidis (2020) Kant’s mantle: cosmopolitanism, federalism and constitutionalism as European ideologies, Journal of European Public Policy, 27:9, 1307-1328, DOI: 10.1080/13501763.2020.1786596 To link to this article: https://doi.org/10.1080/13501763.2020.1786596 Published online: 31 Jul 2020. Submit your article to this journal Article views: 426 View related articles View Crossmark data Full Terms & Conditions of access and use can be found at https://www.tandfonline.com/action/journalInformation?journalCode=rjpp20 JOURNAL OF EUROPEAN PUBLIC POLICY 2020, VOL. 27, NO. 9, 1307–1328 https://doi.org/10.1080/13501763.2020.1786596 Kant’s mantle: cosmopolitanism, federalism and constitutionalism as European ideologies Kalypso Nicolaidis International Relations, University of Oxford, St Antony’s College, Oxford, UK ABSTRACT This article explores the ways cosmopolitanism, federalism and constitutionalism have evolved in Europe from core philosophical concepts to political programmes, and ultimately ‘ideological benchmarks’ with highly contested meanings. I identify three alternative intellectual strategies for their appropriation, and through them the appropriation of ‘Kant’s mantle’, which both reflect and affect the EU public sphere. In the process, I ask how they can serve as resources conceptually to ground a third way for Europe. First, essentialist strategies appeal to affinities with the essence of these traditions, an essence anterior to or distinct from the particular variant of the ‘state writ large’ with which they might be identified in the public and scholarly imagination. -
Strategies for World Federal Government: the Early Debate Revisited
Strategies for World Federal Government: The Early Debate Revisited Finn Laursen Dalhousie University, Halifax, Nova Scotia, Canada Email: [email protected] www.euce.dal.ca [Preliminary draft] Paper prepared for delivery at workshop “Present Futures and Future Presents - World State Scenarios for the 21st Century” at Klitgaarden, Skagen, Denmark, 23-25 June, 2010 1 Abstract The World Movement for World Federal Government was formed in Montreux, Switzerland, in 1947. In the following years a wide-ranging debate took place inside this International Non-Governmental Organisation (INGO). Was UN Charter revision necessarily the best approach to world federal government? Or should a more radical approach be chosen, such as the calling of a Peoples’ World Convention? How would regional federations fit in with a global federal structure? What contributions could come from World Citizens’ movements? Part of the debate also concerned the powers of a future world federal authority. Minimalists wanted these powers limited to security issues; maximalists wanted a world federal government that could also deal with socio-economic issues. The focus of this paper will be the debates that took place at the annual congresses of the WMWFG from the beginning to the 1953 Congress in Copenhagen, where the UN approach gained the upper hand. It will briefly sketch the developments after the mid 1950s, where for some years World Peace through World Law by Grenville Clark and Louis B. Sohn (Harvard University Press, 1958) dominated the thinking. The paper will also mention the contributions of World Federalist Youth in the 1960s and 1970s, when the author was actively involved. -
The Rise of Cosmopolitanism in the Twentieth Century West: a Comparative
The Rise of Cosmopolitanism in the Twentieth Century West: A Comparative- Historical Perspective on the United States and European Union1 One of the primary debates of the post-Cold War era revolves around the pole of cosmopolitanism - nationalism, a classic antinomy which presents somewhat of a paradox. To wit, since the late 1980s, there has been a clear increase in ethnic conflict, in which most of the dramatis personae employ the language of nationalism.2 Dominant ethnic communities couch their appeals in the language of 'national' sovereignty, while separatist minorities speak of 'national' self-determination.3 But if nationalism is enjoying a revival, so too is its arch-enemy. The increasing degree to which organisations, goods, people and information cross national boundaries has given rise, since 1960, to the term 'globalisation.'4 This ferment has in turn revived an older discourse of cosmopolitanism, the subject of this work. So it seems that both nationalism and cosmopolitanism are enjoying a resurgence.5 A related paradox arises from divergent trends in American and European foreign policy since 9/11. It increasingly appears as if Europe is charting a 'cosmopolitan' path while the United States remains an actor focused primarily upon its own national self- interest. There is much in this argument, whether we explain it as a result of different political cultures or, as Robert Kagan, does, in the realist terminology of military might.6 Yet this article suggests that developments in the political sphere are but one face of the cosmopolitan card. The other concerns ethno-culture, and here it is apparent that America’s recent drift toward greater political nationalism has had little impact on its post-war trend toward cultural cosmopolitanism. -
The Emergence of Globalism Is an Intellectual History of the Complex and Nonlinear Genealogy of Globalism in Mid-Century Visions of World Order
© Copyright, Princeton University Press. No part of this book may be distributed, posted, or reproduced in any form by digital or mechanical means without prior written permission of the publisher. Chapter 1 Introduction A New Global Order On 21 February 1939, a few months after British Prime Minister Neville Chamberlain travelled to Munich in an attempt to appease Adolf Hitler, the Royal Institute of International Affairs in London held a panel dis- cussion about world order. The main speaker, Lionel Curtis, argued that interdependency was the main characteristic of the modern world: ‘What one small country, a Serbia or a Czechoslovakia, does or leaves undone instantly affects the whole of human society’. He added that in spite of the fact that ‘socially and economically human society is now one closely integrated unit’, the political order reflected fragmentation rather than unity. His conclusion was clearly stated: ‘I am now convinced that a world commonwealth embracing all nations and kindreds [sic] and tongues is the goal at which we must aim before we can hope to move to a higher plane of civilisation. Indeed, I will now go so far as to say that unless we conceive that goal in time, and take steps to approach it, our present stage of civilisation is doomed to collapse’.1 Curtis’s address was followed by a lively debate about the merits of his suggestions, which reassured him of the public interest in the problem of ‘world order’ and led him to convene a Chatham House study group on the topic. Curtis was not the only one to find the problem of world order particu- larly timely and intriguing. -
EU Studies in Political Science
FONTI E STUDI SUL FEDERALISMO E SULL’INTEGRAZIONE EUROPEA Collana del Centro interdipartimentale di ricerca sull’integrazione europea Università degli Studi di Siena SENT Thematic Network of European Studies The Scientific Committee of the Thematic Network of European Studies (SENT) was formed by: Federiga Bindi (University of Rome Tor Vergata) Ariane Landuyt (University of Siena) Kjell A. Eliassen (BI Norwegian Business School) Vita Fortunati (University of Bologna) Stefania Baroncelli (Free University of Bozen) Ioan Horga (University of Oradea) Sophie Vanhoonacker (Maastricht University) Cláudia Toriz Ramos (Fernando Pessoa University) Juliet Lodge (University of Leeds) Amy Verdun (University of Victoria) Alfred Tovias (The Hebrew University of Jerusalem) ANALYZING EUROPEAN UNION POLITICS EDITED BY FEDERIGA BINDI AND KJELL A. ELIASSEN SOCIETÀ EDITRICE IL MULINO This book was published in the framework of the SENT project (Thematic Network of European Studies), financed by the Euro- pean Commission. This project has been funded with support from the European Commission. This publication reflects the views only of the authors, and the Commission cannot be held responsible for any use which may be made of the information contained therein. I lettori che desiderano informarsi sui libri e sull’insieme delle attivi- tà della Società editrice il Mulino possono consultare il sito Internet: www.mulino.it ISBN 978-88-15-14718-9 __________________________________________________________________________________________ Copyright © 2011 by Società editrice il Mulino, Bologna. Tutti i di- ritti sono riservati. Nessuna parte di questa pubblicazione può essere fotocopiata, riprodotta, archiviata, memorizzata o trasmessa in qualsia- si forma o mezzo – elettronico, meccanico, reprografico, digitale – se non nei termini previsti dalla legge che tutela il Diritto d’Autore.