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TWO GENERATIONS OF MUSLIM WOMEN IN FRANCE: CREATIVE PARENTING, IDENTITY AND RECOGNITION

by Catherine Delcroix

In bringing up and educating their children, Muslim immigrant parents (coming ABSTRACT from and living in France) are very aware of the difficulty of the Key words: task. Their children face a double bind: on the one hand, French society asks creativity; them to ‘integrate’, that is to enter into labour markets and melt into French parenting; ways of life. On the other hand teachers, employers, the police and media Muslim; keep considering them as ‘the other’. Immigrant parents show tremendous France creativity in trying to help their children, boys and girls differently, to cope with this double bind.

In France today there are approximately one educate their children to face the difficulties million families who come from North Africa. linked to economic instability: unemployment, Many of these are large families. Their children chronic shortage of money, and discrimination.2 are born in France and they are French citizens. For studying the educational strategies of Their language is French, and they are raised in these families, I have used a methodological French schools. They feel French. But given the approach based on the reconstruction of family colonial past of France, the metropolitan histories, drawn from life story interviews with French continue to consider them somehow as several members of each family: parents, chil- ‘the other’. This post-colonial attitude has very dren and so on. I have repeated these case damaging consequences, encouraging discrim- studies in many different regions and cities of ination by some teachers, by employers, by France. For each case study, I chose families landlords and by the police.1 with similar living situations, and similar prob- Their parents and especially their mothers lems in terms of migration, work, resources and are fully aware of what their children will have family life. My aim was to identify the different to face. Mothers in particular are concerned to types of life paths and diverse profiles of these prepare their children to encounter the risks of city families. discriminatory situations. I myself have been In order to have a better understanding of reconstructing in-depth case studies of Muslim the experiences of families confronted by such immigrant families in France for many years. daily uncertainties, it was essential for me to For the last twenty years I have focused in hear their own intimate accounts of their lives. particular on how these working class families But this was a difficult challenge. In effect, originating from the Maghreb – the mountain- confronted by a typically accusatory public ous rural interior of and – discourse, Muslim families had very rarely

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opened their doors to researchers, whom they same legislation with the ‘Métropole’. But the equated with judgemental journalists or social problem was whether or not full citizenship workers. However I explained at the start that should be given to the Algerian Muslim natives: I had not come to interrogate them, and ‘Les Indigènes’. There were nine million of denource them as neglectful parents. I wanted them. Most were Arabs and Kabyles (one third to grasp and then describe the efforts which they of the population). There was also a small were making to overcome their difficulties, and Jewish minority who had been living there for similarly with those of their children who centuries. The ‘Décret Crémieux’ of 24 October agreed to participate. This positive approach 1871 gave full citizenship to the 37,000 Jewish opened the door. Algerians, and also to European colonisers It seemed to me esssential in order to under- coming from Spain, Italy or Malta. But Muslim stand the lives of these households in depth to Algerians, if they wished to acquire French citi- develop a research approach combining the zenship, had to renounce their religious faith – ethnographic with the sociological. The ethno- and few did this. So the French government graphic approach is based on living and staying condemned Algerian Muslims to a subaltern with the families studied, joining them on status. outings and on holidays, observing their daily The very influential French colonisers actitivies and their reflections on them. claimed that they needed a docile labour force Salvador Juan points out that in contemporary (of Algerians) with subaltern status to develop western cities it is no longer possible for a the fertile lands that they had conquered during researcher to share the daily life of of inhabi- the colonial war. This, however, ran against the tants for as long and with as much intensity as republican principles of ‘Liberté, Égalité, earlier generations of anthropologists in far- Fraternité’ for all, of whatever race or religion. away cultures. Nevertheless a valid ‘socio- The solution to this contradiction was found anthropological’ approach is possible insofar as through basing differences in religious adher- relationships of confidentiality can be estab- ence. The new law stated that nobody in Algeria lished, complemented by observation, and could become a full French citizen without resumed at intervals.3 The sociological giving up Islam. But to legitimise such discrim- approach seeks to identify the collective ination against one specific religion by a French processses shared with thousands of other fami- state which boasted a secular identity, a whole lies which have similar experiences to those of discourse had to be developed. It was claimed the Nour, the family I chose to study over a that Muslims men were barbarian, uncivilised, period many years. The Nour are a Moroccan cruel and oppressing women.5 Algerians still family with eight children, who have been living remember today very bitterly how the French in France for over thirty years. In keeping with Republic betrayed its ideals and closed the door the spirit of my original approach – to them and to all Muslims while letting the Jews becoming to other families – I have published a portrait French citizens. And the French collective atti- of their family and their struggles, a sequence tude towards Muslims is still shaped by the of testimonies of first Madame Nour and then negative images of Islam which were propa- all the eight children, which as a livre de poche gated at this time. (cheap paperback) has had a wide circulation These stereotypes were greatly revived in France: one step towards a wider under- during the 1954-62 Algerian war of Indepen- standing of this crucial French minority.4 dence. About one million Algerians and 23,000 From early on in this long observation of young French soldiers were killed. With the Muslim families, I was recurrently amazed by defeat of France in 1962 about a million French the great creativity that their mothers show in colonisers, not all of them rich, left Algeria in a bringing up their children.But before turning hurry, abandoning their properties. But the to the core of this article, let me outline some paradox is that in the three years that followed, points about the historical context of Muslim more than a million Algerian men came to work immigration to France. in French factories, agriculture and building I believe that the present negative French trades. They were the frontline of immigration perception of Islam stems especially from the coming from North Africa. The reason for this colonisation of Algeria. This part of Africa, considerable human flow is unknown to most which is larger than France itself, was French people. There was a secret agreement conquered by French troops between 1830 and between the French government under de 1860. In 1871, the French political regime Gaulle and the new revolutionary government changed drastically. Napoleon III had to resign of independent Algeria. According to this agree- and a republic was eventually established. In ment, the Algerian state agreed that up to one this new context, it was decided to incorporate million young men could work for French Algeria into the territory of France, sharing the employers.

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France at that time was undergoing a own life history to their children. This history process of very rapid industrialisation and will have been shaped by a twofold series of modernisation, which later on was called the humiliating experiences. First, and common to ‘French miracle’. Western European powers everybody, irrespective of whether they were were competing to import low cost labour born in France or have emigrated, is the expe- which employers wanted to keep as cheap as rience of having occupied the lowest posts in possible. During their first years these young society. Second, and specific to immigrants, is men worked hard and lived in miserable slum the racism that they have experienced. In conditions. But before long rapid economic common with everyone from the southern growth allowed the development of decent shores of the Mediterranean. Arabs and housing on the periphery of cities in the form are proud and noble peoples, who are prone to of huge housing blocks: the now famous silence when it comes to admitting what they ‘banlieues’. Initially these were built to host have been through. But this silence is also a French workers from rural backgrounds, collective phenomenon, and the media plays a Portuguese or Spaniards, and eventually North large part in contributing to it – as they also do Africans workers also got access to this in ignoring the history of the French working housing. Some had already brought in a young classes when compared with the rural history wife illegally, but after the closure of the French of the population – which has been more borders to new immigrants in 1974, the immi- comprehensively reported and seen as part of grants workers who were installed in France got national identity. the official right to bring their wife and chil- The Nour parents, Amin and Djamila were dren. The core of my article is about these wives both born in an isolated village in the north-west as mothers and their practice of bringing up of Morocco. Amin, the father, is 58 and Djamila their daughters and sons in a conflictual envi- is 45, and they have the fine features of the ronment. Nowadays this conflict is reinforced Berber ethnic group to which they belong.6 They by the widespread interpretation of 11 Septem- spent their childhoods in very harsh conditions. ber 2001 which has pushed into the public Both still have problems reading and writing. sphere the idea of a crucial clash of civilisations Djamila lost her father when she was only 10 between Christians and Muslims. years old and her mother, left without a husband Here I present as an example, a Moroccan to provide for the family, was too poor to send Muslim family living in France whom I know her to school. Amin was just 14 when he started especially well, as I have explained above. working full-time in the fields, soon a mature Morocco did not have the same history of adult, although still only a teenager. colonisation, being only relatively briefly a In 1969, when he was 26, Amin decided to colony under French rule. It was not a colony leave his village to find work in France. Like of French migrants, but for several decades in many other young men he was seeking a better the 20th century became a French and Spanish way of life. He soon found work as a mason protectorate. Nevertheless, Moroccans in working on construction sites, yet he was not France who are Arabs and Muslims experience settled permanently in France and every the same discrimination as other North summer he used to return to his village in Africans. Morocco. It was during one of these visits, in 1973, that he met Djamila. Amin was by now THE NOUR FAMILY nearly 30 and anxious to find a wife and start a In immigrant families with few or no resources, family. Following local traditions, he where there is no objective ‘capital’ to transmit, approached Djamila’s mother to ask for her there are still non-tangible assets of moral hand in marriage. Djamila’s mother consulted values and love which together with the family with her brothers and a decision was quickly history, can give meaning to the current situa- reached: Djamila, who was only 17, would be tion. Communicating family history can there- married to Amin that very summer. Her mother fore enrich the minds of young people, whilst and brother left her no choice and she clearly at the same time give them an identity which is did not want to get married to someone she different from that associated with their rejec- didn’t know. The couple were married that tion by schools, the labour market and by the summer and Djamila followed her husband to way in which French society in general shapes France shortly afterwards. After a while living its discourse on ethnic minority youth. in temporary accommodation, the couple were Not all immigrant families like the Nours are allocated a flat on a council estate the follow- able to use personal resources, which I call ing year. More than thirty years later, they are subjective resources, because one of the still there. They have eight children: six boys common characteristics of families in difficulty and two girls aged from 6 to 25 years old when is the inability of the elders to transmit their I first met them.

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FROM ONE GENERATION TO THE NEXT century European context, did not exist. From Like many other parents from ethnic minorities, a very early age Berber children have responsi- the Nours came to France to improve their bilities on a par with adults, something which economic situation and did not know at the is necessary for the subsistence of the whole time whether they would settle permanently. group. Manual work to bring in money was, But the birth of their children has transformed and still is, a must. Childhood is very short. their situation and attitudes. As the sociologist However, as we shall see, the responsibilities of Louis-André Vallet remarks: Berber girls and boys, and women and men, are different. The initial reasons for leaving one’s country Djamila was born in 1956 and her father are short-term and linked to the prospect of died when she was ten. She was the eldest child a better social status when returning home. and had two sisters and an ‘adopted’ brother, But these reasons are transformed into a actually a cousin being brought up by her project with broader horizons – ensuring mother. When she reached an age to go to that their children are fully integrated into primary school, her mother could not afford to the host country’s society…. Education send her. They were at the time living in the therefore becomes the lever to success for home of an uncle who sent his own children to these families and their children. For the school. Djamila describes her memories of this second generation, training and higher time as follows: education are seen as the key to having a high social status and professional occupa- I would have loved to have gone to school tion. Despite having few social and cultural but my mother didn’t have the means to resources, schools become the central send me. When my father died, I asked her, concern for these families.7 ‘Please can I go to school Mum… ‘ but she said, ‘The school is a long way from us and Amin and Djamila have always had one who is going to take and collect you?’ Every thought uppermost in their minds – that their morning I saw my uncle’s sons and daugh- children must not fail at school and end up ters going to school with their satchels. I being socially and economically excluded. would have loved to have gone with them. Ethnic minority parents generally focus their Sometimes I scribbled with a bit of coal in energies on the French school system, develop- a writing book or wrote in the ground with ing strategies to ensure that their children get a a stick. good education. But how do parents with little or no education themselves manage to convince Djamila repeats this story to her children their own children that education is important? nearly every day. She always stresses the impor- The answer is in the time they spend discussing tance of school. She feels her lack of qualifica- their own childhood and their own life experi- tions has been a major handicap in her life and ences with their children. It is only by becoming she still wishes that she could have some form aware of the hardships their parents endured of basic education. Djamila’s insistence that that the next generation begins to understand learning is the key to success has clearly rubbed why they have to devote time and energy to off on her children. Leïla, the eldest daughter, their own studies. This process starts when the currently at university, has a vivid impression of children are very young and goes on until their her mother’s childhood: teenage years. The key element of this transmission from When my parents were young, such a thing generation to generation is through the telling as childhood didn’t exist at all. My mum of family histories. As Robert Neuburger puts was weaving carpets when she was only six. it, ‘Passing down successfully amounts to I know that the carpets she used to make passing down the ability to pass down’.8 Family were very beautiful. But that wasn’t the only history, as told by parents to children, is a tool, thing she did. She used to collect buckets conveying both information about the past and of water from the well and bake bread. traditions, but also about the need for changes. When she was ten she was already working And the power of these stories, as Toshiaki in the fields, planting and tending the crops. Kozakaï remarks, rests not on biological parent- hood, but on bonding through the sharing of The Nour children understand the strength childhood years.9 and courage their mother needed; they recog- The Nour parents grew up in an environ- nise the hardship she endured and they do not ment where traditionally three generations of a regard it simply as bad luck. They know that family lived together and where the concept of their mother had to grow up very fast and that childhood, as understood in the late twentieth- she learned to confront life’s problems at an

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early age. Djamila’s strong personality is a recurrent Not all of Djamila’s stories of her childhood feature emerging from her childhood narratives. describe difficulties. There were happy She really wanted to control her destiny. moments too and she had many friends. In fact, However, in the end she made up with her one of the striking features of Djamila’s narra- family and was married to Amin. But today, tive is how the good and the bad coexist, as in Djamila is adamant that her own children the simple play activities which she recalls with should be allowed to choose freely their own fondness: ‘I used to play with knucklebones husband or wife, and that their choice should nearly all the time, and I used to skip a lot. not be restricted by national or religious consid- Before he died, my father used to tell me really erations. Djamila gives her daughters this beautiful stories which set my imagination message: ‘You will marry the person who you running wild… When I look back on my child- love, and I will not be the one to choose your hood, I can see that I was very happy’. husband or wife’. Her eldest son, Rachid, Djamila’s innocence ended when she learned recently married a young Algerian girl from an about her future marriage with Amin. She was Arab rather than a Berber background. Such a only eighteen and very pretty. She is still very union is considered by members of the Nour’s attractive. But Amin, the man who wanted to social network to be ‘a mixed marriage’, not marry her, was thirty two. There was even always approved. However Djamila fully worse to come: Djamila found out that Amin supported her son’s decision. had divorced after a marriage that had lasted The issue of arranged marriages is frequently ten years. He had repudiated his first wife discussed within the family. Djamila is steadfast because she couldn’t have children. Djamila’s on this matter – it should be up to the individ- destiny as a wife and mother was suddenly clear ual to decide. Her husband and children know to her, with devastating effect: exactly where she stands and have been won over by her persuasive arguments, even though When I first met Amin, he had already they know that Djamila’s personal ideal is still divorced his first wife. Obviously, he didn’t marriage within their own cultural tradition, have any children and he was looking for a even if this means outside the Berber commu- wife. I thought to myself, ‘What did he do nity itself. Leïla, for example, remarks that: ‘I’ve to his first wife? He left her. Well, he’s going talked about marriage with my parents. I know to do the same with me’. So I ran away that deep down they would like me to marry an from home for two weeks and told my Arab with a good social position who treats me mother, ‘I’m not coming back home until well. But if this doesn’t happen, they would you say no to this marriage’. She started to respect my decision. The only exception is that cry and told me that ‘If you don’t come if my future husband was not Muslim, then they back, your brother will kill you’. Then other would want him to convert’. members of the family got involved and But not all the Nour children have the same told me ‘You cannot spend all your life opinion on the issue of marrying a non-Muslim. unmarried. You’re eighteen and it’s about Farid, although still young, is very clear: time that you got married. In any case, if it’s not with this man, God will find you If I had a daughter, I wouldn’t consider it another the same way. We know that you shameful if she married a Frenchman who feel strongly that he has already divorced was not a Muslim, although of course not one woman, but you must put that behind any old person. I really couldn’t care less you’. what other people would think. It’s the future that counts the most for me. I would In Berber tradition the family, along with let my daughter choose for herself because friends and neighbours, provides a strong social most of all I would like her to be happy. network. Although this form of solidarity can After all, it’s not my life. protect individuals in an affectionate environ- ment, it will only do so as long as rules are In contrast, others in the family do not share respected. When implicit codes of behaviour Farid’s liberal views and give more emphasis to between parents and children are broken, sanc- the views of the local community. Even if they tions result from the wider social network. feel traditional values may be outdated, their Moreover, the consequences are much more own values are revealed by what they say. important for girls than for boys, because girls Fatiha, the youngest girl, claims that: alone symbolise the honour of the family group and its wider relationships in the community. If you are against mixed marriages, then you Each individual act therefore implicates the are seen to be racist. But a marriage between wider social group. a Frenchman and an Arab is not a good

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thing, because the two people are from Djamila’s self-identity is constructed by her different religions and God does not want reflections on childhood, her marriage to this to happen. Perhaps it is written in the Amin, the upbringing of her children in a Koran. Everyone can have friends of differ- different country and, more recently, Amin’s ent religions, but marriage is difficult taking of a second wife back in Morocco. because everybody has different food habits. Clearly she has had the strength to put a lot behind her. Djamila is not just a passive Djamila reacted strongly against her observer of her life events. She has overcome arranged marriage, which took place in the difficult situations and invented new ways of most traditional Islamic conditions. One conse- bringing up her family. At the same time, she quence of her reaction to her own experience is and her husband want their children to remain the way in which she tries to bring up her Muslim and she has never encouraged them to daughters by giving them a different perspec- leave or change their religion. Djamila’s persis- tive. Djamila also believes strongly that a good tence on this matter has paid off, because even education will help them to make up their own though the eldest daughter, as we shall see, is minds and to develop their own opinions. She interested in other religions, she has not aban- hopes that they will become successful profes- doned her Muslim identity. sionals and earn good money. A change in other attitudes does not in itself Djamila’s attitude has already had a positive warrant abandoning an entire religious back- effect on her daughters, who consider their ground – why should it? If they were to give up future to be full of possibilities. But with her their religion, they would be abandoning one sons things are more complicated. Whereas the of the main resources available to give meaning girls stand to gain in autonomy, the boys stand to their lives. In situations where it is difficult to lose a resource that previous generations of to create a respected social identity, individu- men, including their own father, took for als with a strong religious background are granted: the power of men over women. The comforted and strengthened by their beliefs. patriarchal model, even though outdated in The Nour children have grown up on a large, most of contemporary society in modern sprawling housing estate in an area of high Western countries, remains potent in the minds social deprivation. They have the additional of second generation young men from Muslim stigma of being ‘Maghrébin’ (a French term for backgrounds. At the same time, it should be North African, often derogatory) or having remembered that the issue of changing gender Maghrébin roots. As Jacqueline Costa-Lascoux roles in modern society is one that all men are notes: facing, irrespective of cultural background. The Nour sons, like so many other boys and …every single piece of research on racism, young men, feel ill at ease in this new world. such as those surveys conducted annually Djamila knows this only too well. When she by the CSQ [a media watch-dog] for the asks them to help with daily tasks around the National Consultation Committee of home, she knows that she is sending a Human Rights, clearly shows that on the concealed and positive message. She is trans- scale of discrimination, Arabs or forming previous cultural codes on the sexual ‘Maghrébins’ score high, whether this division of labour. At the same time, Djamila racism consists of words, acts or atti- also upholds the central principles of Islam. tudes.11 These subtle changes are brought about in the everyday activities in the household. The The Nours are aware that French society dualism of traditional and modern beliefs can looks suspiciously at their boys, while it sees be seen in the way that Djamila speaks to her Muslim girls as possible victims of male children and more generally in the way that she Muslim oppression from which they should be brings them up. Writing on the importance of helped to free themselves. Mothers such as this process, Smaïn Laacher states that: Djamila know about this double standard and try to prevent sons’ resentment against their There is a myth that the ethnic minority sisters and against French society.12 For family is static and that each member is example, Leïla has been studying English and stuck in an identity rooted in tradition from Italian at school. Her good results are a which they cannot escape and far away contrast with those of her brothers. This could from the autonomy that one supposes they create an explosive situation. The brothers wish to acquire. Nothing could be further could have become jealous and reacted, as in than the truth. Both parents and children some other families, by asserting control over construct their identities independent of their sister in the name of family honour. But immutable tradition.10 Djamila had anticipated this risk. She had

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made Leïla understand that success at school within the family, and their attitudes and was not everything, and that she should help behaviour are forces for change. her brothers in their relationships with various The Nour daughters are typical of this bureaucracies or in looking for qualifications process. They have adopted new social roles or for work. Leïla does indeed phone potential which would not have been possible under employers for her brothers: traditional conditions, where strong norms on sex and family hierarchy dominate behaviour. Once an employer asked me, ‘Miss, why For example, Leïla, the eldest daughter, helps are you speaking for your brother ?’ I told with routine administrative tasks that concern him, ‘A feminine voice, even with an Arab the family, as well as contributing financially to accent, is less likely to frighten you, sir. You the running of the household. She also helps will be more willing to listen to me, and out with bringing up the younger children, I’ve got an interviews which were refused following their school progress whilst at the to my brothers.’ He did give Saïd an inter- same time pursuing her career in law at univer- view, and he took him on as a plumber. sity. The combination of these roles would previously have been considered suitable only At the same time Djamila succeeded in for the eldest son. getting the brothers to accept that they should Thus Djamila gives her children the oppor- take their share in the household tasks, includ- tunity to link tradition and modernity. She ing taking over Leïla’s roles when she was rejects the suggestion that tradition and moder- taking an exam. nity are opposing forces, and that her children’s The Nours do not see such changes as an objections to her parental views are radical and abandonment of their Muslim background. represent some form of generational conflict Like many other young women, the girls have peculiar to children from immigrant families. A become ‘Muslim Westerners’. As they redefine notable example is her creative parenting in their own identities, so too the boys have the both encouraging her daughter’s school success challenge of building their own. Djamila and and balancing this with an obligation to help her daughters are aware of the limits to change. her less successful brothers, and so to hold the They do not want to disturb family harmony, sibling group together in the new social context. so any changes have to be slowly negotiated. Thus we need to be cautious in interpreting But with each step, they are building a femi- single strands of change. Family relationships nine identity that is very different to the one are continuously shifting, and invariably that Djamila knew when she was growing up. complex. Nevertheless, we can fairly conclude Djamila Issolah’s research into young that among immigrant families like the Nour women from a North African shows how the one aim dominates, and underlies the creativity social construction of their identity is charac- of their parenting: the hope of giving their chil- terised by a double process: the internalisation dren the inner subjective resources they need to of the family, cultural and religious norms of overcome the handicap they have from their their parents and the acquisition of the norms national and class background, so that, remain- prevalent within French society.13 These young ing in France, they can fully exercise their status women occupy a new and privileged place as citizens.

NOTES Delcroix, ‘Between hope and pain. The Nour famille Nour. Comment certains résistent face à 1. Richard Alba and Roxane Silbermane, family’s struggle for life’, in Anna-Karen Kollind la précarité, Paris: Petite Bibliothèque Payot, ‘Decolonization, immigration and the social and Abby Peterson (eds), Thoughts on family, 2001, 2005. origins of the generation: The case of north gender, generation and class, Göteborg: 5. Julia Clancy-Smith, ‘Islam, Gender and Africans in France’, International Migration University Department of Sociology, 2003, pp. Identities in the Making of French Algeria, 1830- Review, 36(4), 2002, pp 1169-1193; Philippe 97-116; Catherine Delcroix, ‘European 1962 ‘, in Julia Clancy-Smith and Frances Gouda Bataille, Le racisme au travail, Paris: Seuil, comparative ways of using family histories,’ in (eds), Domesticating the Empire: Race, Gender 1997; François Dubet, ‘Le racisme et l’école en Proceedings of the ESRC Workshop on and Family Life in French and Dutch France,’ in Michel Wieviorka (ed), Racisme et Biographical Methods in Comparative Colonialism, Charlottesville: University Press of modernité, Paris: La Découverte, 1992, pp 298- Research, 24-25 November 2005, National Virginia Press, 1998, pp 154-74. 306. Website of National Centre of Research Methods 6. The Berbers were the first inhabitants of 2. Catherine Delcroix, ‘The transmission of life in the United Kingdom, www.ncrm.ac.uk. Morocco. They are a different ethnic group from stories from ethnic minority fathers to their children. 3. Salvador Juan, ‘» La socio-anthropologie »: the Arabs who arrived in the eighth century A personal resource to promote social integration’, champs, paradigme ou discipline? Regards following Arab expansion to the West. in Sarah Arber and Claudine Attias-Donfut (eds), particuliers sur les entretiens de longue durée’, 7. Louis-André Valet, ‘Les élèves étrangers ou The myth of generational conflict: The family Bulletin de méthodologie sociologique, 87, issus de l’immigration: les résultats du panel and state in ageing societies, London, New 2005, pp 61-79. français dans une perspective comparative’, in York: Routledge, 2000, pp 174-89; Catherine 4. Catherine Delcroix, Ombres et lumières de la France Aubert, Maryse Tripier, François Vourc’h

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(eds), Jeunes issus de l’immigration. De l’école à 10. Smaïn Laacher, ‘La « famille immigré » et la 12. Nacira Guénif-Souilamas and Eric Macé, l’emploi, Paris: CIEMI/L’Harmattan, 1997, construction sociale de la réalité’, Migrants- Les féministes et le garçon arabe, Paris: L’Aube, p 75-6. formation, no 98, 1994. Poche Essais, 2004. 8. Robert Neuburger, Le Mythe familiale, Paris: 11. Jacqueline Costa-Lascoux, ‘Immigration: de 13. Djamila Issolah, La Construction sociale de ESF, 1997, p 15. l’exil à l’exclusion?, in Serge Paugam, (ed), l’identité des jeunes filles d’origine maghrébine 9. Toshiaki Kozakaï, L’étranger, l’identité. Essai L’exculsion: l’état des savoirs, Paris: La en France, Maîtrise de sociologie, Université sur l’integration culturelle, Paris: Payot, 2000. Découverte, 1996, pp 158-170. Toulouse-Le Mirail, 1997.

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