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Popular Culture Between History and Ethnology rn Popular Culture between History and at Ethnology u­ pe Peter Burke by Burke, Peter 1984: Popular Culture between History and Ethnology. Ethnologia nd Europaea XIV: 5-13. cil After discussing problems inherent in concepts such as "culture", "popular", "tradition" and "hegemony" the author attempts to describe and explain the main changes in European popular culture from the fourteenth to the twentieth century. He presents a "model" in the sense of a simplified general picture of European developments as a yardstick against which the characteristics of par­ ticular regions may be defined. Four main periods are distinguished: the late Middle Ages, 1350-1500; the Reformation and Counter-Reformation, 1500-1650; the commercialisation of popular culture, 1650-1800; and the industrialisation of popular culture, since 1800. Dr. Peter Burke, Emmanuel College, Cambridge, CB2 3AP, U.K. include such cultural constructs as the catego­ 1. Problems of Conceptualisation ries of sickness, or dirt, or kinship, or politics, The aim of this paper is a deliberately rash one. and extending 'performance' to cover such It is to attempt a synthesis of the work of both culturally stereotyped, ritualised forms of be­ historians and ethnologists on European popu­ haviour as feasting and violence. It should also lar culture, and in particular to describe and to be stressed that 'values' need not be conscious; analyse change over the long term, from the the most important values are so much part of fourteenth century to the present. This aim is what some ethnologists call the 'deep struc­ rash for more than one reason. In the first ture' of a culture that the actors are unlikely to place, because it is undertaken by a historian - be aware of them (Frykman and Lofgren for historians (as distinct from antiquarians) 1979). 'Culture' is coming to be less and less have discovered popular culture only recently, distinguishable from 'society' as 'society' is while ethnologists have been studying it for a seen more and more as a cultural construct. long time. In the second place, because the Of course, most of what we know about past concepts employed, notably 'culture' and 'popu­ cultures does derive from artifacts and perfor­ lar' are themselves culture-bound and time­ mances in a more precise and conventional bound. sense. Much of our information about popular In a general book on popular culture (Burke culture before the systematic investigations of 1978), I defined culture as 'a system of shared the nineteenth century is necessarily derived meanings, attitudes and values, and the sym­ from such performances as songs, stories, plays bolic forms (performances, artifacts) in which and rituals. The vivid picture of medieval Mon­ they are expressed or embodied'. This defini­ taillou painted by Le Roy Ladurie is essentially tion is rather too narrow, not fully emanci­ based, as one reviewer remarked, on a series of pated from a 'high' conception of culture in performances by the villagers which happened terms of art, literature and music, a kind of to be recorded by the Inquisition (Davis 1979). superstructure erected on a social base. 'Ar­ To supplement this information our main re­ tifacts' and 'Performances' need to be under­ source is the study of physical artifacts, such as stood in a wide sense, extending 'artifact' to houses and furniture, or the descriptions of 5 such artifacts in inventories; historians and category) formed a culturally homogeneous ethnologists have recently converged on this group. The rural world of nineteenth-century approach (compare Wiegelmann 1980 with Hungary, for example, seems to have consisted van der Woude and Scbuurman 1980). How­ of a number of cultural strata. To make mat­ ever, it is worth reminding ourselves that ters still more complex, upperclass women and these sources offer us no more than the tip of children often participated in performances the iceberg. which their husbands and fathers rejected as Like 'culture', the term 'popular' is proble­ popular. If we can trust Dostoyevsky, nine­ matic . The phrase 'popular culture' was coined teenth-century Russian noblewomen still par­ in Germany in the late 18th century and it was ticipated in the cult of icons and the devotion to intended to refer to what was not 'learned' cul­ holy fools. ture. This sense of contrast between two cul­ Students of religion have been particularly tures had previously been expressed by the unhappy with what they sometimes call the learned in references to popular culture as a 'two-tier model', the division of religion into collection of 'superstitions' or 'old wives' tales' 'elite' and 'popular'. Among the alternatives (fabulae aniles), or, to quote a phrase used by recently proposed have been 'practical religion' the Bollandists in 1757 but almost identical to (Leach 1968), 'unofficial religion' (Yoder 197 4), one coined by the anthropologist Robert Red­ religione delle classi popolari (Ginzburg 1979), field some hundred years later, 'little traditions and 'local religion' (Christian 1981). However, of the people' (populares traditiunculae). it seems to me that each of these concepts But who are the people? It is a term with a removes some difficulties only at the prise of long history in western culture - a history creating others. The problem is that (like the which bas not been written, unfortunately, but boundary between 'high' and 'low'), the fron­ would reveal that the term has generally been tiers between 'central' and 'local', between used in different ways by different kinds of 'clerical' and 'lay', between 'official' and 'unoffi­ speaker. For the clergy, the people are the cial' must be seen not as fixed but as fluid. It laity ; for the no'bility, the commoners; for the may be useful to regard a culture as a system, rich, ihe poor; and for those of us who have but only as a loosely bounded or 'open' one. been to university , it is obvious that the people The least unsatisfactory solution is probably are those who lack degrees . The people have to stay with the two-tier model, while recognis­ often been seen , explicitly or implicitly, as ing its defects. In saying this I do not mean to Them as opposed to Us, particularly in Eng­ suggest that a ternary model (say) would not land France and other western countries . ht also have its uses, particularly in some regions this respect there are both national and disci­ and periods . Still less do I want to imply that plinary variations. Ethnologists have tradi­ we should see European culture as neatly di­ tionally been closer to ibe people than histo­ vided into two layers. Actually, one of the ad­ rians and Central Europeans have been closer vantages of the division of culture into 'high' than intellectuals fw-ther west. We really need and 'low' is that we can introduce as many a history of the idea of the people, which there intermediate positions as local circumstances is no space to summarise here (cf. Burke 1978, dictate. Another advantage is that it provides ch. 1). a language for describing cultural change in 'We' (historians or ethnologists) can if we terms of 'sinking' and 'rising'. The sinking the­ wish define the people more precisely, as the ory of culture is the classic theory of the Ger­ 'subordinate classes' or as 'craftsmen and man specialists in Volkskunde at the end of the peasants', but these choices do not dissolve the last century, who emphasised the downward problem, which is the fact that the poor, power­ diffusion of many cultural items, from furni­ less, 'uneducated' and so on are groups which ture (e.g. wardrobes) to literature (e.g. ro­ do not coincide (thought they may well over­ mances of chivalry). The opposite, 'rising' the­ lap). In any case we cannot assume that ory of cultural change was taken less seriously craftsmen and 'peasants' (a notoriously vague by scholars until a few years ago - no doubt for 6 lS social and political reasons - but it has been ted' and 'genuine' tradition. Where does 'adap­ stressed in some important studies of indivi­ tation' end and 'invention' begin? Is a genuine dual writers and artists, such as Bakhtin tradition any more than one whose invention (1965) on Rabelais, and Paulson (1971) on has been forgotten? Hogarth. The term 'invention' should not lead us to ~s · 'Sinking' and 'rising' are vivid images but assume that elites have the power to mould the iS they are misleadingly mechanical - they are culture of the subordinate classes as they wish. e­ too hydraulic. They thus give two false impres­ The history of European popular culture shows r­ sions. The first is that artifacts and perfor­ that it is extremely resilient, that ordinary to mances move up and down the social scale un­ people have often been able to resist attempts changed, whereas they are usually adapted to to reform them. In order to reduce such resis­ ly suit their new situation. The second false im­ tance, it has been traditional for missionaries le pression is that the movement is automatic, as to 'accomodate' their ideas to their audience - a to if people played no part in the process. The process which sometimes leaves one wondering es traditional metaphor of 'borrowing' and the who was converting whom. n' currently fashionable one of 'appropriation' are An alternative way of describing both the n, more useful because they remind us of the role imitation of the elite and that elite's attempt to )), of individuals and groups and of their aims and reform popular culture is to use Gramsci's con­ strategies in the process of cultural change. cept of cultural 'hegemony'. This is a concept ,ts Individuals may imitate higher groups because which I deliberately refrained from using in of they want to rise socially; a form of 'anticipa­ my own study of early modern Europe, while, Ile tory socialisation', as some sociologists call it, on the other hand, it is central to a study of n- which the sumptuary laws oflate medieval and early modern France which happened to ap­ ~n early modern Europe were expressly designed pear at the same time (Muchembled 1978).
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