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Orality and Capitalist Logic in the Music of Samba Schools (1)

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Orality and Capitalist Logic in the Music of Samba Schools (1) Orality and Capitalist Logic in the Music of Samba Schools (1) Yuri Prado Universidade de São Paulo (USP) [email protected] Abstract One of the most striking features of the music of samba schools, the samba-enredo, is its high degree of formularity, manifested in the works of many composers from diverse epochs and stylistic tendencies. In this article, I intend to relate this phenomenon to the popular (oral) conscience model that still exists in the samba schools, and also to the fact that samba-enredo is embedded in a capitalist logic that ranges from the cultural industry in which it takes part to how works are chosen for performance in Carnival. KEYWORDS: Samba schools, formularity, orality, culture industry Introduction Since their founding at the end of the 1920s, the samba schools of Rio de Janeiro, well-organized groups which parade every year in carnival, are institutions marked by a series of contradictions. These contradictions concern their negotiations with the government (the struggle for the schools to thrive amidst the ruling of governmental power), the valorization of their members’ labour (some sectors have no wages while others are overpaid), financial management (public subsidies, private companies’ sponsorship and even laundered money from Jogo do Bicho, an illegal gambling lottery), their social role (as a leisure space in deprived communities and as a celebrity showcase, once their parades are broadcast on the major network in Brazil, Rede Globo), and even their own discourse (claiming themselves as guardians of samba traditions while they strive for innovation, especially in the visual aspects of the parades). The music produced by samba schools, the samba-enredo, is marked by a contradiction that, to a certain extent, runs through all those mentioned above: most of the time, it is a product of music making strongly marked by orality, while simultaneously fitting into the capitalistic logic of the cultural industry in which it takes part. In addition, each samba school has its own way of selecting the works IASPM Journal vol.9 no.2 (2019) Journal of the International Association for the Study of Popular Music ISSN 2079-3871 | DOI 10.5429/2079-3871(2019)v9i2.3en | www.iaspmjournal.net Orality and Capitalist Logic in the Music of Samba Schools 23 presented in carnival. In this article, I examine how these two poles are formed and the role they play in the presence of a high amount of formularity in samba-enredo. Orality In his famous book Orality and Literacy, Walter Ong suggests the existence of a primary orality that is “of a culture totally untouched by any knowledge of writing or print”, and a secondary orality, existing in the modern culture of high technology, mediated by “telephone, radio, television, and other electronic devices that depend for their existence and functioning on writing and print” (Ong 2002: 10-11). According to the author, despite the practical inexistence of a “pure” primary orality nowadays, it is still possible to identify ways of thinking in many contemporary cultures that somehow preserve this kind of orality. According to Ricardo Azevedo, this is precisely the case of the samba schools: Beyond external interferences as well as commercial and political interests, samba schools can still be considered and described as essentially communitary, collective, affective, interested and spontaneously organized public spaces, where family, hierarchies, context (and religiosity) are mingled and synthesized in an admirable way. (...) It should be noted that, although traditional, they are located in big cities, are absolutely contemporary and included in modernity, even though, as all the evidence shows, they are the fruit of another model of consciousness (Azevedo 2013: 344, my translation). According to Azevedo, the culture of samba is marked by a popular consciousness model, related to orality (opposed to the hegemonic, modern and educated model, related to writing), which is manifested not only as a form of socialization among the sambistas but also in the themes presented in their works: Collective and communitary life, family hierarchies, religiosity and magic, overestimation of common sense, food, labour and money (the struggle for survival) as well as a deep connection with oral culture and its implications, have been and continue to be even nowadays subjects viscerally linked to samba (Azevedo 2013: 129, my translation). It is noticeable that, in samba, the musical enculturation – the “immersion in the music and the musical practices of one’s environment” (Green 2001: 5) — is often developed both through self-learning and an attentive observation of the older sambistas’ music making. Take this observation from Tuninho Professor, a respected samba composer: When I was a child I accompanied my brothers to samba. My brother Jorge had attended [the carnival group] Cacique de Ramos since he was a child, and he attended [the samba school] Imperatriz Leopoldinense when it still rehearsed in [the club] Paranhos. My brother-in-law, Trajano Russo, who is considered one of the greatest partideiros [samba improvisers] in Brazil and in Rio de Janeiro, would go there too and I also used to accompany them. I was always lurking, always waiting for an opportunity, listening to one, listening to another. Another brother-in-law, Denir Lobo, went there and along with them I began to meet, when I was still a child, composers of Imperatriz Leopoldinense who frequented a corner on which there was the bar called El Fernando, which on Sundays promoted a samba with the people of Imperatriz Leopoldinense and people related to samba. As my brothers and brother-in- www.iaspmjournal.net 24 Yuri Prado law also went there, I would go there and listen to them. I loved listening to them (Professor 2015, my translation). In addition to learning the repertoire, it was common for the learning of musical instruments to take place at rodas de samba (samba meetings). According to the composer André Diniz, it is possible to see that even in the 1990s, when he began to compose sambas-enredo, the acquisition of knowledge occurred in these informal situations: I joined [the football supporters club] Raça, from [the football team] Flamengo, and at the entrance door of Raça’s head office there was a pagode [samba meeting]. So, I would see Bocão playing tan-tan [a cylindrical hand drum] and there was a boy named Marquinhos, who was Marquinhos do Banjo, a composer from [the samba school] União da Ilha, who played the banjo [a four-string instrument adapted and introduced in samba by Almir Guineto in the late 1970s], and I kept looking at them. Then I started learning to play the cavaquinho [a four-string Brazilian lute] (Diniz 2013, my translation). Some composers spontaneously showed a predisposition to composing in their childhood; often these first attempts at composition were judged, generally rather rigorously, by their own family members: I used to go down the hill to fetch some water and the kids would drum as they walked, singing sambas. So did I and here I am today. God bless that water can! (Katimba 2009, my translation). My brother-in-law was a composer and he’d help me a lot, give me a lot of orientation, and I used to learn a lot from him. When I made bad stuff and showed him, he’d say: “It’s shit”. (...) I’d make those verses, sing them to him [and he would say]: “Oh, boy, that’s so bad as it is (...) it needs a touch-up” (Guga 2013, my translation). These statements confirm a fact pointed out by Azevedo (2013: 242) of the importance of “learning by doing”, in opposition to theoretical learning through reading. In fact, most samba-enredo composers never had the chance to attend a music academy. Therefore, some of them only play percussion instruments, learned “in the streets” through the practice of samba, or play string instruments without great technical skill (2): I’m a percussionist even to this day. I can’t play string instruments. A chord on the cavaquinho or the guitar can be done, though. Anyone can do it, it’s easy- peasy. But I don’t play the guitar. For you to say you play the guitar or the cavaquinho, you got to do it for real (Martinho da Vila 2014, my translation). I play the guitar, but the basics of the ABC’s. I’m not a guitarist. I play it, I do some stuff, it helps me in a few things, but I’m not a formal musician (Toninho Nascimento 2014, my translation). There are sambistas who do not play any instrument and even so, or exactly for that reason, have reached a level of excellence as composers (3): Even to this day I don’t know a single musical note… I really can’t learn it. Sometimes I try some beats on the tamborim [a small Brazilian frame drum] IASPM Journal vol.9 no.2 (2019) Orality and Capitalist Logic in the Music of Samba Schools 25 with my fingertips and even then, I think I am out tune [laughs] (Katimba 2009, my translation). I never studied music. It’s a native musicality. A lot of people find it odd that I do not play any instruments. Usually those who do not play any instrument make only lyrics or simple melodies. They find it odd that I make richer, more elaborate melodies without playing an instrument (Diego Nicolau 2015, my translation). The notions of family and hierarchy are fundamental to understanding the popular consciousness model and, consequently, the samba schools. If there is a core group in the samba schools that expresses these notions, it is the composers’ wing (ala dos compositores). For a long time, at least since before the construction of the Sambódromo (Sambadrome) in 1984 for the samba schools’ parades, the composers’ wing was an institution with its own rules, enjoying considerable organizational autonomy.
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