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Vom Abstellgleis Zur Nebenregierung1
05_Hornig Seite 454 Donnerstag, 13. Dezember 2007 9:06 09 Eike-Christian Hornig »Camera obscura« – Der italienische Senat und seine Mitglieder auf Lebenszeit: Vom Abstellgleis zur Nebenregierung1 Das italienische Parlament gilt im internationalen Vergleich als eine Besonderheit, da es mit dem Abgeordnetenhaus und dem Senat über zwei gleichberechtigte und direkt gewählte Kammern verfügt. Dieser »bicameralismo perfetto« ist seit den Umbrüchen der 1990er Jahre verstärkt in das Fadenkreuz institutioneller Reformen gerückt, da er als Quelle der Instabilität der Regierungen schnell auszumachen war. Da aber eine Kopplung des Senats an eine Dezentralisierung bzw. Föderalisierung Italiens bislang ausblieb, ist der Senat nach wie vor der »machtvolle Zwillingsbruder der Abgeordnetenkammer«2. Seit der Parlamentswahl im April 2006 steht er beson- ders im Mittelpunkt der Aufmerksamkeit, da die Regierung Prodi hier nur über eine hauchdünne Mehrheit verfügt. Bei einer symbolträchtigen Abstimmung über die Außenpolitik im Februar 2007 kam diese Mehrheit nicht zu Stande und stürzte die Regierung in die Krise. Dafür ausschlaggebend waren, neben der Abwesenheit zweier kommunistischer Senatoren der Regierungskoalition, auch zwei Senatoren auf Lebenszeit (SaL). Insbesondere der Pate der italienischen Politik, der mehrfache Ministerpräsident Giulio Andreotti sorgte mit einem kurzfristigen Stimmungs- wechsel für Kritik an der Rolle der Senatoren auf Lebenszeit als Zünglein an der Waage3. Diese war zuvor schon im Dezember 2006 laut geworden, da der Haushalt der Regierung nur Dank der massiven Unterstützung der Senatoren auf Lebenszeit verabschiedet werden konnte, was Oppositionspolitiker wie der Vorsitzende der Oppositionspartei »Alleanza Nazionale«, Gianfranco Fini als undemokratisch kri- tisierten4. 1 Für ihre Hinweise danke ich Ralf Kleinfeld, Anna Lena Etzbach und David Grewe. 2 Jörg Seisselberg, »Der italienische Senat: Machtvoller Zwillingsbruder der Abgeordne- tenkammer«, in: Gisela Riescher / Sabine Ruß / Christoph Haas (Hg.), Zweite Kam- mern, München 2000, S. -
El MSI Y El Lugar Del Fascismo En La Cultura Política Italiana = the Msi and the Role of Fascism in Italian Political Culture
El msi y El luGar DEl Fascismo En la cultura Política italiana The msi and the role of fascism in Italian political culture Ferran GallEGo Universidad Autónoma de Barcelona Fecha de recepción: 17 de febrero; revisión: 17 de mayo; aceptación definitiva: 23 de octubre rEsumEn: En este trabajo se analiza el papel del movimiento social italiano en la política del país transalpino del siglo xx. la clave de su influencia estaría en las peculiaridades del régimen político surgido de las ruinas del fascismo. con la proclamación de la república muchos fascistas se enrolaron en las filas de la Democracia cristiana y otros partidos de la derecha, dejando al msi como único heredero del fascismo. Eso no le impidió colaborar con la Democracia cristiana a través de la estrategia del «inserimento». cuando la Democracia cristiana empezó su aproximación al Partido socialista italiano, el msi se vio claramente excluido y situado en una posición relativamente marginal. su resurgimiento estará relacio- nado con los cambios radicales ocurridos en la política italiana en las décadas de los sesenta y setenta que propiciaran la llegada al liderazgo de Giorgio almirante en 1969. El msi se presentará como un partido restaurador del orden y dispuesto a combatir por sí mismo la subversión. Durante los años 80 el msi se moverá entre la estrategia del Partido-Protesta de almirante y la idea de un partido de la sociedad civil defendido por rauti. al final, el msi, tras el cambio de liderazgo de almirante por Gianfranco Fini, inició un nuevo camino donde se afirmaba la lealtad a los valores del fascismo, corroborado por la crisis del comunismo. -
Remaking Italy? Place Configurations and Italian Electoral Politics Under the ‘Second Republic’
Modern Italy Vol. 12, No. 1, February 2007, pp. 17–38 Remaking Italy? Place Configurations and Italian Electoral Politics under the ‘Second Republic’ John Agnew The Italian Second Republic was meant to have led to a bipolar polity with alternation in national government between conservative and progressive blocs. Such a system it has been claimed would undermine the geographical structure of electoral politics that contributed to party system immobilism in the past. However, in this article I argue that dynamic place configurations are central to how the ‘new’ Italian politics is being constructed. The dominant emphasis on either television or the emergence of ‘politics without territory’ has obscured the importance of this geographical restructuring. New dynamic place configurations are apparent particularly in the South which has emerged as a zone of competition between the main party coalitions and a nationally more fragmented geographical pattern of electoral outcomes. These patterns in turn reflect differential trends in support for party positions on governmental centralization and devolution, geographical patterns of local economic development, and the re-emergence of the North–South divide as a focus for ideological and policy differences between parties and social groups across Italy. Introduction One of the high hopes of the early 1990s in Italy was that following the cleansing of the corruption associated with the party regime of the Cold War period, Italy could become a ‘normal country’ in which bipolar politics of electoral competition between clearly defined coalitions formed before elections, rather than perpetual domination by the political centre, would lead to potential alternation of progressive and conservative forces in national political office and would check the systematic corruption of partitocrazia based on the jockeying for government offices (and associated powers) after elections (Gundle & Parker 1996). -
Programme of the Youth, Peace and Security Conference
1 Wednesday, 23 May European Parliament – open to all participants – 12:00 – 13:00 Registration European Parliament Accreditation Centre (right-hand side of the Simone Veil Agora entrance to the Altiero Spinelli building) 13:00 – 14:00 Buffet lunch reception Members’ Restaurant, Altiero Spinelli building 14:00 – 15:00 Opening Session Room 5G-3, Altiero Spinelli building Keynote Address by Mr. Antonio Tajani, President of the European Parliament Chair Ms. Heidi Hautala, Vice-President of the European Parliament Speakers Ms. Mariya Gabriel, EU Commissioner for Digital Economy and Society Mr. Oscar Fernandez-Taranco, UN Assistant Secretary-General for Peacebuilding Support Ms. Ivana Tufegdzic, fYROM, EP Young Political Leaders Mr. Dereje Wordofa, UNFPA Deputy Executive Director Ms. Nour Kaabi, Tunisia, NET-MED Youth – UNESCO Mr. Oyewole Simon Oginni, Nigeria, Former AU-EU Youth Fellow 2 15:00 – 16:30 Parallel Thematic Panel Discussions Panel I Youth inclusion for conflict prevention and sustaining peace Library reading room, Altiero Spinelli building Discussants Ms. Soraya Post, Member of the European Parliament Mr. Oscar Fernandez-Taranco, UN Assistant Secretary-General for Peacebuilding Support Mr. Christian Leffler, Deputy Secretary-General, European External Action Service Mr. Amnon Morag, Israel, EP Young Political Leaders Ms. Hela Slim, France, Former AU-EU Youth Fellow Mr. MacDonald K. Munyoro, Zimbabwe, EP Young Political Leaders Facilitator Ms. Gizem Kilinc, United Network of Young Peacebuilders Panel II Young people innovating for peace Library room 128, Altiero Spinelli building Discussants Ms. Barbara Pesce-Monteiro, Director, UN/UNDP Representation Office in Brussels Ms. Anna-Katharina Deininger, OSCE CiO Special Representative and OSG Focal Point on Youth and Security Ms. -
Territorial Autonomy and Self-Determination Conflicts: Opportunity and Willingness Cases from Bolivia, Niger, and Thailand
ICIP WORKING PAPERS: 2010/01 GRAN VIA DE LES CORTS CATALANES 658, BAIX 08010 BARCELONA (SPAIN) Territorial Autonomy T. +34 93 554 42 70 | F. +34 93 554 42 80 [email protected] | WWW.ICIP.CAT and Self-Determination Conflicts: Opportunity and Willingness Cases from Bolivia, Niger, and Thailand Roger Suso Territorial Autonomy and Self-Determination Conflicts: Opportunity and Willingness Cases from Bolivia, Niger, and Thailand Roger Suso Institut Català Internacional per la Pau Barcelona, April 2010 Gran Via de les Corts Catalanes, 658, baix. 08010 Barcelona (Spain) T. +34 93 554 42 70 | F. +34 93 554 42 80 [email protected] | http:// www.icip.cat Editors Javier Alcalde and Rafael Grasa Editorial Board Pablo Aguiar, Alfons Barceló, Catherine Charrett, Gema Collantes, Caterina Garcia, Abel Escribà, Vicenç Fisas, Tica Font, Antoni Pigrau, Xavier Pons, Alejandro Pozo, Mònica Sabata, Jaume Saura, Antoni Segura and Josep Maria Terricabras Graphic Design Fundació Tam-Tam ISSN 2013-5793 (online edition) 2013-5785 (paper edition) DL B-38.039-2009 © 2009 Institut Català Internacional per la Pau · All rights reserved T H E A U T HOR Roger Suso holds a B.A. in Political Science (Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona, UAB) and a M.A. in Peace and Conflict Studies (Uppsa- la University). He gained work and research experience in various or- ganizations like the UNDP-Lebanon in Beirut, the German Council on Foreign Relations (DGAP) in Berlin, the Committee for the Defence of Human Rights to the Maghreb Elcàlam in Barcelona, and as an assist- ant lecturer at the UAB. An earlier version of this Working Paper was previously submitted in May 20, 2009 as a Master’s Thesis in Peace and Conflict Studies in the Department of Peace and Conflict Research, Uppsala University, Swe- den, under the supervisor of Thomas Ohlson. -
Atti Parlamentari Della Biblioteca "Giovarmi Spadolini" Del Senato L'8 Ottobre
SENATO DELLA REPUBBLICA XVII LEGISLATURA Doc. C LXXII n. 1 RELAZI ONE SULLE ATTIVITA` SVOLTE DAGLI ENTI A CARATTERE INTERNAZIONALISTICO SOTTOPOSTI ALLA VIGILANZA DEL MINISTERO DEGLI AFFARI ESTERI (Anno 2012) (Articolo 3, quarto comma, della legge 28 dicembre 1982, n. 948) Presentata dal Ministro degli affari esteri (BONINO) Comunicata alla Presidenza il 16 settembre 2013 PAGINA BIANCA Camera dei Deputati —3— Senato della Repubblica XVII LEGISLATURA — DISEGNI DI LEGGE E RELAZIONI — DOCUMENTI INDICE Premessa ................................................................................... Pag. 5 1. Considerazioni d’insieme ................................................... » 6 1.1. Attività degli enti ......................................................... » 7 1.2. Collaborazione fra enti ............................................... » 10 1.3. Entità dei contributi statali ....................................... » 10 1.4. Risorse degli Enti e incidenza dei contributi ordinari statali sui bilanci ......................................................... » 11 1.5. Esercizio della funzione di vigilanza ....................... » 11 2. Contributi ............................................................................ » 13 2.1. Contributi ordinari (articolo 1) ................................. » 13 2.2. Contributi straordinari (articolo 2) .......................... » 15 2.3. Serie storica 2006-2012 dei contributi agli Enti internazionalistici beneficiari della legge n. 948 del 1982 .............................................................................. -
The Future of European Education: a Political Strategy & Four Action Areas
Eur J Futures Res (2014) 2:49 DOI 10.1007/s40309-014-0049-2 ORIGINAL ARTICLE The future of European education: A political strategy & four action areas Alfonso Diestro Fernández Received: 15 October 2014 /Accepted: 17 November 2014 /Published online: 16 December 2014 # The Author(s) 2014. This article is published with open access at Springerlink.com Abstract The European integration project is confronting Introduction one of the greatest challenges in its recent history. The pro- found current financial crisis is jeopardising both trust in the Nobody can now ignore that Europe is currently facing a huge process of integration and the support of European Union predicament; this obliges Europe to reinvent itself once again citizens. This paper aims to show the need to find transversal if the region wishes to realise the original aspirations that solutions to the immediate and future challenges that the motivated the current project of building and integrating Eu- European integration project faces. These solutions could rope, establishing a closer union between its peoples and its emerge from the retrieval of the idea of including a European regions. In the present context, characterised by the econom- Dimension in Education, as a joint political strategy of the ical crisis, the political programmes of only one way and the European Union and the Council of Europe, given that two political disaffection of the citizens with the European project, separate, but convergent, trends have been identified. Special it is a matter of urgency to find new proposals, also for importance will be placed on the four action points that the educational politics, across a new process of deliberation European dimension could adopt (curricular and teaching between institutions and Members States. -
Does Cosmopolitan Thinking Have a Future?
Review of International Studies (2000), 26, 179–197 Copyright © British International Studies Association Does cosmopolitan thinking have a future? DEREK HEATER1 It certainly has a past.2 And that past, especially in its Stoic foundations, reveals a clear ethical purpose: ‘As long as I remember that I am part of such a whole [Universe],’ explained Marcus Aurelius, ‘… I shall … direct every impulse of mine to the common interest’.3 Moreover, the word ‘cosmopolitan’ derives from kosmopolites, citizen of the universe, and polites, citizen, notably in its Aristotelean definition, has a decided ethical content. Accordingly, if the citizen of a state (polis) should be possessed of civic virtue (arete), by extension, the citizen of the universe (kosmopolis) should live a life of virtue, guided by his perception and understanding of the divine, natural law. True, in non-academic parlance the word ‘cosmopolitan’ has, from the eighteenth century, acquired the vague and vulgar connotation for an individual of enjoying comfortable familiarity with a variety of geographical and cultural environments. None the less, the more precise, political–ethical sense of a kosmopolites is so much more apposite to our present purpose that this essay will be framed in the main by this meaning. With the question thus interpreted, it follows that we wish to know whether state citizenship, as we currently understand it, might be paralleled by a world citizenship of comparable content; if so, we obviously also wish to know what the implications must be for the individual’s moral and political behaviour and the institutional contexts which would be needed to facilitate this cosmopolitan behaviour. -
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European Community No. 26/1984 July 10, 1984 Contact: Ella Krucoff (202) 862-9540 THE EUROPEAN PARLIAMENT: 1984 ELECTION RESULTS :The newly elected European Parliament - the second to be chosen directly by European voters -- began its five-year term last month with an inaugural session in Strasbourg~ France. The Parliament elected Pierre Pflimlin, a French Christian Democrat, as its new president. Pflimlin, a parliamentarian since 1979, is a former Prime Minister of France and ex-mayor of Strasbourg. Be succeeds Pieter Dankert, a Dutch Socialist, who came in second in the presidential vote this time around. The new assembly quickly exercised one of its major powers -- final say over the European Community budget -- by blocking payment of a L983 budget rebate to the United Kingdom. The rebate had been approved by Community leaders as part of an overall plan to resolve the E.C.'s financial problems. The Parliament froze the rebate after the U.K. opposed a plan for covering a 1984 budget shortfall during a July Council of Ministers meeting. The issue will be discussed again in September by E.C. institutions. Garret FitzGerald, Prime Minister of Ireland, outlined for the Parliament the goals of Ireland's six-month presidency of the E.C. Council. Be urged the representatives to continue working for a more unified Europe in which "free movement of people and goods" is a reality, and he called for more "intensified common action" to fight unemployment. Be said European politicians must work to bolster the public's faith in the E.C., noting that budget problems and inter-governmental "wrangles" have overshadolted the Community's benefits. -
Barbara Wootton: Democracy and Federalism in the 1940S
City Research Online City, University of London Institutional Repository Citation: Rosenboim, O. (2014). Barbara Wootton, Friedrich Hayek and the debate on democratic federalism in the 1940s. International History Review, 36(5), pp. 894-918. doi: 10.1080/07075332.2013.871320 This is the accepted version of the paper. This version of the publication may differ from the final published version. Permanent repository link: https://openaccess.city.ac.uk/id/eprint/18396/ Link to published version: http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/07075332.2013.871320 Copyright: City Research Online aims to make research outputs of City, University of London available to a wider audience. Copyright and Moral Rights remain with the author(s) and/or copyright holders. URLs from City Research Online may be freely distributed and linked to. Reuse: Copies of full items can be used for personal research or study, educational, or not-for-profit purposes without prior permission or charge. Provided that the authors, title and full bibliographic details are credited, a hyperlink and/or URL is given for the original metadata page and the content is not changed in any way. City Research Online: http://openaccess.city.ac.uk/ [email protected] Socialism and democracy: Barbara Wootton's international thought in the 1940s Or Rosenboim Queens’ College University of Cambridge 2013 [email protected] 1 Abstract In the 1940s many internationalists thought the Second World War created a unique opportunity to establish a new world order to promote peace as well as social welfare. By thinking globally, British internationalists wanted to challenge earlier social theory, and to offer novel solutions to social and economic problems that according to them could not be solved domestically. -
The Political Context of Eu Accession in Hungary
European Programme November 2002 THE POLITICAL CONTEXT OF EU ACCESSION IN HUNGARY Agnes Batory Introduction For the second time since the adoption of the Maastricht Treaty – seen by many as a watershed in the history of European integration – the European Union (EU) is set to expand. Unlike in 1995, when the group joining the Union consisted of wealthy, established liberal democracies, ten of the current applicants are post-communist countries which recently completed, or are still in various stages of completing, democratic transitions and large-scale economic reconstruction. It is envisaged that the candidates furthest ahead will become members in time for their citizens to participate in the next elections to the European Parliament due in June 2004. The challenge the absorption of the central and east European countries represents for the Union has triggered a need for internal institutional reform and new thinking among the policy-makers of the existing member states. However, despite the imminence of the ‘changeover’ to a considerably larger and more heterogeneous Union, the domestic profiles of the accession countries have remained relatively little known from the west European perspective. In particular, the implications of enlargement in terms of the attitudes and preferences of the new (or soon to be) players are still, to a great extent, unclear. How will they view their rights and obligations as EU members? How committed will they be to the implementation of the acquis communautaire? In what way will they fill formal rules with practical content? BRIEFING PAPER 2 THE POLITICAL CONTEXT OF EU ACCESSION IN HUNGARY Naturally, the answers to these questions can only government under the premiership of Miklós Németh be tentative at this stage. -
Legal Foundations, Structures and Institutions of Autonomy in Comparative Law
Legal Foundations, Structures and Institutions of Autonomy in Comparative Law Markku Suksi 1 Introduction Autonomies around the world1 as a form of organization at the sub-national level show a number of common features or dimensions that offer a basis for comparisons. The comparisons, in turn, can be used for the purposes of explaining the legal effects of various forms of autonomy and for outlining the reasons for differences and similarities. What are the key features of autonomy, how could different autonomies be compared with each other and what is the future of autonomy as a form of organization? How could the different autonomies and their relations to each other be illustrated in the visual form, as a chart, so as to make it possible to identify the mul- titude of different models of autonomy on the basis of their normative features? For such a comparative exercise to take place, a common framework or platform of comparison should be designed. In other words, a so-called tertium comparationis should be developed. For the purposes of our discussion of autonomy, it is proposed that this tertium comparationis is created against the background of the right to participation in a broad sense, encompassing both the general right to participation as identified in article 25 of the Covenant on Civil and Political Rights on the one hand and the right to self-determination as a meta-right of participation as pointed at in article 1 of the same Covenant. 2 Participation and Self-Determination Article 25 of the CCPR deals with participation and covers participation not only at the national level but also at the sub-national and local government level.