The Pillar New Testament Commentary General Editor D. A. CARSON

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The Pillar New Testament Commentary

General Editor D. A. CARSON

The Letters to the THESSALONIANS

GENE L. GREEN

William B. Eerdmans Publishing Company Grand Rapids, Michigan / Cambridge, U.K. Color profile: Disabled Composite 140 lpi at 45 degrees

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First published 2002 in the United States of America by Wm. B. Eerdmans Publishing Co.

and in the United Kingdom by APOLLOS 38 De Montfort Street, Leicester, England LE1 7GP

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Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data

Green, Gene L. The letters to the Thessalonians / Gene L. Green. p. cm. (The Pillar New Testament commentary) Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN 978-0-8028-3738-7 (alk. paper) 1. Bible. N.T. Thessalonians — Commentaries. I. Title. II. Series.

BS2725.53.G74 2002 227¢.81077 — dc21 2002019444

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Green, Pillar Thessalonians 3rd printing Wednesday, January 07, 2009 8:56:54 AM 4 ADeborah mi corazón y aGillianyChristiana mi sangre

Contents

Series Preface xi Author’s Preface xiii Abbreviations xvi Bibliography xix

INTRODUCTION

I.RIVERS, ROADS, ROLLING MOUNTAINS, AND THESEA: GEOGRAPHY AND TRAVEL THROUGH MACEDONIAANDTHESSALONICA 1 II.ASUMMARYHISTORY OFMACEDONIAAND THESSALONICA 8 III. THEGOVERNMENT OFTHESSALONICA 20 IV. THESOCIAL AND ECONOMIC WORLDS OF THESSALONICA 25 V.RELIGION IN THESSALONICA 31 VI. THEGOSPEL AND THE THESSALONIANS 47 VII. THEAUTHORSHIP OF1AND 2 THESSALONIANS 54 A. 1Thessalonians 54 B.2Thessalonians 59 1. Literary Arguments 60 2. The Argument from Form 61 3. The Theological Argument 62 VIII. THEORDEROFTHEEPISTLES 64 IX. THESTRUCTURE OF1AND 2 THESSALONIANS 69

vii CONTENTS

1THESSALONIANS

I.“PAUL, SILAS AND TIMOTHY, TO THECHURCH OFTHE THESSALONIANS” — THEEPISTOLARY GREETING (1.1)81 II.“WEALWAYS THANK GOD FOR ALL OFYOU”—THE COMING OFTHEGOSPEL AND ITSRECEPTION (1.2-10) 86 III.“YOUKNOW ...”—THE BODY OFTHELETTER (2.1–5.22) 111 A. “Our visittoyou was not a failure” — TheGospel Arrives in Thessalonica(2.1–3.13) 111 1. “Our visit” — The Apostolic Entrance (2.1-12) 111 2. “We also thank God...youreceived the word of God” — The Reception of the Gospel (2.13-16) 138 3. “We were torn away from you” — The Exit of the Apostles and the Attempts to Return (2.17-20) 150 4. “We sent Timothy” — The Mission of Timothy (3.1-5) 156 5. “But Timothy has just now come to us” — Thanksgiving to God for the Thessalonians (3.6-10) 165 6. “Now may our God...clear the way for us to come to you” — The Prayer to Return to Thessalonica (3.11-13) 175 B.“Youknow what instructionswegaveyou”— TheLife That Pleases God (4.1–5.22) 181 1. “We instructed you how to live in order to please God” — The Introduction (4.1-2) 182 2. “You should avoid sexual immorality” — Sanctification (4.3-8) 187 3. “Now about...”—Responses to Questions (4.9–5.11) 202 a. Fraternal “love” (4.9-12) 202 b. “Those who fall asleep”(4.13-18) 213 c.“Times and dates” (5.1-11)229 4. “Respect those who work hard among you” — The Community and Its Leadership (5.12-13) 246 5. “Warn . . . encourage...help . . . be patient” — Life in Community (5.14) 252 6. “Make sure that nobody pays back wrong for wrong” — The Life of Nonretaliation (5.15) 255 7. “Be joyful...pray . . . give thanks” — Communion with God (5.16-18) 257

viii CONTENTS

8. “Do not put out the Spirit’s fire” — Prophecy in the Community (5.19-22) 260 IV.“MAY GOD HIMSELF”—THE FINAL PRAYER, GREETINGS, AND BLESSING (5.23-28) 266 A. “May God ...sanctifyyou through and through” (5.23-25)266 B.“Greet all thebrothersand sisters” (5.26-27)270 C. “Thegraceof our Lord JesusChrist be with you”(5.28) 272

2THESSALONIANS

I.“PAUL, SILVANUS, AND TIMOTHY, TO THECHURCH OFTHE THESSALONIANS” — THEEPISTOLARY SALUTATION (1.1-2) 277 II.“YOUR FAITH ISGROWING AND YOURLOVE IS INCREASING” — THANKSGIVING AND PRAYERS FOR THE FAITH,LOVE, AND STEADFASTNESS OFTHE PERSECUTED THESSALONIANS (1.3-12) 278 A. “We must always give thankstoGodfor you”— The First Thanksgiving(1.3-5)279 B.“It is indeed just of God to repay with affliction those whoafflictyou”—TheDestinyof the Persecutors (1.6-10) 286 C. “Tothisend we will always pray for you”— TheRemembranceofPrayerstoBe Worthyof God’s Call (1.11-12) 296 III.“ASTO...”—THE BODY OFTHELETTER (2.1–3.15)300 A. “As to the comingof our Lord JesusChrist” — The Timeof theDayof theLord (2.1-17)300 1. Do not “be quickly shaken” — False Teaching about the Day of the Lord (2.1-12) 300 2. “But we must always give thanks to God for you” — The Second Thanksgiving (2.13-14) 325 3. “Stand firm and hold fast to the traditions” — Exhortation to Steadfastness — 2.15 329 4. “Now may our Lord Jesus Christ himself and God our Father” — The First Prayer (2.16-17) 330

ix CONTENTS

B.“Finally, brothersand sisters” — FinalInstructions(3.1-15)334 1. “Pray for us” — Mutual Prayers (3.1-5) 334 a. “So that theword of theLord may spread rapidly” — The Prayer Request of theApostles (3.1-2) 334 b. “ButtheLord is faithful; hewill strengthen you”—Confidence in theLord (3.3-4)337 c.“May theLord directyour hearts to the love of God”—TheSecond Prayer (3.5)339 2. “Now we command you” — The Problem of the Disorderly (3.6-15) 341 a. “Keep away from believerswhoare living in idleness” — The First Exhortation (to theCommunity) (3.6) 343 b. “Wewere not idlewhen we werewith you”— TheExampleof theApostles (3.7-10) 345 c.“Work quietlyand earn your ownliving” — TheSecond Exhortation (to theDisorderly) (3.11-12) 350 d.“Donot be weary in doingwhat is right” — The Third Exhortation (to theCommunity) (3.13) 353 e. “Take note of those who do not obey” — Discipline in theCommunity (3.14-15)354 IV.“NOWMAYTHELORDOFPEACE HIMSELF GIVE YOU PEACE” — THE THIRD PRAYER AND FINAL GREETINGS (3.16-18) 357 A. “Now may theLord ofpeace himself give youpeace” — The First Benediction (3.16) 357 B.“I, Paul,write thisgreeting” — TheApostolic Greetingand Guarantee (3.17)358 C. “Thegraceof our Lord JesusChrist be with you all”— The FinalBenediction (3.18) 359

INDEXES

MODERN AUTHORS 361 SUBJECTS365 SCRIPTURE REFERENCES 367 EXTRABIBLICAL LITERATURE 391

x Series Preface

Commentaries have specific aims, and thisseries is noexception.De- signedforpastorsand teachersof the Bible, the Pillarcommentaries seek above all to make clear thetextof Scriptureaswehave it. Thescholars writingthese volumes interactwith the most important informedcon- temporary debate, butavoid getting miredinunduetechnicaldetail. Their idealisablend ofrigorousexegesisand exposition,with an eye alertboth to biblical theology and the contemporary relevanceof the Bi- ble, without confusingthe commentaryand thesermon. The rationale for thisapproach isthat thevision of “objective scholarship”(avain chimera) may actuallybeprofane. God standsover against us; we do not stand in judgmentofhim. When God speakstous throughhis Word,those who profess to know him must respond in an appropriate way, and that is certainly different from astance in which the scholarprojects animage of autonomous distance. Yet this is nosurrepti- tiousappealforuncontrolled subjectivity. Thewritersof thisseries aim for an evenhanded openness to thetextthat isthebestkind of “objectiv- ity” of all. If thetext isGod’s Word, it isappropriate that we respond withrev- erence, a certain fear,aholyjoy,aquestingobedience. These values should be reflectedinthewayChristianswrite. With these values in place, the Pillarcommentaries will be warmlywelcomednot onlybypas- tors, teachers, and students, butbygeneralreadersaswell.

∗∗∗∗∗

This commentarybyGeneGreenisawelcomeaddition to theseries. In addition to histechnicalcompetence, especially in helping ustounder-

xi SERIES PREFACE stand theGreco-Roman background ofThessalonicaand its bearingon these letters, Dr.Green brings yearsof teachingexperiencetohiswriting, bothinLatin Americaand, more recently, at Wheaton College. Thetwo commentaries he has writteninSpanish are highly regarded.Nowread- ers in theAngloworld, not least pastorsand missionaries, will be grateful for the clarity and vitality hebrings to hisexegesisand exposition. Thesanity and even-handedness that characterize his interpretation of someof the most hotly disputedpassages in theNewTestamentwill be recognized as oneof thegreat strengthsof thework.

D. A. CARSON

xii Author’s Preface

The modern city ofThessaloniki,thesecond largest metropolitancenter in modern Greece, standsatop the ruinsof theancient city founded by Cassanderinthe fourthcentury bc. WhenPaul,Silvanus, and Timothy arrived thereover three and a half centuries later,they entered athriving metropolisthat was trulythe“mother ofMacedonia.” Whilearchaeolo- gists have unearthednumerous important finds from around that period, recently includingastructurethat may be thetempleof the imperialcult referencedinnumerous inscriptions, our understandingof the city re- mains ratherlimited,atleast in comparison to that of other ancient cities such as Corinth,Athens, Ephesus, and Rome. Yet with theevidencethat has survived,weareabletopiecetogether a coherent pictureof the character of this provincialcapitalfrominscriptions, archaeological excava- tions, numismatic evidence, and textualreferences. Also available isa wealth ofinformation outliningthe historyofMacedonia, its conquest by theRomans, and its roleasaprovincewithin theempire. Moreover,students of the classics have enriched our understandingoflifewithin the Mediterranean world duringthe first century, drawingon the multiplic- ity ofmaterialsthat have survived the millennia. Weare farfromigno- rantof governmental and religious institutionsand enjoy insight into the structures of economics, the family, and other socialinstitutions. Cultural values and how they differed among peoplegroupsareall partof the stock ofmaterialhandeddown to us. This commentaryon1and 2 Thessalonians isan attempttoread these letters in the lightofrelevant materials from the city and world of that era in order to help usbetterunderstand the impactof thegospel of Christ onits first readers. Did thespecialrelationship Thessalonicaen- joyed with RomeaffectthewayChristians in the city were handled?Did

xiii AUTHOR’S PREFACE theoutward-looking character of the city as the metropolisof the province influencetheChristianmission that emanatedfromit? How doan- cientviews ofdeath and comfort inform our readingof1Thessalonians 4.13-18? Does the institution ofpatronage (clientela) help clarifywhy certain individualswithin the Thessalonianchurchrefused to work? Was scepticism about prophecywidespreadinthe first century, and did this trend influencethe church? This commentaryexplores the relationship between the Thessa- loniancorrespondenceand the canon of Scripture, but italso asksques- tionsabout how thisbook was read by first-century Macedoniansand Romans livingsidebyside in this city situated alongthe ViaEgnatia. I recognize that thisapproach necessitates a lengthier thanusual section on the historyand character of the city, but my hope, dearreader, isthat you will takethetimetogettoknow the Thessalonianssomewhat before readingaboutthe foundingof the church in their city and thebelievers’ subsequentstruggles to live outtheChristianfaithinthat context. Read- ingaboutthewaythegospelimpacted themintheir contextwill, in the end, hopefully move ustoward a clearerpictureofhow thegospelisand can be a potent force in our ownlives and society at thebeginningof the twenty-first century. This isarich time forThessalonian studies, as thebibliography in- cludedhereand theone published by Stanley Porter and Jeffrey Weima (Brill)attest.I am sorrythat the commentarybyAbrahamMalherbe (Doubleday) cameoutafter thiswork was finished.Any reader ofhis previousessaysonThessalonianswill recognize my debt to him. Wealso are looking forward to the commentaries by Jeffrey Weima(Baker)and Greg Beale(IVP) in the nearfuture. Such riches cause usembarrassment. A projectof thistype is neverundertaken alone, despite the long hoursof solitary research. My initialinvestigationinto thesocial setting ofThessalonicaand the Thessalonianletterswasundertaken at Tyndale House in Cambridge, England. Manythanksare duetoBruce Winterfor hiswarm encouragementand to David Instone-Brewerforhis masterful managementof that library. The funding for the research,which also re- sultedinaSpanishcommentaryon the letters,1 was madeavailable through the kindness of our manysupporterswhilewewere missionaries with Latin America Mission as well as by TheCombs Foundation, The Endowment forBiblical Research, The First Fruit Foundation,and La Iglesia BíblicaZapote. I am also verygrateful to mystudents of the SeminarioESEPA in SanJosé, Costa Rica, and at Wheaton College for their insights into these lettersand for their comments on the perspec-

1.EugenioGreen, 1y2Tesalonicenses (Grand Rapids: EditorialPortavoz, 2001).

xiv AUTHOR’S PREFACE tives forwardedinthis commentary. Thanksalso go to Don Carson, my friend and general editor,whose observationsand criticisms have served to improve thiswork. I amindebted as well to Milton Essenburgof Eerd- mans forhis careful editing, from which I and agreat number of other commentators have benefited over the last thirty years. Hearty thanks also go to myassistants, Sydney Westrate and JordanaAshman, forhelp- ing preparethe first draftof thebibliographyand readingand proofing theentire manuscript respectively. ThanksbetoGodfor each of these people! Finally, I thank mywife, Deborah,and my daughters, Gillian and Christiana, for their encouragementand thewaythey patiently packed their suitcases one moretimesoIcould complete this project. These three women arethejoyofmy life, and I will be grateful to Godfor them throughouteternity. Tothem thisbookis lovingly dedicated.

Gene L. Green

xv Abbreviations

ABD Anchor Bible Dictionary. Edited by David NoelFreedman.6 vols. New York: Doubleday, 1992 AJA American Journal of Archaeology AJAH American Journal of Ancient History ANRW Aufstieg und Niedergang der römischen Welt: Geschichte und Kultur Roms im Spiegel der neueren Forschung. Edited by Hildegard Temporini and Wolfgang Haase. Berlin and New York: WalterdeGruyter, 1972- AR Archaeological Reports ATR Australasian Theological Review BA Biblical Archaeologist BAGD A Greek-English Lexicon of the New Testament and Other Early Christian Literature. WalterBauer. Translated and edited by WilliamF.Arndtand F. Wilbur Gingrich.Revised by F. Wilbur Gingrich and Frederick W.Danker.Chicago and London: University of Chicago Press, 1979 BASOR Bulletin of the American Schools of Oriental Research BBR Bulletin for Biblical Research BCH Bulletin de correspondance hellénique BDF A Greek Grammar of the New Testament. F. Blass and A. Debrunner. Translated and edited by Robert W. Funk. Chicago and London: University of Chicago Press, 1961 Bib Biblica BGU Berliner Griechische Urkunden BJRL Bulletin of the John Rylands Library BN Biblische Notizen BR Biblical Research

xvi ABBREVIATIONS

BRev Bible Review BSac Bibliotheca Sacra BT The Bible Translator CBQ Catholic Biblical Quarterly Colloq Colloquium Comm Communio CP Classical Philology CT Cuadernos de Teología DRev Downside Review EstBíb Estudios Bíblicos EstEcl Estudios Eclesiásticos ExpTim Expository Times GR Greece and Rome HSCP Harvard Studies in Classical Philology HTR Harvard Theological Review Int Interpretation IG Inscriptiones Graecae IT Inscriptiones Graecae Epiri, Macedoniae, Thraciae, Scythiae, Pars II: Inscriptiones Macedoniae, Fasciculus I: Inscriptiones Thessalonicae et Viciniae. Edited by C. F.Edson. Berlin: W. deGruyter, 1972 JBL Journal of Biblical Literature JETS Journal of the Evangelical Theological Society JHS Journal of Hellenistic Studies JPT Journal of Pentecostal Theology JRA Journal of Roman Archaeology JRS Journal of Roman Studies JSNT Journal for the Study of the New Testament JSOT Journal for the Study of the Old Testament JTS Journal of Theological Studies JTSA Journal of Theology for Southern Africa LAE Light from the Ancient East. Adolf Deissmann.Grand Rapids:Baker, 1978 LSJ AGreek-EnglishLexicon.Edited by HenryGeorge Liddell and RobertScott. Revised by HenryStuart Jones and Roderick McKenzie. Oxford: ClarendonPress, 1968 Lum Lumen MM The Vocabulary of the Greek New Testament. James Hope Moulton and George Mulligan.Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1930 NA Numina Aegaea

xvii ABBREVIATIONS

NBD New Bible Dictionary. Edited by J.D.Douglas. Downers Grove, Ill.:InterVarsity Press, 1982. NewDocs New Documents Illustrating Early Christianity. Edited by G. H.R.Horsley and S. R. Llewelyn.8vols. Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1981-98 NIDNTT New International Dictionary of New Testament Theology. Edited by Colin Brown. 4 vols. Grand Rapids: Zondervan, 1975-85 NovT Novum Testamentum NTS New Testament Studies OCD Oxford Classical Dictionary. Edited by SimonHornblower and AntonySpawforth.Oxford and New York: Oxford University Press, 1996 PCPS Proceedings of the Cambridge Philological Society Presb Presbyterion Proy Proyección RB Revue biblique REG Revue des études grecques RevBíb Revista Bíblica RevPhil Revue de philologie ResQ Restoration Quarterly RIBLA Revista de Interpretación Bíblica Latinoamericana RTR ReformedTheologicalReview Salm Salmanticensis SIG3 Sylloge Inscriptionum Graecarum. Edited by W.Dittenberger. 4 vols. Leipzig: S. Hirzelium, 1915-24 TDNT Theological Dictionary of the New Testament. Edited by Gerhard Kittel and Gerhard Friedrich. 10vols. Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1964-76 TLNT Theological Lexicon of the New Testament. 3vols. Ceslas Spicq. Peabody, Mass.:Hendrickson, 1994 TTJ Trinity Theological Journal TynBul Tyndale Bulletin VD Verbum Domini WesTJ Wesleyan Theological Journal ZNW Zeitschrift für die neutestamentliche Wissenschaft ZPE Zeitschrift für Papyrologie und Epigraphik ZTK Zeitschrift für Theologie und Kirche

xviii Bibliography

In addition to thebibliographic references listed below, see:

Weima, Jeffrey A. D., and Stanley E. Porter. An Annotated Bibliography of 1 and 2Thessalonians.Leiden, Boston,and Köln: Brill, 1998.

Ackroyd, Peter R. “njF —eistelos.”ExpTim80 (1968-69) 126. Adams, J. P.“Toperios Thraciae, the ViaEgnatiaand the Boundaries ofMace- donia.” Pages 17-42 in Ancient Macedonia IV. Thessaloniki: Institute for Balkan Studies, 1986. Alcock,Susan E. Graecia Capta. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1993. Arroniz, José Manuel.“Laparusía y suhermenéutica(1Tes 4,13-18).” Lum 32.3 (1983) 193-213. Aune, David E. The New Testament in Its Literary Environment. Philadelphia: WestminsterPress, 1987. Aus, Roger D. “TheLiturgicalBackground of theNecessity and Propriety of Giving Thanksaccordingto2Thes. 1:3.” JBL 92 (1973) 432-38. Aus, Roger D. “TheRelevanceofIsaiah 66.7 to Revelation12and 2 Thessa- lonians 1.” ZNW 67 (1976) 252-68. Baer,David A. When We All Go Home: Translation and Theology in LXX Isaiah 56–66. Sheffield: Sheffield Academic Press, 2001. Bahr,GordonJ.“TheSubscriptions in the PaulineLetters.” JBL 87 (1968) 27- 41. Bailey, J.A.“Who Wrote II Thessalonians?” NTS 25 (1978-79) 131-45. Balch,David L. Let Wives Be Submissive. Chico, Calif.: Scholars Press, 1981. Bammel,Ernst. “Judenverfolgung und Naherwartung: Zur Eschatologie des ErstenThessalonicherbriefes.” ZTK 56(1959) 294-315.

xix BIBLIOGRAPHY

¾¾¾.“Preparationfor the Perilsof theLastDays:IThessalonians3:3.” Pages 91-100 in Suffering and Martyrdom in the New Testament. Edited by WilliamHorburyand BrianMcNeil.Cambridge: Cambridge Univer- sity Press, 1981. Barclay, John M.G.“Conflict in Thessalonica.” CBQ 55 (1993) 512-30. ¾¾¾. Jews in the Mediterranean Diaspora. Edinburgh: T&T Clark, 1996. ¾¾¾.“Thessalonicaand Corinth: Social Contrasts in PaulineChristianity.” JSNT 47 (1992) 49-74. Barr, James. Biblical Words for Time. Naperville, Ill.: A. R. Allenson, 1962. Barrat, Trenchard. IyIITesalonicenses.Madrid: Literatura Bíblica, 1979. Bassler, Jouette M.“TheEnigmatic Sign: 2 Thessalonians 1:5.” CBQ 46(1984) 496-510. Baur, Ferdinand Christian. Paulus, der Apostel Jesu Christi. Stuttgart:Becher & Müller, 1845. Beekman, John,and John Callow. Translating the Word of God. Grand Rapids: Zondervan, 1974. Beauvery, R. “Pleonektein in I Thess 4,3-8.” VD 33 (1955) 78-85. Bell,AlbertA.,Jr. Exploring the New Testament World. Nashville:Thomas Nel- son, 1998. Benjamin,Anna, and AntonyE.Raubitschek.“Arae Augusti.” Hesperia 28 (1959) 65-85. Best, Ernest. ACommentaryontheFirstandSecondEpistlestotheThessalonians. New York: Harper &Row,1972. Bjerkelund,Carl J. ParakalZ. Oslo:Universitetsforleget, 1967. Blight, Richard C. An Exegetical Summary of1&2Thessalonians. Dallas: Sum- merInstitute of Linguistics, 1989. Boers, Hendrikus. “The Form-Critical StudyofPaul’s Letters:1Thessalo- niansasaCaseStudy.” NTS 22 (1975-76) 140-58. Bonnet, Luis, and AlfredoSchroeder. Epístolas de Pablo. Vol.3of Comentario del Nuevo Testamento. ElPaso: Casa Bautista de Publicaciones, 1982. Braund,David.“Function and Dysfunction: PersonalPatronage in Roman Imperialism.” Pages 137-52 in Patronage in Ancient Society. Edited by Andrew Wallace-Hadrill.London and New York: Routledge, 1989. Brown,Stephen G. “The Intertextuality ofIsaiah 66.17 and 2 Thessalonians 2.7: ASolutionfor the‘Restrainer’ Problem.” Pages 254-77 in Paul and the Scriptures of Israel. Edited by CraigA.Evansand James A. Sanders. Sheffield: JSOTPress, 1993. Bruce, F. F. 1and2Thessalonians.Waco:Word, 1982. ¾¾¾.“Macedonia.” Pages 454-58 in Vol. 4 of Anchor Bible Dictionary. 6vols. Edited by David NoelFreedman.NewYork: Doubleday, 1992. ¾¾¾. Paul: Apostle of the Heart Set Free. Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1977.

xx BIBLIOGRAPHY

¾¾¾.“St.Paul in Macedonia: 2. The Thessalonian Correspondence.” BJRL 62 (1980) 328-45. Brunot, Amedee. Los escritos de san Pablo. Estella(Navarra): EditorialVerbo Divino, 1982. Buck,Charles, and GreerTaylor. Saint Paul: A Study of the Development of His Thought. New York: Scribner’s, 1969. Butcher, Kevin.“Roman Coinage ofThessalonica.” JRA 5 (1992) 434-39. Calderone, Salvatore. Pistis-Fides: Ricerche di storia e diritto internazionale nell’antichità. Messina:Università Degli Studi, 1964. Carrington, Philip. The Primitive Christian Catechism. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1940. Carroll, B. H. Comentario bíblico; Santiago,1y2Tesalonicensesy1y2Corintios. Barcelona: Clie, 1987. Casson,Lionel. Ships and Seamanship in the Ancient World. Princeton: Prince- tonUniversity Press, 1971. ¾¾¾. Travel in the Ancient World. Baltimoreand London: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1994. Catling, H. W.“Archaeology in Greece.” AR 28 (1981-82) 32-36. Chapa, Juan.“Is First ThessaloniansaLetter of Consolation?” NTS 40(1994) 150-60. Charlesworth, M. P. Trade Routes and Commerce in the Roman Empire. Cam- bridge: Cambridge University Press, 1924. Chow, John K. Patronage and Power: A Study of Social Networks in Corinth. Shef- field: Sheffield Academic Press, 1992. Clark,Andrew D. Secular and Christian Leadership in Corinth. Leiden: Brill, 1993. Collart, Paul.“Lesmilliares de la ViaEgnatia.” BCH 100 (1976) 177-200. ¾¾¾.“Une reflectionde la ViaEgnatiasous Trajan.” BCH 59(1935)395-415. Collins, Raymond F.“Apropos the Integrity of1Thessalonians.” Pages 96- 135inStudies on the First Letter to the Thessalonians. Edited by Ray- mond F.Collins. Leuven: LeuvenUniversity Press, 1984. ¾¾¾.“TheChurch of the Thessalonians.” Pages 285-98 in Studies on the First Letter to the Thessalonians. Edited by Raymond F.Collins. Leuven: LeuvenUniversity Press, 1984. ¾¾¾.“IThessaloniansand theLiturgy of theEarlyChurch.” Pages 136-53 in Studies on the First Letter to the Thessalonians. Edited by Raymond F. Collins. Leuven: LeuvenUniversity Press, 1984. ¾¾¾.“Paul,asSeen throughHisOwn Eyes: AReflection on the First Letter to the Thessalonians.” Pages 175-208 in Studies on the First Letter to the Thessalonians. Edited by Raymond F.Collins. Leuven: LeuvenUniver- sity Press, 1984.

xxi BIBLIOGRAPHY

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Moore, George Foote. Judaism in the First Centuries of the Christian Era. 3vols. in 2. Peabody, Mass.:Hendrickson, 1997 Morris, Leon. The Epistles of Paul to the Thessalonians. Grand Rapids: Eerd- mans, 1984. ¾¾¾. The First and Second Epistles to the Thessalonians. Grand Rapids: Eerd- mans, 1991. ¾¾¾. “kai hapax kai dis.” NovT 1 (1956) 205-8. Mott, Stephen Charles. “The Power of Givingand Receiving: Reciprocity in Hellenistic Benevolence.” Pages 60-72 in Current Issues in Biblical and Patristic Interpretation. Edited by Gerald F. Hawthorne. Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1975. Moule, C. F.D.An Idiom-Book of New Testament Greek. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1971. Munck, Johannes. “IThessalonians 1.9-10and the Missionary Preachingof Paul.” NTS 9(1962-63) 95-110. Murphy-O’Connor, Jerome. “Lots of God-Fearers? Theosebeis in theAphro- disias Inscription.” RB 99 (1992) 418-24. ¾¾¾. Paul the Letter-Writer. Collegeville, Minn.: LiturgicalPress, 1995. ¾¾¾. St. Paul’s Corinth: Texts and Archaeology. Collegeville, Minn.: Liturgical Press, 1983. ¾¾¾.“TravelingConditions in the First Century: On theRoad and on the Sea with St. Paul.” BRev 1 (1985)38-47. Neil, W. The Epistles of Paul to the Thessalonians. London: Hodder & Stoughton, 1950. Neyrey, Jerome H., ed. The Social World of Luke-Acts. Peabody, Mass.:Hen- drickson, 1991. Nigdelis, P. M.“Synagoge(n) und Gemeinde delJudeninThessaloniki: Fragen aufgrund einerneuen jüdischen Grabinscrift delKaiserzeit.” ZPE 102 (1994)241-49. Nilsson, Martin P. The Dionysiac Mysteries of the Hellenistic Age. Lund: C. W. K. Gleerup, 1957. Nock,Arthur Darby. “Cremation and BurialintheRoman Empire.” HTR 25 (1932) 321-59. ¾¾¾.“ACabiric Right.” AJA 45 (1941) 577-81. Núñez C., EmilioAntonio. Constantes en esperanza: Primera carta a los Tesalonicenses. Guatemala:TEMA, 1976. Nygren,Anders. Agape and Eros. 2vols. London: SPCK, 1938-39. O’Brien, PeterThomas. Introductory Thanksgivings in the Letters of Paul. Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1977. O’Sullivan, Firmin. The Egnatian Way. Newton Abbot and Harrisburg: David and Charles and Stackpole Books, 1972.

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xl Introduction

I. RIVERS, ROADS, ROLLING MOUNTAINS, AND THE SEA: GEOGRAPHY AND TRAVEL THROUGH MACEDONIA AND THESSALONICA

After arrivingatthe port city of AlexandrianTroas on thewestern coast of the provinceof Asia, theapostle Paul saw a nightvision.A“Macedo- nianman”wassummoning him,saying, “Comeover to Macedoniaand help us” (Acts 16.9). Whilethe narrative does not indicate how the man was dressed,wemay well suppose that this Macedonian worethetradi- tional garbof the inhabitants of the region.Antipater ofThessalonica, an early first-centuryepigramist from the capital of theRomanprovinceof Macedonia, spokeof the Macedonians’ “broad-brimmedhat, from olden times the Macedonian’s comfortablegear,shelterinsnow-storm and helmet in war.”1 Whowerethe peoplewhoworethe hat with the“felt-nap”? Where did they live? What was their history? How did thegospelcome to these Macedonians? Paul,alongwithhis companionsSilas (also known as Silvanus), Timothy, and Luke, crossed theAegean to begin a significant new stage in theexpansion of thegospel. This Macedonian missionmust be understoodinthesettingofMacedonianhistory, culture, and geography. “The historyof a people is inseparable from the regionit inhabits.”2 In order to appreciate the importanceof the city ofThessalonica in the Roman Empireand its strategic role in theadvanceof thegospel we must take into accountthegeographic location of the city as our first order of business. Thessalonica is located on theeastern coast ofMacedonia, the land situated between the Balkanmountain range and theGreekpenin- sula. Macedonia can also be defined as the region that is drained by two

1.A.S.F.Gowand D. L. Page, The Greek Anthology: The Garland of Philip and Some Contemporary Epigrams (2 vols.; Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1968), 1.37. 2. Michel Sivignon,“TheGeographical SettingofMacedonia,” in Macedonia: 4000 Years of Greek History and Civilization (ed. MichaelB.Sakellariou;Athens: Ekdotike Athenon S.A., 1983), 12.

1 INTRODUCTION great rivers, theAxiusand the Haliacmon.3 TheRomanprovinceofMac- edoniawasnot delimited by thesameboundaries as the region ofMace- donia, just as the provinceof Galatia did not exactly correspond to the di- mensionsof the region of Galatia. AccordingtotheRoman geographer Strabo, the provinceofMacedonia

isbounded, first, on thewest,bythe coastlineof theAdrias [Adriatic Sea]; secondly, on theeast,bythe meridianlinewhich is parallel to this coastlineand runsthrough theoutlets of the HebrusRiver and through the city of Cypsela; thirdly, on the north,bythe imaginarystraight line which runsthrough the Bertiscus Mountain [BalkanMountains], the Scardus, theOrbelus, theRhodope, and the Haemus; . . . and fourthly, on thesouth,bytheEgnatian Road,which runs from the city of Dyrrhachium towardstheeastasfar as Thessaloniceia. And thusthe shapeofMacedonia isvery nearlythat of a parallelogram.4

When Cassander,the kingofMacedonia, founded the city ofThes- salonica in 316 bc,joiningtogether twenty-six villages into one city, he chose anideallocation at the head of the Thermaic Gulf whereonce stood theancienttown ofTherme.5 In theearly fourthcentury bc when Philip II,the father of Alexander theGreat, was the kingofMacedonia, hisancient capitalcity ofPellaenjoyedfree access to theAegean viathe Loudias River.AccordingtoStrabo, theLoudias was “navigable inland to Pella.”6 Butthe city was surrounded by a swamp,7 and the river was silting up. Bythe late fourthcentury KingCassanderneeded a port city that would serve all ofMacedonia, and the locationhe chose enjoyed deep anchorage as well as protectionfrom the dangeroussoutheast windssince itwaslocatedinthe recesses of thegulf. The hillssur- roundingthe city afforded the harbor additional shelterfrom thestrong northerlywindsthat blew in fromcentral Europe. The port city ofThes- salonicagavethebestaccess viathe Mediterranean to the islandsand the cities of theAegean and beyond to thegreat ports in Syria, Pales- tine, and Egypt. Cicero mentionsthat while he residedinThessalonica hewasadvised of a plot against his lifeand so made preparationsto “cross over to Asia,” usingoneof theshipsthat would carry cargo to

3. N. G. L. Hammond, AHistoryofMacedonia(3 vols.; Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1972), 1.3. 4.Strabo 7, frag. 10. 5.Strabo 7, frags. 21,24.Seethe discussion of the relationship betweenTherme and Thessaloniki onp. 10. 6. Strabo 7, frag. 20. See also Livy 44.46. TheLoudias River openedupinto a large lake, an area that is currently drained and dry. 7.Livy 44.46.6-7.

2 GEOGRAPHY OFMACEDONIAANDTHESSALONICA theeast.8 The construction ofdocks duringtheRomanperiod greatly accentuated the maritimeadvantage of thetown. Theassociation of the city with theseawasreflected eveninthe religious lifeof the inhabitants. The Vardar Gate, through which passed thegreat ViaEgnatia, held a relief of thegods known as theDioscuri,the sonsof Zeuswhowereworshiped as saviors from the dangersof the sea. These are mentionedinActs 28.11 by the names Castor and Pollux, godswhowereviewed as the protectorsof theAlexandrian ship that sailedunder their names. Frequently, ancient mythology associates the Dioscuri with thetwodeities known as theCabiri,oneof whom,the Cabirus, becamethetitulardeity of the city ofThessalonica.9 Philip of Thessalonicawrote an epigram that remembered a personnamed Lysistratuswho“implored thespirits that rescuesailors, and they lulled thesavagesea.”“Thespirits” are most likelytheCabiri.10 Sea travel was dangerous, as Acts 27 and Paul’s comment in 2Corinthians 11.25-26 graphically illustrate: “Three times I was shipwrecked, I spentanight and a day in theopen sea. . . . Ihave beenindangerfromrivers, . . . in danger at sea.” Antipater ofThessalonica, whowrote epigrams in the early partof the first century ad, recordsthewordsof a father to his sons, “Approve not thegrievous labour of thetreacherousocean or the heavy toil ofperilousseafaring. As a motheris more delightful than a step-mother,bysomuch istheearthmore desirablethan thegray sea.”11 Another epigram warns, “Trust not the fatal sea, mariner, not even when at anchor.”12 The location ofThessalonicaalso gave free access to the hinterland of the city and beyond to the interior ofMacedonia, standingasit did at the intersection of the main east-west and north-south trade routes. This ease of access oriented the city moretoward the interior of the country than thesea,contrarytothe case of ancientAthens. Nicholas Hammond comments that Thessalonica“had a catchment-area of tradewhich extended westwardstotheAdriatic Sea, northwardstotheDanube basin, and eastwards into the interior ofThrace.”13 Thessalonicawaslocated near thesouthern pointof the naturalroute alongtheAxiusRiver that ranfrom the Thermaic Gulf northward to theDanube River. Through the Danube basin ran the northern east-west military road of theempire, which stretched to Byzantium.Little is knownfrom ancientsources of the

8. Pro Cnaeo Plancio 41. 9. See the discussion of the religious lifeofThessalonicaonp.31. 10. Gow and Page, The Greek Anthology, 1.329; 2.356. 11. Ibid., 2.57. 12. Ibid., 2.21. 13. Hammond, History of Macedonia, 1.3.

3 INTRODUCTION north-southroad that reached theDanube, butwedo know that it ran through Stobi,whereaJewishcolonywaslocated. If agroup of travelers fromThessalonicawanted to head southinstead,they would follow the ViaEgnatiawestward to a pointjust east of theancient capitalPellaand would thereturn south and pass throughBerea (Acts 17.10), Aegae, Dium,and Larissa on thewaytocities of the provinceof Achaia. Ancient itineraries lay outthis route and an alternative betweenBerea and Dium that passed through Alorus.14 Although access to thewestern partofMacedonia fromThes- salonicawasmade difficultbythe north-south orientation of the moun- tainsand valleys, the construction of thegreat military road,15 the Via Egnatia, gave Thessalonica relativelyeasyall-weather access directto theAdriatic.16 Across thissealay thesoutheastern terminusof the Via Appia, the city ofBrundisium in Italy. From there itwasafast march up to the heartof theempire, the imperialcity of Rome. The ViaEgnatia was, in effect, an extension of the ViaAppiaand so gave Romequick and easy access to her eastern provinces. This road was constructed between approximately 146and 120 bc by theRomanproconsul ofMace- donia, CnaeusEgnatius,17 in order to consolidate Rome’s hold onMace- donia. The ViaEgnatiabegan at theAdriatic costalcity of Dyrrachium (also called Epidamnus) with a lesser-used southern spur that began at

14.Charles Edson,“Strepsa (Thucydides 1.61.4),” CP 50(1955) 173-82. Strabo traces the route fromMaleae up throughThessalonicaand StobiinGeography 8.8.5.On Romanitineraries in general see Firmin O’Sullivan, The Egnatian Way (Newton Abbot and Harrisburg: David &Charles and Stackpole Books, 1972), 243-46; O. Cuntz, Itineraria Romana (Leipzig:Teubner, 1929); K. Miller, Itineraria Romana (Rome: ‘L ‘Erma’ di Bretschneider, 1964); Hammond, History of Macedonia, 1.19-204,especially p. 131. 15.Cicero calls it“our great military road which goes throughMacedoniatothe Hellespont.” De Provinciis Consularibus 2. 16. On the ViaEgnatiaand otherroutes see pp.6-7. 17.C.Romiopolou,“Un noveaumilliare de la ViaEgnatia,” BCH 98 (1974)813-16; P.Collart, “Les Milliares de la ViaEgnatia,” BCH 100 (1976) 395-415.ARomanmile markerfound 10 km.outside Thessalonica containsaninscriptioninboth Greek and Latin,with theLatin saying: CC ¯ X CN(AEUS).EGNATI(US).C.F(ILLIUS) PRO.CO(N)S(UL) The first line indicates that the distancebetween Dyrrachium and the mile marker was 260 Romanmiles (thearrow denotes “50”). Such mile markersor milaria were placed ev- eryRomanmile(1,000 paces at 1.5m.each). Strabo (7.7.4)and Polybius(Histories 34.12.8) say that the distancebetweenThessalonicaand Apolloniaon theAdriatic was 267roman miles (190 km). The distance could be covered onfoot in approximatelytwoweeksata paceof between17and 20 miles perday. Roman troops covered the distance in 15 days, whileCicerotook 20.

4 GEOGRAPHY OFMACEDONIAANDTHESSALONICA

Apollonia.18 It passed through Edessa, Pella, and Thessalonica19 and went from there in a northeasterly direction all thewayup to Byzan- tium.An officialmessengercould traverse the route from RometoBy- zantium in twenty-one days usingthe Vias Appiaand Egnatia, a trip that would takeanormal travelerfour to five weeks. Thesamejourney would last two to three monthsbyboatand would be much more dangerous, especially duringwinter.20 The ViaEgnatiawasten to twelve Romanfeet widebut narrowed at times to onlysix feet. Nearcities it widened outtoafull twenty feet.21 This highway was filled withpedes- trians, horses, mules, and carts. When CicerowasexiledinThessalonica, he delayedhis departure from thetown, complainingabout difficulty travelingthe ViaEgnatiaand otherroutes because of thegreat volume of traffic.22 Travel on the road was not always safe. In the mid-first century bc Ciceroaccused theRomanproconsul ofMacedonia, oneL.Calpurnius Piso Caesoninus(57-55 bc), ofnot maintainingthesecurity of the road and ofThessalonica. Hestatesthat Macedonia“is now so harassed by the barbarians, whoare not allowed to rest in peace in consequenceof theav- ariceof the late consul,that the peopleofThessalonica, placedinthe lap as itwereof our empire, are compelled to abandon their town and to for- tifytheir citadel,that that military road of ourswhich reaches all through Macedoniaasfar as the Hellespont is not only infested by the incursions of thebarbariansbut iseven studded with and divided among Thracian encampments.”23 Upon arrivalinMacedoniasomeone hundred years later, Paul,Silas, Timothy, and Luketraveled this route from the port city of NeapolistoPhilippi (Acts 16.11-12), and when they (minusLuke) left Philippi they traversed the roaddown through Amphipolisand

18. N. G. L. Hammond,“The Western Partof the ViaEgnatia,” JRS 64 (1974) 193; and Strabo 7.7.4. 19. Not through the center of the city likethe modern street that bears its name. See Charles I. Makaronas, “The ViaEgnatiaand Thessalonike,” in Studies Presented to Da- vid Moore Robinson on His Seventieth Birthday (2 vols.; ed.G.E.Mylonas; St. Louis:Wash- ingtonUniversity Press, 1951), 1.380-88. 20. O’Sullivan, The Egnatian Way, 196-200. Strabo 8.6.21cites thewell-knownprov- erb, “Butwhen youdouble Maleae, forget your home.” Maleae was located on thesouth- west coast of the Peloponnese. However, most shippingalongsouthern Greece navi- gated theGulf of Corinth and portaged across the diolkos that traversed the narrow isthmustotheshores of theSaronic Gulf,thusavoidingthetreacherouswatersaround Maleae. 21.O’Sullivan, The Egnatian Way, 29; Hammond,“Western Partof the Via Egnatia,” 185-87. 22. Ad Atticum 3.14. 23. De Provinciis Consularibus 2.4;seealso In L. Calpurnium Pisonem 40.

5 INTRODUCTION

Apolloniaon their way to Thessalonica(Acts 17.1). Theapostles found themselves alongsideRoman soldiersand officials, people involvedin trade, Romancolonists, religious heralds, philosophers, pilgrims, and other travelers, all membersof asociety that had becomeextremely mobile. Thegreat success ofThessalonicawasdue in grand parttothe union ofland and sea, road and port, which facilitatedcommercebetweenMac- edoniaand theentireRoman Empire. No otherplace in all Macedoniaof- fered thestrategic advantages ofThessalonica, a fact not lost on the Christianheralds. Whilethe land and sea routes gave the city a centralplace in theex- pansive empire, the prosperity of the city was also drawnfrom thetre- mendous naturalresources that surroundedit. Thessalonicawassituated on theedge of thegreat centralplain ofMacedonia, which boastedfertile soil and abundant rain and rivers. The climate was continental and not Mediterranean,withhot summersand cold winterssuitable for growing grain and continentalfruits but not cropssuch as olives and dates.24 Grazing land was abundant, and fishfilled the nearby rivers, lakes, and the Thermaic Gulf. The mountainsaround the city were forested, provid- ingan abundantsourceof timberfor the construction ofhouses and boats. Thesurrounding region was also rich withmines of gold,silver, copper, iron,and lead.Someof the measures theRomans used to break theeconomyofMacedoniaafter the conquest of168 bc weretoclose the gold and silvermines, prohibit logging, and forbid cultivation of the royal estates.25 Obviously, Romanrulewasliberalized by the middleof the first century ad,buttheaction of theRomansatthestartof their he- gemonyoverMacedonia illustrates thegreatness of theeconomic advan- tage ofThessalonica. Thessalonica’s location as thebestAegeanportalongthe Via Egnatiagavethe city its strategic importance for theempire. It is nosur- prise to hear Livy say that the city was flourishing in his days or to hear Strabo mentionThessalonica’s fame, sayingthat it had becomethegreat- est city in Macedonia.26 This city was a hub in theempirethat would be- comethe center of theChristianmissioninMacedonia. Paul and his company madestraight forThessalonicaafter theevangelization ofPhilippi on thesecond missionaryjourney. They came down the ViaEgnatia(Acts 17.1)alongsideother travelerswhowereengagedingovernmental affairs, business, goingtofestivalsand thegames, ormovingtospread

24. Hammond, History of Macedonia, 1.5. 25.Livy 45.18.3-5;N.G.L.Hammond and F. W. Walbank, AHistoryofMacedonia(3 vols.; Oxford: ClarendonPress, 1988), 3.564. 26. Livy 45.30.4;Strabo, frag. 7.20-21.Lucian, Lucius or The Ass 46.5,also says that Thessalonica is“the largest city in Macedonia.”

6 GEOGRAPHY OFMACEDONIAANDTHESSALONICA philosophical and religious ideas. After theturmoil that their visit in Thessalonicagenerated,they leftthe city by thesame route, thistime headingwest.Before reachingthe city ofPella, they turned south on the road to Berea (Acts 17.10), followingthe route indicated by theRoman itineraries. The Jews fromThessalonica followed thesame route and, due to the uproar they provokedinBerea, Paul escaped to thesea,possibly heading for either Alorusor Dium. From the coast heboarded aship for Athens(Acts 17.14-15). Later, during histhird missionaryjourney, the apostleand his companions found themselves in Ephesus, a port city of the provinceof Asia, from which Paul sent Timothyand Erastuson ahead to Macedonia(Acts 19.22). They may have saileddirectly from Ephesus to Thessalonica(an established trade route), orpossiblythey went north to AlexandrianTroas and from theretook aboatacross to Neapolisasthe apostolic teamhaddone duringthesecond missionaryjourney (Acts 16.11-12). Soon afterward Paul himself set out forMacedonia, undoubtedly followingthesame route as hisassociates (Acts 20.1). Theapostle wentaboutvisitingthe churches ofMacedoniaand then traveled the route outlinedinthe itineraries down throughMacedoniaand Achaia (Acts 20.2). Hewasgoingtosetsail from Achaia(theCorinthianport Cenchrea?) to Syria, but duetoaplot against him he decided to return throughMacedoniaviathesame route hetraversed to get there. Paul’s journey tookhimthroughThessalonicaand thennortheast to Philippi by the ViaEgnatia. Hesetsail from the portofPhilippi,Neapolis, and arrived at Troas (20.5-6). Not onlytheapostles butalso a number of the new converts from Thessalonicaweretravelers. Aristarchusand Secundus fromThessalo- nicaaccompaniedPaul onhisjourney to Syriaand Jerusalem (Acts 20.4). Luke mentionsthat Aristarchus had been withPaul during his ministry in Ephesus(Acts 19.29). Healso set sail withPaul from Caesarea when theapostlewassentbound as a prisoner to Rometomake hisappeal to Nero(Acts 27.2). Thisbrother became Paul’s “fellow prisoner” in the imperialcity (Col. 4.10; Phlm.24). Jason,oneof the first converts of Thessalonicaand patron to theapostolic teaminthe city (Acts 17.6-9), was withPaul at Corinthduring histhree-month stay in that city (Acts 20.1-3). From there hewrote theLetter to theRomans, which mentions Ja- son (Rom. 16.21).27 In 1 Thessalonians 1.8 theapostles praise theevange- listic efforts of the church by saying, “TheLord’s message rangout from

27. TheOrthodox Church celebrates the feast day ofJason April 29, that of Secunduson December 28, and that of Aristarchuson April 14 and September 27.Ac- cordingtotradition,Aristarchusbecamethe first bishop ofThessalonica. See Apostolos E. Vacalopoulos, AHistoryofThessaloniki(Thessaloniki: Institute forBalkan Studies, 1993), 18.

7 INTRODUCTION younot only in Macedoniaand Achaia—your faithinGodhas become known everywhere.” Apparently in addition to Aristarchus, Secundus, and Jason,othermembersof the Thessalonianchurchparticipatedinthe evangelistic mission, usingthe roadsand perhapseven thesealanes to makesurethat thegospel arrived at cities and townsbothnear and far. Theapostles and other Christian travelersalso broughtthegoodnews of thestability of the Thessalonianchurchinthe midst ofpersecution to the earsof Christiansthroughoutthe provinces ofMacedoniaand Achaia (1Thess. 1.7). Moreover,the Thessalonian believers used the routes to the interior of the provincetobringaid, most likely financial,totheother churches ofMacedonia(1Thess. 4.9; cf.2Cor.8.1-2). The pictureActs and the first letter to this congregationpaint isoneof a church that is mobile and expansive, deeplyengagedinthe mission of the church in its various aspects. Thiswasthe church of the metropolisofMacedonia.

II. A SUMMARY HISTORY OF MACEDONIA AND THESSALONICA

The character of a people is inextricablybound withits collective history. Any understandingof the Thessalonianreality at thetimeof the coming of thegospel of Christ must thereforebegin withunearthingthe roots of the Macedoniansand layingopen to view the historyof the Thessalonian people. The Thessaloniansweresonsand daughtersof thegreatest em- pireeverknowninhumanhistory, the Macedoniankingdom of Alexan- derIII, known as “TheGreat.” BeforeAlexanderdied, possiblybypoi- soning, onJune 10, 323 bc,attheageof thirty-three, he had succeededin extendingthe Macedoniankingdom as far south as Egyptand as far east as the IndusRiverinIndia. Alexander theGreat was theson ofPhilipII, the kingofMacedoniawho hadconquered theGreekcity-states and had planned the invasion of theterritories to theeastoccupied by the Per- sians. Before Philip could accomplishhisgoal, hewasassassinatedin335 bc and Alexanderinheritedhis kingdom. Havingbeen educated at the feet of the Macedonianphilosopher Aristotleand trainedintheartof war on thebattlefield from ayoungage,Alexanderled the Macedonian troops in campaign aftercampaign through Asia Minor, Phoenicia, Pales- tine, Egypt, Babylonia, and India. Alexanderhadperfected atypeofpha- lanx formationused by his father that employed a massive block of sol- dierswhoeach wielded a four-meter-long, iron-tippedpike called a sarissa. Alexanderpositionedhis cavalrytoprotectthe flanksand rear of the formation. Being convinced ofhisowndivinity as the descendantof

8 HISTORY OFMACEDONIAANDTHESSALONICA

Heracles, Perseus, and Zeus, he marchedhistroops forward to multiple victories and would have continued theexpansionhaddeathnot van- quishedhim. In thewakeof Alexander’s conquests theancientworld be- camesubjecttoaprocess ofHellenization (the Macedoniansthemselves werethoroughly Hellenized)that left profound and deepimpressionson the political, religious, and sociallifeof theancientworld. Alexander was a figurewho provoked agreat deal ofreflection amongancientauthors, and heevenfigures in prophetic and apocryphal literature(Dan.2.39;7.6; 8.5-8, 21; 11.3; and possiblyZech.9.1-8; 1Macc. 1.1-7;6.2).PlinytheElder wrote in his Naturalis Historia, “Aftercomes Macedonia, with150 nations, and famousbecause ofits two kings [Philip and Alexander]and their former world empire.”1 Pliny penned these words in ad 77,showing usthat evenduringtheeraof Romandomina- tion the Macedoniansand othersvividly remembered the heritage of Al- exander. The imitatio Alexandri was a vision that caught morethan one ruler’s fancy, including not only hissuccessorsbutalso such notables in RomanhistoryasPompey and theemperorTrajan.Antipater ofThessa- lonicawrote epigrams duringthe first decades of the first century ad and lefttwothat shinetheglorious lightof Alexander on theRomanprocon- sul ofMacedonia, Lucias Calpunius Piso:

Abroad-brimmedhat, from olden times the Macedonian’s comfortable gear,shelterinsnow-storm and helmet in war,thirstingtodrink your sweat, valiant Piso, Icome, an Emathian to Italian brows. Take me in friendship; it may be that my felt-nap,which once routed the Persians, will beneath you subduethe Thracianstoo.2

Theepigram expresses the idea that as Alexanderconquered the Persians wearingthe Macedonianhat, so now Piso, donningthesame headgear, would subduethe Thracians, who livednorth ofMacedonia. In another epigramPiso is hailed as theonewho metaphorically receives thesword Alexander theGreat hadheld in his hand.

Macedonia isthesword’s iron,and from Alexander’s hand it has learnt what makes for valour.And now, Piso, Ihave reached your hand that I yearn for,and these words I speak: “To my delight Ihave found the destinedhand.”3

1. 4.10. 2. Gow and Page, AGreekAnthology,1.37.“Emathia” was an ancient name for MacedoniaaccordingtoStrabo 7, frag. 11,and Pliny, Naturalis Historia 4.10. 3. Ibid.

9 INTRODUCTION

Eveninthe coinage ofMacedoniathe memoryof Alexanderlived on well afterhis death. Followingthe first century ad,the federation ofMacedo- niancities, the koinon, issuedcoinage with the idealizedimage of Alexan- der withupturnedlook and flowing hair. Forcenturies afterhis death, Alexander was remembered and hailed,especiallywithin Macedonia. After Alexander’s death therewasno clear successor to his rule, and thebureaucratic structures were not in placetoassureasmooth tran- sition ofpower. Hisvastkingdom was divided among his four Macedo- nian generals, with Antipaterreceivingthe formerMacedoniankingdom and Greece. When Antipaterdiedin319 bc,Cassandermanaged to wrest thethrone fromhissuccessor and to establishhis connection with the royalfamilybymarrying Thessaloniki,the daughter ofPhilipIIand half sister of Alexander theGreat.4 In 316 bc Cassanderfounded a new city and namedit in herhonor — Thessalonica (Thessalonikeia). Accordingto Strabo, Cassander joined together the inhabitants of twenty-six towns, and this new city became“the metropolisof what is now Macedonia.”5 Thesite chosenfor the foundation of this new city was thetown of Therme, located at the head of the Thermaic Gulf.6 Theyears followingthe reign of Cassander wereturbulent, and Macedonia did not regain its internal stability until Philip V ascended to thethrone in 221 bc. Macedonia prosperedunderhis rule, but duringthis era his kingdomcame into conflictwith the rising power to thewest— Rome. Philip enteredinto a pactwithHannibal of Carthage in 215 bc,but when Romewasadvised of theaccord betweenMacedoniaand her arch- enemy, Rome regardedMacedoniaasamong her enemies. The First Mac- edonianWar was foughtbetween 214 and 205 bc and ended withoutsig- nificantgainson either side. Romeand Macedoniaestablished a peace

4.DiodorusSiculus, Historical Library 19.52.1. 5.Strabo (7, frags. 21,24)wrote approximatelythree centuries after thisevent, and there issomequestion as to whether these twenty-six townswere“rased to theground,” as heaffirms. Vacalopoulos, History of Thessaloniki, 6, argues that Strabo’s conclusion was based solelyonhisobservation of the ruinsaround Thessalonica. The normalmodeof es- tablishinganew city was rather to abolish the councilsand governingauthorities of the townsand form a new council that included their leadership. Thetownswere not destroyed but insteadfell into decay and desolation.Seealso Charles F.Edson,“Notesof the Thracian phoros,” CP 42(1947) 102, n. 101; W.G.Cavanagh,“Surveys, Cities and Synoecism,” in City and Country in the Ancient World (ed. John Rich and Andrew Wallace- Hadrill;NewYork and London: Routledge, 1991), 97-118. 6. See MichaelVickers, “Thermeand Thessaloniki,” in Ancient Macedonian Studies in Honor of Charles F. Edson (ed. Harry J.Dell; Thessaloniki: Institute forBalkan Studies, 1981), 327-33; Edson,“Noteson the Thracian phoros,” 100-104.Contra Hammond, History of Macedonia, 1.150-51. Therme may have been a formercolonyof Corinth. Therme is not to be confused with the modern village outside Thessaloniki that bearsthe nameand that boasts ofmorethan oneexcellent taverna.

10 HISTORY OFMACEDONIAANDTHESSALONICA accord that ended three brief years later with thebeginningof theSecond MacedonianWarin200 bc. The conflict culminated with theRoman vic- toryatthe Battleof Cynoscephalae. Thisbattlewasaresounding defeat forMacedoniaand resultednot only in great loss oflifebutalso in the subjection ofMacedoniatoheavy tribute and the dissolution ofMacedo- nia’s authority over Greece. TheRomanpropaganda machine painted Macedoniaasthe power that had enslaved theGreek world,and during the Isthmian Games held near Corinthinthesummer of196 bc theRo- manFlamininus declared the liberation of theGreeks fromMacedonian hegemony. Theannouncementwasmet withrousingenthusiasm by the Greeks. Plutarch recounts that when the crowd at thegames werequieted so that they could hear the proclamation of the herald,“ashoutof joy arose, so incredibly loud that it reached thesea.Thewholeaudience rose to their feet, and no heed was paid to the contendingathletes, butall wereeager to spring forward and greet and hail thesaviour and cham- pion of Greece,” that being Titus Flamininus, the proconsular general.7 Yet the proclamation was hollow sincetheRomans had also destroyed variousGreekcommunities and had seized a considerableamountof booty. The liberator Romeseemed to have beenmotivatedmorebyava- ricethan anythingelse.8 The Third MacedonianWar was the most decisive in determining the futureof the Macedoniankingdom. Thewar beganin171bc during the reign ofKing Perseus, who had succeededPhilipVin179 bc. Perseus hadrenewedrelationshipswith Greeceand had enteredinto a pactwith theSeleucids in Asia, events theRomans followed withconsiderable in- terest. TheRoman senate denouncedPerseusand in 172 published charges against him at Delphi,amongwhich was theaccusation that Perseuswanted war and was planningtoenslave Greeceonceagain un- derMacedonianrule.9 In 171 theRomans decided to takeaction against Perseusand declared war against him. Up to thistimeRome had enjoyed great success in conquering her other enemies, but Macedonia continued to presentareal and near threat. As theRomanhistorian Livy tells it, “Onlythe kingdom ofMacedonia remained,bothnearinsituation,and such that, wheninanywayits goodfortunebegan to fail theRomanpeo- ple, it mightseem abletoinspire its kings with thespiritof their ances- tors.”10 In a council held at Pella, King Perseus responded to theRoman initiative, declared war against theRomans, and gathered an armyso

7. Plutarch, Titus Flamininus 10.3-5;9.5. 8. Livy 42.32.6. 9. SIG3 643. 10. 42.50.7.

11 INTRODUCTION great that Livy comparedittothat of Alexander.11 Though the Macedo- niansexpected the favor of thegodsand Perseus himself offered one hundred sacrifices to Minerva, the deity called the“Defender of the Folk,” an eclipse of the moonpresagedcomingevents. TheRomans interpreted thewonder as a sign of theeclipse of a king. Commentingon the omen,theRomanPolybiusstated,“This, while it lent freshcourage to the Romans, discouraged the Macedonians.”12 Despite the Macedonianmilitaryvictoryover theRomans in 169,13 theRomanswasted the Macedoniansatthe BattleofPydna in 168 bc. The Macedonianphalanx,which sincethetimeofPhilipIIand AlexanderIII had beenused with such efficiencytodefend and conquer, proved to be ineffective against theRomans led by Aemilius Paulus. TheRoman troops managed to open abreach in the phalanx and entered between the four-meter-long pikes (sarissa) with swords drawn to shedMacedonian blood.Aemiliusbroke down the lateralprotection of the phalanx by us- ingelephants of war to spook the horses, a tactic theRomans learned from their rivalHannibal. The Macedoniancavalry retreated. The position ofPerseus’s troopswasweakenedfurther by the uneven terrain, which broke up thesolid and unifiedformation of the phalanx. Paulus, a seasoned soldier,“oftenconfessed afterwardstocertain persons in Rome that he hadnever seen anything moreterribleand dreadful than a Mace- donianphalanx,”14 yet this powerful and effective instrumentof wardis- integrated at Pydna. The Macedonians fled thebattle, whiletheRomans pursued and attacked with great viciousness and cruelty. Between 20,000 and 25,000 Macedonians died at Pydna, and another11,000 weretaken captive. Few soldiersescaped of theestimated 35,000 who had been as- sembled by Perseus. Thegreat city ofThessalonicabowedunder theadvanceof theRoman army. Perseus himself fled thesceneof thebattlebut was eventually capturedinthesacredisleof Samothracewhere he sought refuge. Polybiusaccuses Perseusofcowardicesince he fledfrom thebeginningof thebattle under the pretense of sacrificingtoHeracles, “a god who does not accept cowardlysacrifices fromcowards, nor ac- complish their unnaturalprayers.”15 Thustheancient monarchyand the glorious Macedoniankingdomcametoits end. Macedoniabecameapro- tectorate of Rome. The Roman soldiers rapedMacedonia, gathering together an im- mense booty for Rome. So great was the takethat Roman citizens wereex-

11. 42.51.1-11. 12. Histories 29.16. 13. TheGreeksapplauded thisvictoryaccordingtoPolybius, Histories 27.9-10. 14. Ibid., 29.17.1. 15.QuotedinPlutarch, Aemilius Paulus 19.4-5.

12 HISTORY OFMACEDONIAANDTHESSALONICA empt from direct taxationfor the next hundred years. In aglorioustrium- phalprocession that lastedfordays, thebootyfromMacedoniawas displayed to the city of Rome. At the veryend of the processioncame Perseus in chainsand Aemilius Paulus in his chariot.16 The memoryof this victory was etched indelibly in the mindsof the Romanpeople. A centen- nial-editiondenarius minted in 62 bc shows thetriumphant Pauluswith a victorytrophyand the captive Perseuswith his two sons. The Romans took 150,000 Macedonian slaves, exiledmanyof the governorsand ad- ministratorsof the vanquished kingdom,and brokethe back ofMacedo- nia’s economic power so that the kingdom would never again becomea threat to Rome. Roman historians tell the storyof the Macedoniandefeat over and again,asure indication that thistriumph was a deep well of imperial prideand a clear sign of Rome’s universaldominion.17 At the same time, the conquest of the Macedonians becamean object lesson to other peoples concerning Rome’s power,alessonnot lost on the Jews (1Macc. 8.5). The Romans interpreted the defeat ofMacedonia as divinejudgment on the kingdom,18 but at the sametime Rome proclaimedherself thegreat liberator of the Macedonians. According to the current Romanperspec- tive, liberty was incompatiblewith life under the ruleof a king. Livy states, “First of all it was voted that the Macedoniansand Illyriansshould be given their independence, so that itshould be clear to all nationsthat the forces of the RomanPeoplebrought not slavery to free peoples, buton the contrary, freedom to theenslaved.”19 The Roman senate gave Macedo- nia freedom that, according to the Roman propaganda machine, “was assured and lasting under the protection of the RomanPeople.”20 Butthe liberty Rome proclaimedforMacedoniawasmerelyan ap- pearanceand not real,asevidenced by the conditions for “liberty” that were instituted.Although Rome retiredher troops fromMacedoniaand allowed the Macedonianstogovern themselves by their ownlaws and electtheir ownmagistrates, measures were instituted to assurethe continued weakness ofMacedonia. In addition to bringingan end to the monarchy, theRomans prohibited the Macedonians from extractinggold or silverfrom their mines and did not allow them to cultivate thegreat estates that had been thesourceof so much of the kingdom’s wealth. Moreover,Rome dividedMacedonia into four districts, each withits own legislatureand magistrates, so that the Macedoniankingdomcould not be reunifiedunder a central government. Tradebetween the districts was

16. DiodorusSiculus31.8.9-12. 17. Polybius, Histories 31.25.6-7; Pliny, Naturalis Historia 4.10. 18. Polybius, Histories 36.17.15 19. Livy, 45.18.1-2. 20. Ibid.

13 INTRODUCTION prohibited,and evenmarriage could not be contracted betweenpeopleof different districts. The Macedonians could no longercuttheir forests for shipbuilding. They wereobliged to pay tribute to Rome, yet at only half the rate they hadpreviously paid to supporttheir ownmonarchy. Mace- doniawasstripped ofherimperialpowersasall peoples subjecttoher ruleweregranted their liberty. Livy commented that “their country seemed as mangled as an animaldisjointedinto parts.” These measures alongwith others demonstrated that Macedoniawasfree onlytosubmit to Rome.21 When Rome dividedMacedonia into four districts (merides22), Amphipolis was established as the capital of the first district (Acts 17.1), Thessalonicaof the second, Pella (theancient capital of the kingdom)of thethird,and Pelagoniaof the fourth.23 Livy dismisses the Macedonian concerns aboutthe division of the kingdom as uninformed whining, stat- ingthat each district was sufficient forits ownneeds. The first district was the homeof the Bisaltae, “men of great courage,” and enjoyedfertile fields, rich mines, and thegreat, strategic city of Amphipolis. The second district had the“flourishing cities” of Thessalonicaand Cassandrea, fertile lands to the southeast in Pellene, and excellent harbors for trade in the Aegean. Thethird district was the homeof the famous cities of Edessa, Berea (Acts 17.10), and Pella, the “warlike raceof the Vettii,” and large populationsof Gauls (who had aidedPerseus) and Illyrians, both known as “industrious farmers.” Livy notes that the fourth district was “as a whole cold, difficult to cultivate, and harsh,” and it was the homeof tribes whose temperament was likethe land and who in warfare were made “fiercer by their barbarianneighbours.”24 WhileLivy argued that the division of the kingdom highlightedher assets, the reality was that the Roman occupation gravely impoverished and weakened the Macedonians. The degraded existencetheRomans imposed on the Macedonians transformed theonce powerful kingdominto a region awaiting rebellion. In 149 bc oneAndriscus, whoboreadistinct resemblancetoPerseus, the last kingofMacedonia, proclaimedhimself to be theson ofPerseusand calledhimself by thegreat royalnameof the father of AlexanderIII—

21. Ibid., 45.18, 29-30. 22. Acts 16.12; BAGD, p. 505.Although the restrictionsonmarriage and commerce between the districts had been abandoned by the first century ad,the identification of the districts continued oninto the provincial era. 23. Livy 45.29.9; DiodorusSiculus31.8.8-9; Strabo, Geography 7, frag. 47(48). Pelagoniawasproperlythe region’s name. Perhapsthe city alongthe ViaEgnatia called Heraclea Lyncestius is understood as the capital of the fourthdistrict, or the districtwas governed by the Pelagonians(asStrabo seemstoimply). 24.Livy 45.30.

14 HISTORYOFMACEDONIAANDTHESSALONICA

Philip. Polybius sarcastically remarked, “Here is a Philip fallen from the skies who appears in Macedonia.”25 According to Dio Cassius, Andriscus managed to gather a band of revolutionaries to bring an end to the Ro- man hegemony over Macedonia. Surprisingly, Andriscus did not receive acompletewelcomeamongtheMacedoniansatthestart,buthedid manage to garner sufficient support from surrounding states. With this power he invaded and occupied Macedonia and moved on to kill the Ro- man praetor Publius Juventius and almost annihilate his entire army. What support Andriscus did receive in Macedonia came from the lower classes, who were more inclined to long for the monarchy rather than those in power who had accommodated comfortably to the new Roman reality.26 The support Andriscus received among the Macedonians amazed Polybius, who commented on his supporters, “But while they were defeated by the Romans in fighting for Demetrius and Perseus, yet now fighting for a hateful man and displaying great valour in defense of his throne, they worsted the Romans.”27 On the other side, Andriscus attacked the wealthy Macedonians who did not support his claims.28 The Romans dispatched a more formidable force under the command of Quintus Caecilius Metellus and defeated the troops loyal to Andriscus.29 Andriscus fled but managed to raise up another army; this army, however, was also defeated by Metellus.30 Around the same time another “son of Perseus” named Alexander arose making royal claims and, in an attempt to rid Macedonia of the Romans, gathered troops in the region around the Nestus River. But he, too, was defeated by Metellus. These revolutionary movements, spurred on by the monarchal revivals, were justification enough for Rome to establish stronger controls over Macedo- nia.Rome decided to incorporate the former kingdom into the empire as aprovince. The provincial era of Macedonia began in 148 bc.31 But the

25. Polybius 36.10. 26. Fanoula Papazoglou, “Political and Administrative Developments,” in Macedo- nia: 4000 Years of Greek History and Civilization (ed. M. B. Sakellariou;Athens: Ekdotike Athenon, 1983), 193. 27. Polybius 36.17.14. 28. Polybius 36.17.13;Diodorus Siculus 32.9. 29.Dio Cassius 21.28;Diodorus Siculus 32.9, 15; Zonaras 9.28;Erich S.Gruen, The HellenisticWorldandtheComing of Rome (Berkeley, Los Angeles, London: University of California Press, 1984), 431-33. 30. For the history of Andriscus, see Jean M. Helliesen, “Andriscus and the Revolt of the Macedonians, 149-148 b.c.,” in Ancient Macedonia IV (Thessaloniki: Institute for Balkan Studies, 1986), 307-14. 31.Gruen questions the dating of the organization of Macedonia into a province and underscores the “Roman reluctance to undertake administration” of the region. While the beginning of the “Macedonian era” is marked in the sources by Metellus’sde-

15 INTRODUCTION end of the kingdomdidnot completelyextinguish the monarchalhopes of some Macedonians. After148 bc one more rebellion arose under the leadership of ayouthnamed Euphanes, who declaredhimself to be the “kingof the Macedonians.” Not a few followed afterhim,thoughitap- pearsthat many did so more in hopes ofreceivingthespoilsof war than for any more noble concerns. Hewassubdued by theRomanswithout much ado.32 Once moreafter thisanotherclaimanttothethronearose and gathered an army, onlytobesubdued by theRomans.33 The dream of the monarchywasnot easilyshattered. With theestablishmentof the province, Romejoined the kingdom ofMacedoniawith thesouthern partofIllyria, an actthat extended the provinceasfar west as theAdriatic Sea. This union betweenMacedonia and Illyria did not abolish the culturaldifferences between thetwopeo- ples any morethan theRoman occupation ofMacedoniaerased the unique cultureof the Macedonians. Illyriawasconsidered to be a region within the province. When theapostle Paul declared to theChristians in Romethat “fromJerusalem all thewayaround to Illyricum, Ihave fully proclaimed thegospel of Christ” (Rom. 15.19), it is possible, if not likely, that hewasspeakingof theoccidental sector of the Macedonianprovince wherethe ViaEgnatia found its western terminus.34 In order to govern thisvastnew province, in 146 bc Rome chose Thessalonicaasthe capital, givingthe city a position of great honor and power. The location ofMace- doniaasthe land link between Romeand herprovinces to theeastin Asia Minor and beyond gave the provinceand Thessalonicatheir strategic ad- vantage in this new Roman order. Somewhat surprisingly, duringthe first yearsof the new Roman era a decidedly pro-Roman attitudearose in strategic Macedoniancities such as Amphipolisand Thessalonica. In one inscription that comes from the new capital,the Thessalonians honor QuintusCaecilius Metellus, the veryRomanpraetor who hadrouted Andriscus, saying, “The city honors QuintusCaecilius, son of Quintus Metellus, praetor of theRomans, her savior and benefactor.”35 The ThessaloniansviewedMetellusastheir feat of Andriscus(148 bc), this date does not mark the inauguration of the province. However,Gruendoes not put forward an alternative dating for the lex provinciae. The Hel- lenistic World and the Coming of Rome, 433-36. 32. DiodorusSiculus37.5. 33. Livy, Periochae 53; Gruen, The Hellenistic World and the Coming of Rome, 433. 34.Strabo 7.7.4. Illyricum was also the nameof the provincewhose border was just to the north. 35. IT, n. 134. The reconstructionisEdson’s. On theRomansasbenefactors in ThessalonicaseeHolland Lee Hendrix,“Thessalonicans Honor Romans” (Th.D. disserta- tion, Harvard University, 1984).

16 HISTORY OFMACEDONIAANDTHESSALONICA saviorfrom the insurrection of Andriscus, clear evidencethat Thessalo- nicawasoneof the Macedoniancities that did not supportbut rather opposed the rebellion.36 The city’s sympathies werewithMetellus, who served as proconsul from147to 146 bc,and thissupport possibly re- sultedintheexemptionfrompayingtribute to Romeand thegrantof free-city statustoThessalonica.37 In 143acitizen ofThessalonica honored theRomanproconsul with astatue dedicated to Zeus. Theattachedin- scriptionproclaimed,“Damon,son of Nicanor, Macedonianfrom Thessalonica; for QuintusCaeciliusson of Quintus Metellus, proconsul of theRomans, to ZeusOlympios on accountofhis aret3 [virtue] and goodwill which he continues to manifest to myself and to the home city [Thessalonica] and the rest of the Macedoniansand theother Greeks.”38 This honorific inscriptionhighlights the factthat not all the Macedonians, especiallythose withmeanswho livedinThessalonica, viewed theRo- man occupation as anunbearableyokebut rather enjoyed the fruits of Roman benefaction. The inscriptionmakes mention of the“goodwill” (eunoias) ofMetellus, which is not simplyadescription ofhis disposition butof sometypeof benevolenceor benefaction that Metellusgranted to Damon and otherMacedonians.39 Thebenefits Metellusbroughtex- tended beyond arrestingthe rebellion of Andriscus. Pro-Roman attitudes appear over and again in the inscriptions fromThessalonica, a city that appearstohave beenparticularly favored by theRomans. Butweshould not assumethat all those of the city were direct recipients of theRoman benefaction. Theones whoappear to have prospered the most came from the higher social strata.40 Duringthe followingtwocenturies, Macedoniawasintegrated completely into the lifeof theRoman Empire. Toward the middleof the second century bc,thegreat Roman orator Cicero, whowasexiledfor almost half ayearinThessalonica, called the Macedoniansallies of Rome and affirmed that the provincewasloyalinits friendship with theRoman people.41 Thisstrong loyalty, which haddeveloped so quickly, was in part duetothe conflicts with thebarbarian tribes who livedinthe northern partofMacedonia. The protection of the provincewasoneof the chiefresponsibilities of theRoman governors.42 In battleafter battle, the

36. Green, The Hellenistic World and the Coming of Rome, 343-44. 37. Ibid., 344-52. 38. IT, n. 1031,translation ofHendrix,“Thessalonicans Honor Romans,” 23. 39. LSJ, 723. 40. For a full discussion,seeHendrix,“Thessalonicans Honor Romans.” 41. In Pisonem 34 (84); Pro Fonteio 20 (44). 42. ANRW 2.7.309-11; Papazoglou,“Political and Administrative Developments,” 193; SIG3, nn. 700, 710.

17 INTRODUCTION

Roman soldiers managed to repel thebarbarianincursions into the Mace- donian territory. However,attimes theRomanleadership was not equal to thetask.Cicero complained bitterlyagainst Piso, theRomanproconsul ofMacedonia, accusing him of allowingthetribes to accost the Macedo- nians, especiallythe city ofThessalonica.43 He hadneglected a funda- mentalduty. Macedoniaand the city ofThessalonica played animportant role duringthe civil wars in Rome. At thetimeof thewarsbetweenJulius Caesar and Pompey (49-48 bc)the capital of theRoman administrationin Macedonia, Thessalonica, becamesomethingof a“second Rome” because sometwohundred senatorsalongwithmany knights joined with Pompey in the city. Their placeofmeetingwasconsecrated to give the proceedings in the city an air oflegitimacy. 44 After the death of Caesar, onceagain Macedoniabecamethebattleground of the principalswho viedfor thesupreme power of Rome. Brutusand Cassius, whowere re- sponsible for the murder ofJuliusCaesar, received thesupportofMace- doniaand Thessalonicaattheoutset. In fact, until the BattleofPhilippiin 42 bc Brutusexercised sovereignpower over the province. He minted gold statersthat borethe image of Alexander. But forreasons not ex- plainedintheancientsources, Thessalonicawithdrew her support from Brutus, and, in turn, Brutus promisedhistroopsthebootyof the city if they won thevictoryover the rivalstoRomanpower, Mark Antonyand Octavian (who later was to be named Augustuswhenhebecameem- peror).45 Brutusand Cassiuswere defeated at the BattleofPhilippion Oc- tober12, 42, Thessalonicawassavedfrom sacking, and from that date forward until 31 bc Macedonia came under thejurisdiction of Antony. The city ofThessalonicashoweredhonors upon thevictors, with special honorstoAntony, amongwhich was the inauguration of a new era. “In year ‘x’of Antony” becamethe new way to date events.46 Theaccord between Antonyand Octavian was not long lived. The conflictbetween them escalated to a pinnacleatthe Battleof Actium where, on September 2, 31 bc,Octaviandefeated Antony. In response, ThessalonicagaveOctavian the honors, and the city set abouterasingthe honorific inscriptionsthat had been erectedpreviouslytoAntony. 47 Once again a new erawasproclaimed,butthistimewithreferencetoOctavian and Actium. Because ofits supportof Antonyand then Octavian, Thessalonica

43. In Pisonem 34 (84). 44.DioCassius 41.18.4-6; 41.43.1-5. 45. Plutarch, Brutus 46. 46. Hendrix,“Thessalonicans Honor Romans,” 31-37. 47. IT, nn.83,109.

18 HISTORY OFMACEDONIAANDTHESSALONICA was recognized as a free city (Thessalonice liberae condicionis).48 Free-city status normallybroughtwithitexemptionfrom taxation,which was itself anhonor of the highest category, 49 alongwith the privilege ofnot havingRoman troopsstationed within the city walls. Moreover,afree city such as Thessalonica could govern itself accordingtotraditionalcus- tom and was not obligated to submittotheRomanform ofcivic government. In the case ofThessalonica, this implied a democratic form of government in which the citizens (d3moi) in assemblywould have the highest authority. The dailyadministration of the city was handled by a council (boul3), and theofficialsof the city were called “politarchs.”50 Judicial authority in Thessalonicawasnot in the handsof theRoman governor,as Acts 17.5-9 demonstrates (cf.Acts 18.12-13). Two othercities in the province, Amphipolisand Skotussa, enjoyed thestatusof civitas libera.51 In 27 bc Octavian, now theemperor Augustus, placed the province ofMacedonia under the control of theRoman senate since itwasentirely peaceful and posednothreat to theRoman order.52 But in ad 15 itwas turnedinto animperialprovince, and theemperorTiberiusjoineditwith Achaiatothesouth and Moesiatothe north, makingthethree into one extremely large province. Tiberius instituted this change at the petition of Macedoniaand Achaia, whoargued that thetribute they were payingas senatorialprovinces was excessive.53 In ad 44, duringthe reign of Clau- dius, this“superprovince” was brokenupinto its component parts once again,and Macedoniawasplaced back under theauthority of theRoman senate.54 Duringthe imperial era pro-Roman sentiments in Thessalonica wereevident. Macedonia had beenincorporatedinto theempirewithout the Macedonians losingtheir historic identity. As the inscriptions in Thessalonica from thisera indicate, the naturallanguage ofMacedonia, Greek, continued to be usedinstead of Latin.55 Even though the memory

48. Pliny, Naturalis Historia 4.10. 49. Josephus, Vita 429 (76), speakingofhisown exemptionfrom taxation, called this“the highest honor.” We can suppose that a city would understand the privilege the sameway. 50. See “TheGovernmentofThessalonica,” p.20. 51. Pliny, Naturalis Historia 4.10; Papazoglou,“Political and Administrative Devel- opments,” 198. 52. Imperialprovinces were problematic and usually located alongthe frontiersof theempire. These were under the direct control of theemperor and required oneormore legionstomaintain security. Senatorialprovinces were under the control of thesenate. These were peaceful and did not need such astrong military presence. 53. Tacitus, Histories 1.76.4; 1.180.1. 54.DioCassius60.24. 55.Afew inscriptionsarebilingual.

19 INTRODUCTION of the monarchy lingered,therewasno movementtothrow off theRo- man yoke. Romannames were included with Greeknames amongthe lists ofpolitarchsof the city and,asPapazogloucomments, “The paradox of thissituationis illustrated by the case of a Thessalonian whosimulta- neously is described as ‘Helleneand Philhellene’, and bearsthe tria nomina of theRomans.”56 From theRomanperspective, Thessalonicawas situated at the heartof Romanpower,asCicero had observed.Loyal to theRomans, the city enjoyed thebenefits of the imperial government withouttheburden ofits presence. This relationship was the productof a long historical evolution and left its mark on the political,economic,and religious lifeofThessalonica. Thesituation ofThessalonicagavethe city great prestige and presence in the province, so much so that Antipater of Thessalonica could celebrate the defeat ofThrace under the leadership of Lucias Calpurnius Piso, the proconsul ofMacedonia, saying, “Thessalo- nica, the mother of all Macedonia, has sent metoyou,thebearer of the spoilsofThrace.”57 As the metropolisofMacedonia, the city extendedits powerinevery direction.On the political as well as theeconomic and commercialfronts, the city influenced thewhole province. The implicationsof this positionfor the church in the city and its mission are deep and wide, as we will see presently.

III. THE GOVERNMENT OF THESSALONICA

In Acts 17.5-9 Luke tells his readersthat shortlyafter thearrival of the gospel in Thessalonicatheapostles and the newly formed Christiancommu- nity were drawn into conflictwith the governingauthorities in the city. We are introduced to the“city officials” (politarchoi in vv. 6, 8) and the “assemblyof the people” (NIV note; d3mos in v. 5), who were up in arms because of an accusationleveled against theapostolic team, Jason,and theChris- tiancommunity. The chilling indictmentwas,“These men who have caused troubleall over the world have now come here, and Jasonhas wel- comed them into his house. They areall defying Caesar’s decrees, saying that there isanother king, one calledJesus” (vv. 6b-7). Due to this serious charge, Jason and the otherswho had been taken were compelled to “post bond”and weresubsequently released (v. 9). Paul and theapostolic team fled the city at night (v. 10). From the very beginning, the church in Thessalonica was embroiled in conflictwith the governmentof the city.

56. Papazoglou,“Political and Administrative Developments,” 202. 57.Gowand Page, AGreekAnthology,1.13.

20 THEGOVERNMENT OFTHESSALONICA

Strabo thegeographer stated that the city ofThessalonica“isthe metropolis(m3tropolis, or “mothercity”) of what is now Macedonia,” and so signified that itwasthe capital of the province. Although “metropolis” was not usedinthe inscriptionsof the first centurytodescribe the city, theascriptionis found frequently from thesecond centuryonward when the city acquired thestatusof beinga“colony” of Rome.1 Duringthe first century Thessalonicawasa“free city,” as istestified by bothinscriptions and coinage.2 As previously noted, free cities could govern themselves accordingtotheir ancestralcustom and wereexempt from tribute to Rome. Such communities could minttheir owncoinsand educate their youngaccordingtoestablishedcustom. They were not obliged to garri- son Roman troopswithin their walls. “Such honorswere conventionally granted onlytopeopleand cities which haddisplayedremarkable loyalty to the interests of theRomanpeople.”3 Thessalonica had alignedher- self with the interests of Romeand hadreaped thebenefits. Theauton- omyand the financialfreedomfrom Romesheenjoyed would have made the citizensand officialsjealoustoguard her status. The intimation that therewas“anotherking” who challenged Caesar’s authority went down hard in Thessalonica. Theaccusation echoes the Macedonians’ longing for and theRomans’ fear of a revivedmonarchy. The civil administration encounteredintheActs narrative is re- flectedinthe inscriptionsof the city. In Acts 17.6 and 8, Jason and theoth- erswere dragged beforethe“city officials” orpolitarchs. Thistitleap- pears in inscriptions fromThessalonica4 and othercities ofMacedonia but is unknown outsidethis region.5 Normallythe city had betweenfive and six politarchs. AccordingtoSchuler, politarchs could be found in all four districts ofMacedoniabut not in theRomancolonies such as Philippi. The number ofpolitarchsvariedfromcity to city, though their number was not consistentthroughoutthe historyof anyone city. Politarchswere recruitedfrom the upperclasses, and one personinthe college ofpolitarchswasgiven the responsibility ofpresiding. A poli-

1. IT, nn. 150, 162-65, 167, 177,and 178. 2. IT, n.6.The name THESSALONIKEÇNELEUTHERIASappearson the coinage. See Hendrix,“Thessalonicans Honor Romans,” 31, 155, 156, 399-464. 3. Ibid., 251. 4. IT, nn.30,128, 133, and 226. Karl P.Donfried,“TheCults ofThessalonicaand the Thessalonian Correspondence,” NTS 31 (1985)342-43, comments, “One cannot help but be favourably impressed with the reliability ofcertain details in Acts when, for example, such a uniqueterm as ‘city authorities’ (tous politarchas), usedinActs onlywithregard to Thessalonian authorities (17.8), has been archaeologicallyverified.” 5.Asimilar title is found in Thessalyjust to thesouth ofMacedonia. See Bruno Helly, “Politarques, Poliarques et Politophylaques,” in Ancient Macedonia II (Thessalo- niki: Institute forBalkan Studies, 1977), 531-44.

21 INTRODUCTION tarch’s term of officewasoneyear,butapersoncould serve in this capac- ity morethan once. Politarchs could hold other offices at thesametime (the inscriptions fromThessalonica refer to one politarch whoserved also as the municipalhighpriest and another whowasalso a highpriest). The politarchswerethe chief executive and administrative officialsof the city, and as such they had the power to convoketheassemblyofcitizens (knowninThessalonicaasthe d3mos)and to puttheir seal ondecrees and assurethat they wereexecuted. They held a certain authority to grant citi- zenship.Acts 17.5-9 gives clear evidenceof their judicialpowers.6 Edwin Judge observes that in theActs passage the politarchsand not theRoman proconsul werethose whotook action to assurethat the peacewasmain- tained.Although they weregiven great latitude in their governmental functions, “We must assumethat in some respectthe politarchswere obliged to take cognisanceof offences against the‘decrees of Caesar.’”7 ProtectingRomaninterests fell to their lot as well. The inscriptions fromThessalonicaattesttothe presenceof a council (boul3) and assemblyof the citizens (d3mos).8 The council was not thesameasthe college ofpolitarchs, butthe politarchs convoked the council and presided overits meetings.9 In a number ofinscriptions the council and theassemblyare mentioned together as jointauthorsof a proclamation. The more common title for aGreek assembly (ekkl3sia) is not found in theextant inscriptions until around theyear ad 230.10 Althoughinmost cities ekkl3sia referstotheassembly proper and d3mos to the free citizenswho make up that assembly, in Thessalonica d3mos referstoboth the citizenryand their official assembly. WheninActs 17.5 Lukespeaksof theassemblyof the Thessalonians citizens heem- ploys theterm d3mos in accordancewithlocalusage. Amongtheother governingofficials in the city, the inscriptionsspeak of atreasurer of the

6. Carl Schuler,“The MacedonianPolitarchs,” CP 55 (1960) 90-100; and NewDocs, 2.34-35; James H.Oliver,“Civic Constitutions forMacedonian Communities,” CP 58 (1963) 164-65. Whiletheorigin of theoffice is unknown,somespeculate that itarose after theRomanconquest of167 bc,though othersargue for a date around thetimewhen Macedoniabecameaprovince(148 bc). A third opinionisthat theofficewasestablished before 167 bc, perhaps from thetimeofPerseus. AninscriptioninAmphipolis from this erabearsthetitle. Chaïdo Koukouli-Chrysanthaki,“Politarchs in aNewInscriptionfrom Amphipolis,” in Ancient Macedonian Studies in Honor of Charles F. Edson (Thessaloniki: In- stitute forBalkan Studies, 1981), 238. 7.E.A.Judge, “TheDecrees of Caesar at Thessalonica,” RTR 30 (1971) 5. 8. IT, nn. 5,6,7, 14,and 137. The council at times is known as the“most excellent council” (kratist3 boul3), atitlethat indicates the honor associated with thisofficial body (cf.Acts 23.26; 24.3; 26.25). 9. Vacalopoulos, History of Thessaloniki, 13; IT, nn. 5, 7,and possibly 133. 10. IT, n. 1028.

22 THEGOVERNMENT OFTHESSALONICA city (tamias t3spleZs),11 a magistrate oflesserrank who received taxes accordingtothe laws and decrees, paid the financial obligationsof the city, and maintained theaccounts.12 Thegymnasiarch (gymnasiarchos)13 was in charge of thegymnasium,the centerfor the physical training and intellectualdevelopmentof the citizensof the city.14 Theephebarch (eph3barchos)15 functioned as the leader and trainer of the eph3boi, the young men betweenfifteen and twenty-six yearsold.16 Thearchitectof the city,17 theadministrator of the market (agoranomos)18 who regulated thebuyingand selling in the markets, and the presidentof thegames (agZnothet3s)19 all appearinthe inscriptionsaswell. This last official handled the responsibility ofcontractingthe musical artists and ath- letes, judgingthegames alongwithhisassistants, and providing hospitality for the participants.20 Likeanyothercity in theempire, Thessalonicawassubjecttothe Roman emperor,whoatthetimeof the foundation of this church was Claudius(ad 41-54). However,aswehave alreadyseen, duringthis pe- riodMacedoniawasasenatorialprovinceand therefore under the direct control of theRoman senate. Since Thessalonicawasthe capital of the province, itwasthe homeof variousRoman officialswhose names and ti- tles appearinboth the inscriptionsand coinage of the city. The proconsul (anthypatos)21 ofMacedonia did not intervene in the problemsoccasioned by the comingof thegospel to Thessalonica, despite the factthat he re- sidedinthetown. The politarchstook action (Acts 17.5-9), in stark con- trast to thewaythe proconsul of Achaia, Gallio(ad 50-51), stood to judge the case of theChristians in theRomancolonyof Corinth (Acts 18.12-17). Wealso have evidenceof atreasurer of theRomans (tamias RZmaiZn),22 an

11. IT, nn.31, 50, and 133. 12. A. H. M. Jones, The Greek City (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1940), 241. 13. IT, nn. 4, 133, and 201. 14. Jones, Greek City, 221-22; OCD, 659-70 notes, “As a centreof educationitbe- cameafocus for the maintenanceof Greekidentity in the faceofnon-Greek settlement and Romanpoliticalcontrol.” We may assumethesame functionfor this Macedonianin- stitution. 15. IT, n. 133. 16. J. M.R.Cormack,“TheGymnasiarchal Law ofBeroea,” in Ancient Macedonia II, 143, 148; OCD, 527-28; Everett Ferguson, Backgrounds of Early Christianity (Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1993), 101-2. 17. IT, nn.31, 128, and 133. 18. IT, nn. 7,26;LSJ, 13. A post equivalenttothat of theaedile in Romancities. 19. IT, nn. 132, 226. 20. Jones, Greek City, 234. 21. IT, n.31. 22. IT, nn.29,135. Thetitle in Latin would have been quaestor.

23 INTRODUCTION officialinthesenatorialprovinces whowasresponsibletosupervise the financial affairs.23 Apart from theRoman administration and thegoverningofficialsof this free city stood a provincialcouncil (koinon makedonZn) whose administrative center was Berea.24 The membersof this council were drawn from thevarious cities of the provinceand served as a channel ofcommu- nication between the upperclasses and theemperor that bypassed the provincial governor. In fact, the council could present complaints against the proconsul if heengagedinbad administration. The Macedonian koinon organized games in Berea at thetimeof theannual assembly (Thessalonicaalso celebrated games and soughttoassurethat theirssur- passed those in Berea), and these events served to focusthe national sentiments of the Macedonians. The council had theauthority to mint coins, mintingsome issues that celebrated the memoryof AlexanderIII.On the Roman side, the koinon promoted the imperialcult, and the leader of the council also served as the highpriest in the cultof Augustus.25 The politicallifeofThessalonicawascharacterized by thetension between the freedom the city enjoyed and thesourceof that liberty, their loyalty to Rome. Not only in civic honorsbutalso in the civic cult, Rome received theadulation of the city for thebenefits its citizenry received.Aswehave alreadyobserved,this loyalty becametheaxis around which the conflictwith theChristians revolved accordingtothe Acts narrative and becamean even greaterpowderkeg as Christians abandoned the civic cultand imperialhonors in their loyalty to Christ.26 Bothimperial worship and the civic culttothetitulardeity of the city weretiedinintimatelywith the function of thegovernmentand loyalty to thesame. As we canimagine, in thisatmospherewhere religion and government intertwined,abandonmentof the cult could be understood as opposition to theexisting political structures. Here isthe flashpointbetween the church and the community. The proclamation of “anotherking” by the nameofJesuswould have aroused the deepest concernsamongtheRomansthat the Macedonianmonarchywasonce again on the rise. The royal theology of theChristians clashed with the

23. Cicero, Pro Cnaeo Plancio 41,enjoyed the hospitality of the quaestor Plancius in his residence, the quaestorium, whenhearrivedinThessalonica in the mid-first century bc. 24.Similarly, Acts 19.31introduces theAsiarchs(“officialsof the province”), who were membersof the koinon of the provinceof Asia. 25. Papazoglou,“Political and Administrative Developments,” 199; Ferguson, Backgrounds of Early Christianity, 43, Vacalopoulos, History of Thessaloniki, 13; Fanoula Papazoglou,“LaProvince de Macédoine,” ANRW 2.7.1.351-69. 26. See the commentaryon 2 Thessalonians2.

24 THESOCIAL AND ECONOMIC WORLDS OFTHESSALONICA imperialclaimsof Romeand theemperor while it resonated with the ancientaspirationsof the Macedonianpeople.

IV. THE SOCIAL AND ECONOMIC WORLDS OF THESSALONICA

After the defeat at the handsof theRomans(168 bc), Macedoniaentered a period ofdeeppoverty. TheRomans carried off the riches of the kingdom to Romeand instituted aseries of economic measures that assured that Macedonia could not recover and onceagain becomeathreat to the Romanpower,such as the division ofMacedonia into four districts, the prohibition ofcommercebetween the districts, and the closureof the mines. Theeconomic forceof the regiondidnot recover even afterMace- donia’s incorporation as a Romanprovince. OneofficialThessalonianin- scription,which comes from the last partof thesecond centuryor the first partof the first century bc,wasexecuted with a crudeand inexpert hand, leavingan enduringtestimonyof theeconomic plightof theearly provincial years. The inscription “suggests a timewhenThessalonicawasim- poverished and demoralized.”1 In spite of theeconomic weakness of the province duringthe repub- lican era, Macedonia managed to recover much of the prosperity it had enjoyed duringthe imperial epoch due to the new politic toward the province.2 The city of Thessalonica was a key player in theeconomic recovery. The town’s location at the head of the Thermaic Gulf and alongthegreat Via Egnatia, its intimate relationship with the interior ofMacedoniawith its rich agriculturalland,and the reopeningofmines and forests as sources ofraw materialsall contributed to the creation of a new, robust economic climate, adding to the peace in the region. Butthe development isalso attributed to the favorable policies Romeexercised toward the city, which hadroots in thesupport Thessalonica had extended to Rome at crit- icalmoments in their intertwined histories. The laws ofreciprocity assured that Rome would not, and indeedcould not, forget. A community of Romans immigrated to the city to residethere, and testimonyof their presence is recorded in multiple inscriptionsand funeralreliefs.3 Numerous membersof this community facilitated theeconomic and commercialde-

1.Schuler,“The MacedonianPolitarchs,” 92. 2. Papazoglou,“Economyand Society,” 199. 3. For example, IT, n.38,which comes from the last partof the first century bc, makes mention of theRomans residing in the city.

25 INTRODUCTION velopmentof thisand other cities of the province. Manyof those whoemi- grated to the city were from the upper strata of Roman society, people who had theeconomic power to own slaves.4 The names of prominent Italiansappear in the sarcophagi from this period.5 Not a few of these im- migrants went beyond takingadvantage of theopportunities the city afforded and so became contributors to its development. A conspicuous number of inscriptions honor the “Roman benefactors” (RZmanoi euerge- toi)6 alongsideof thea RZma (the goddess Rome) and refer to a priesthood that functioned in their honor. The Thessaloniansoffered these public honors to thegroup of Roman benefactorswithoutspecifyingtheexact natureof the servicethey hadrendered to the community. However,since the inscriptionsareofficial, we may concludethat the city recognized that the well-beingof the community depended in parton theeconomic con- tributionsthese Romans made.7 The inscriptions do, however, name certain individualswho were benefactors to the city alongwith their specific deeds.8 The civic cult in honor of these Roman benefactors was a symbol of thegreat gratitudeand the loyalty the Thessalonians felt toward the Romans because of these benefits. The imperial cult itself isamanifesta- tion in grand scaleof these honorsgiven to the Romanssincetheemperor was the benefactor of the city par excellence.9 The relationship betweenThessalonicaand theRoman benefactors isaspecific exampleof awide-rangingsocialinstitution of theera, the system ofpatronage or clientela.10 Roman society, withits vast social and economic differences, maintainedits social equilibrium in parton theba- sisof thissocialinstitution. The relationship between a patron and hisor herclient hadfundamentallythree characteristics. In the first place, the patron/client relationship implied aninterchange of goodsand services.

4. Papazoglou,“Political and Administrative Developments,” 196; “Economyand Society,” 201. 5.Robert Jewett, The Thessalonian Correspondence (Philadelphia:Fortress Press, 1986), 121. 6. IT, nn. 4,31, 128, 133, and 226. 7.On the natureofpublic benefaction see the literature in n. 10and p. 41, n. 54. 8. IT, nn. 136 and 225. 9. See pp.38-42. 10. See Richard P.Saller, Personal Patronage under the Early Empire (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1982); Andrew Wallace-Hadrill,ed., Patronage in Ancient So- ciety (London and New York: Routledge, 1989); Barbara K.Gold, Literary Patronage in Greece and Rome (ChapelHilland London: University of North Carolina Press, 1987); S. N. Eisenstadtand L. Roniger, Patrons, Clients and Friends (Cambridge: Cambridge Uni- versity Press, 1984); GabrielHerman, Ritualized Friendship and the Greek City (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1987); John K.Chow, Patronage and Power: A Study of Social Networks in Corinth (Sheffield: Sheffield Academic Press, 1992).

26 THESOCIAL AND ECONOMIC WORLDS OFTHESSALONICA

Secondly, thebond between a patron and clientwaspersonal and lasted for anindefinite period of time. Finally, the relationship was asymmetric in thesense that the patron and the clientwere not of equal social status and differenttypes of goodsand services wereexchanged between them.11 The patron/client relationship functioned on almost every level of society and even becamean essentialcomponentof theRoman bureau- cracy. As Wallace-Hadrill comments, “Patronage was central to thestruc- tureof Roman society as feudalism was to medieval: it constituted the dominantsocialrelationship betweenruler and the ruled.”12 Under this system theemperor was understood as the principalpatronintheem- pire. Farfrom beingan administrator who distributed goodsand privileges to all membersof thesociety equally, theemperor granted access to his person and power through a network ofpatronage relationships. Im- partiality did not characterize thesystem. The distribution of goodsand privileges was madethrough those who had access to his person,and it was expected that hewould be especially liberalinhistreatmentoffam- ilyand friendsalongwith otherswhoweregranted access.13 Thegeneral expectation was that public officials, especiallytheemperor,would use their powerinfavor of those whowhere closest to them. Their rolewas more patronal than administrative. Since cities like Thessalonica depended on theemperor and his benefaction,they established two means to secure his patronage. In the first place, the imperial cult in the city, withits templeand priesthood, was on theonesideaform of thankfulness forpast benefits received and on the other served as a meansof soliciting future benefits for the client city. Secondly, the city depended on the goodrelationshipswith the Roman citizens residentthere, who served as channels to the imperialpower by meansof the network ofpatron/client relationships. Even a city as grand and prosperous as Thessalonica neededits patrons in order to gain access to theemperor as well as the Roman senate.14 In order to utilize this system,throughhonorific inscriptions Thessalonica publicly recognized the

11.Saller, Personal Patronage under the Early Empire, 1;Andrew Drummond,“Early Roman Clients,” in Patronage in Ancient Society (ed. Wallace-Hadrill), 101. 12. Wallace-Hadrill,“Patronage in Roman Society:From Republic to Empire,” in Patronage in Ancient Society (ed. Wallace-Hadrill), 68. 13. Saller, Personal Patronage under the Early Empire, p.32. 14.“TheRomanpolitical system at all times avoided anysortofdirect regional representationingovernment. Instead,access was mediated throughindividuals. Itwas this inaccessibility of the centreexceptthroughpersonallinksthat generated the power ofpatronage.” Wallace-Hadrill,“Patronage in Roman Society:From Republic to Em- pire,” in Patronage in Ancient Society (ed. Wallace-Hadrill), 74.

27 INTRODUCTION benefits the city received viathe Roman elite. Thiselite not only gave direct benefits to the city butalso served as channelsof access to the central power of the government. Through thisgroup of Roman benefactorsthe emperorcould express his patronage. DionysiusofHalicarnassus, who wrote his Roman Antiquities duringthe reign of Augustus, explained the power of theelite in the Roman provinces duringan earlier era, saying, “The patronage of the patricians was not restricted to the city and the com- monpeople, buteach of Rome’s colonies, the cities that became her friendsand allies and those subjugated in war, had Romansof their own choosing as their protectorsand patrons. Indeed,the senate oftenreferred the disputes which came from these cities orpeoples to their patronsand regarded their decisions as binding.”15 Though the patricians had dimin- ishedradically in number by thetimeof theempire, the roleof the Roman elite in the provinces undoubtedly continued into thisera. The importanceof these observations in relationship to the church in Thessalonica isevidentasweconsiderhow theapostles and fledgling church in the community wereaccused of being partof aseditious movement(Acts 17.6-7). The denunciationcould producegrave consequences withrespecttothe favoredposition the city enjoyed beforethe imperial power. Theapparent proclamation of a rivalruletothat of theemperor would have been viewednot onlyasseditiousbutalso as a grave viola- tion of the delicate and privilegedrelationship of this client city withher patron theemperor. We can easily understand whythe politarchsof the city wereanxioustoeliminate the problem as quicklyaspossible. These tensionsaresufficienttoexplain whythe church continued to sufferper- secution after theapostolic teamleftthe city. In addition,the imperial cult, which was a componentof thesystem ofpatronage, appearstobe a hermeneuticalkey to unlock the problematic passage of 2 Thessalo- nians2.16 The patron/client relationship also helps illuminate the problem of work among certain membersof the Thessalonianchurch,anissue Paul addressedinbothletterstothis community (1Thess. 4.11-12; 2 Thess. 3.6- 13).17 A number ofThessalonian Christians maintained their clientstatus, with both believersand the unconverted servingaspatrons, and Paul stronglyopposed the practice: “For even when we werewith you,we gave you this rule: ‘If a man will not work, heshall not eat’” (2 Thess. 3.10). Weshould not conclude, however,that those whoenjoyedclient statusamongthe Thessalonian Christians came from the lowest strata of

15. Antiquitates Romanae 2.11.1. 16. See pp.309-13. 17.Seepp.208-13, 341-56.

28 THESOCIAL AND ECONOMIC WORLDS OFTHESSALONICA society. Traditionally clients werethose who had beenfreed and could enhancethestatusof the patron.18 Paul prescribedlabor and not patronage as the meansbywhich Christiansweretosupportthemselves (1Thess. 4.11;2Thess. 3.7-12), yet he recognized that aid should be extended to those with genuine need and commended and encouraged the Thessalonians for so acting(1Thess. 4.9-10; 2 Thess. 3.13). Such benefac- tionhaddeeproots within Christian teaching(e.g.,Gal.6.10; 1Pet. 2.12; 1John 3.17). While Paul opposed the institution and theentailments of clientela, heaffirmed the church’s responsibility to help those in need both within and outside its membership. Accordingtotheevidencethat has survivedinthe inscriptions, the Romans in Thessalonicabelonged to the upper social strata. Therewere, ofcourse, Macedonianswhowereof thesamesocial status. Those who occupied administrative posts, such as politarchsand membersof the council, came from thearistocracy, as also those whoserved as priests in thevarious cults celebratedinthe city. Within the Thessalonian church we encounter a number ofpeoplewhoalso came from the higher socialclasses. In theActs narrative, Luke makes mention ofmany “prominent” ornoblewomen who hadconverted at the hearingof the gospel (Acts 17.4), and Jason was sufficiently rich to offerhospitality to theapostolic team and prominentenough to be recognized by many persons(Acts 17.5-7,9).Heserved as a benefactor within theChristian community. It has been suggested that AristarchusofThessalonica(Acts 19.29; 20.4)wasthesame person whoappears in a list ofpolitarchs from the city and as such would have been oneofThessalonica’s most promi- nentand well-to-do citizens.19 In addition, certain membersof the con- gregationhad sufficient meanstoserve as benefactors(1Thess. 4.10; 2 Thess. 3.13). The city ofThessalonicawasalso the homeofmany peopleof the workingand artisanclass. TheepigramsofPhilipofThessalonica(first century ad) mention a large number of them as well as their trades. In

18. Bruce W. Winter, Seek the Welfare of the City (Grand Rapidsand Carlisle: Eerd- mansand Paternoster, 1994), 45; Peter Garnsey and GreekWoolf,“Patronage of theRural PoorintheRomanWorld,” in Patronage in Ancient Society (ed. Wallace-Hadrill), 153; Chow, Patronage and Power, 41-64. In his ratheridealizeddescription of the patron/client relationship,DionysiusofHalicarnassus makes mention of the reciprocalrelationship betweenpatron and clientthat included economic aid for the patronintimes ofnecessity (Antiquitates Romanae 2.9-11). Whatever the reality of thesituation was, his description of patronage presupposes that most clients did not come from the poorest classes. Al- thoughclients could be found amongthe poor,thesystem especially favored those who wereofhigher sociallevels. 19. Colin J. Hemer, The Book of Acts in the Setting of Hellenistic History (Tübingen: J.C.B. Mohr, 1989), 236.

29 INTRODUCTION them we meet the fisherman,the farmer,the carpenter,the cook,the scribe, the hunter,theweaver,the miller,the rhetor,and thetempleser- vant.20 Variousof these people dedicated thetoolsof their tradetotheir patrondeity at theend of their life, such as theoarsand nets of the fisherman that were dedicated to Hermes and Poseidon and thesack, mallet, sickle, threshing implements, and plow that the plowmandedicated to Demeter.21 These persons did not separate their religionfrom their labor. A large number, if not most, of the membersof theChristiancommunity in Thessalonica came from this class, amongwhom were manywho had taken on the roleofclients. Paul himself was an artisan and exhorted such people in the church “to work with your hands” (1Thess. 4.11)and so follow hisown example: “we workednightand day, laboringand toil- ingsothat we would not be a burden to anyof you”(2Thess. 3.8; 1Thess. 2.9). Theeconomic situation ofThessalonicaallowed these peopletoearn thebread they ate (2 Thess. 3.12). Whatever theeconomic situation of othercities in Macedoniaand Achaia, Thessalonicaoffered the majority of the population both work and food.22 However, not everyone in the city managed to obtain thebasicsof life. Philip wrote an epigramdescribingthe fortuneof Aristides, a poor man,who“used to count up hisgreat wealth, reckoning hisonesheep as a flock, his cow as a herd. Thenhe lost both: awolf killed thesheep, pangs of birth the cow; his poverty’s consolationperished. He fastened a knot against his neck withhiswallet-bindingstrap,and diedinhis mis- erybesidethe cabin where no cattle lowed.”23 Paul acknowledged that somewithin the Thessalonian and otherMacedonianchurches were in a precariouseconomic situation,and promoted and commended the church’s response to their necessity (1Thess. 4.10; 2 Thess. 3.13). But, commentingon theeconomic situation of the city, Jewett incorrectly con- cludes, “itappearsthat the converts derivedfrom astratum of the population suffering from a degree ofrelative deprivation.”24 Clearlythere werethose who needed thesupportof the community, buttosaythat the majority were in that positionisan erroneous conclusion. The members of this church had the power to supportthemselves and, in fact, were even abletobecomebenefactorstoneedy membersamongthem and in other Christiancommunities in Macedonia(1Thess. 4.9-10). The funda- mentalproblem of the congregation was that certain peoplewanted to

20. Gow and Page, Greek Anthology, 1.269-351. 21. Ibid., 1.328. 22. Cf.Ronald F. Hock, The Social Context of Paul’s Ministry (Philadelphia:Fortress Press, 1980), 34-37. 23. Gow and Page, Greek Anthology, 1.329. 24. Jewett, Thessalonian Correspondence, 121.

30 RELIGION IN THESSALONICA maintain a clientstatus instead of workingand not that they could not gain a living(1Thess. 4.11-12). In these letters, Paul does not mention thesocialclassificationsof slaves, freedpersons, and the free, nordoes healludetothe citizensand those noncitizensand foreignersamongthem (cf.Eph.6.5-9; Col.3.22– 4.1). In a city like Thessalonicaall these groupswould have beenrepre- sented,butthere is noevidence from the lettersthemselves ofhow thesocial stratification and tensionsaffected theChristiancommunity. The great socialdifferences amongthe membersof the church aregiven ex- pression only in the problemsthat arise outof the patron/client relationship and theexhortations concerningbenefaction.Repeatedly Paul praises the mutuallove of the membersof the community and encour- ages them to grow in thesame(1Thess. 1.3; 3.6, 12; 5.8, 13; 2 Thess. 1.3). The church expressedits desiretolearn moreabout fraternallove (1Thess. 4.9-10). Whatever social and economic differences existed amongthis congregation,the Thessalonian Christians hadlearned the fundamentallesson of Christianlove amongthemselves. The church was atestimonytothe miracleofcommunity in diversity.

V. RELIGION IN THESSALONI CA

WhenPaul,Silas, and TimothyarrivedinThessalonicatopreach the gospel,they did not enterinto a religiousvacuum. The Thessalonians wereworshipersof a plethoraofdeities. Thegospelproclamation was an ardent call to abandon theworship ofimages, butatthesametime the message answered the people’s deepest religious desires and concerns. Accordingtothe narrative in Acts 17,theapostles entered the Jewish synagoguetobegin the Thessalonianmission.Amongthisas- semblyofdescendants of Abraham weresome“God-fearingGreeks” and “prominentwomen,” Macedonianswho hadintegrated with the monotheistic Jewishcommunity withoutbecoming full proselytes to their way oflife. Such people had some kind of affinity forJudaism, ranging from those whoadmiredJewish thoughtand lifetothose who abandoned the idolcultand adoptedmonotheism,stoppingshortoffull conversion,which entailedcircumcision.1 These and the rest of the

1.Seeespecially IrinaLevinskaya, The Book of Acts in Its Diaspora Setting (Grand Rapidsand Carlisle: Eerdmansand Paternoster, 1996), 78-79; and Kirsopp Lake, “Prose- lytes and God-Fearers,” in The Acts of the Apostles (eds. F. J. Foakes-Jackson and Kirsopp Lake; Grand Rapids:Baker, 1979), 5.74-96; MaxWilcox,“TheGod-Fearers in Acts — A

31 INTRODUCTION

ThessalonianswhobecameChristians forsook their idolsaspartof their new allegiancetothe livingGod: “You turned to Godfromidolstoserve the livingand trueGod”(1Thess. 1.9). On the pagan side, the instruc- tionconcerningthe“man oflawlessness” in 2 Thessalonians2alerts us to the religiously charged atmosphere in which the Thessalonians lived, whereahuman being could receive worship as if divine: “Hewill op- pose and will exalt himself over everythingthat is called God oriswor- shiped,sothat hesetshimself up in God’s temple, proclaiming himself to be God”(2Thess. 2.4). Farfrom being indifferentabout religious questions, the Thessalonianswho listened to thegospel weresubmerged in aworld that Paul elsewhere describes as filled with “so-called gods, whetherinheaven or on earth”(1 Cor.8.5). Thegospel of the“livingand trueGod”wasproclaimed to these who floatedinaseaof great religious pluralism and confusion. If we aregoingtounderstand thegospel’s im- pacton the Thessalonians, a careful examination of their religiousworld is necessary. 2 Anyanalysisof the religiousenvironmentofThessalonica during the first century ad will necessarilybeincomplete duetothe limited number of sources that detail the cults and their activities. Although Charles Edsonpublished an ample collection ofinscriptions from the city,3 the information gives little insight into the daily practices of thesev- eralreligious centers. Moreover,archaeologists have not been abletoex- cavate the city extensivelysincetheancient remainsareburied beneath the modern city ofThessaloniki,thesecond largest metropolis in modern Greece. Theend result isthat we do not possess a balancedcatalog ofin- formationconcerning manyaspects ofdaily life in the city, includingthe religious milieu withits multiplegodsand temples. The majority of the inscriptionsthat have beenpreserved surfaced as chance findsorcame fromrescueexcavations. Although a number ofprimarytexts that de-

Reconsideration,” JSNT 13(1981) 102-22; T. M. Finn,“TheGod-fearersReconsidered,” CBQ 47 (1985) 75-84; JoyceReynoldsand Robert Tannenbaum, Jews and God-fearers at Aphrodisias: Greek Inscriptions with Commentary (Cambridge: Cambridge Philological So- ciety, 1987); J.A.Overman,“TheGod-fearers: SomeNeglectedFeatures,” JSNT 32 (1988) 17-26; IrinaLevinskaya, “The Inscriptionfrom Aphrodisias and the Problem of God- fearers,” TynBul 41 (1990) 312-18; Jerome Murphy-O’Connor,“Lotsof God-Fearers? Theosebeis in theAphrodisias Inscription,” RB 99 (1992) 418-24. 2. Donfried,“TheCults ofThessalonicaand the Thessalonian Correspondence,” 336, presents the fundamentalconcern: “Thebasic question we propose to askissimply this: what was Thessalonica likewhenPaul first visited and established aChristiancom- munity thereand what impact does this informationhave forunderstanding 1 and 2 Thessalonians?” 3. IT. TheArchaeologicalMuseum ofThessalonica is planningtopublish asupple- menttothis collection.

32 RELIGION IN THESSALONICA scribe the dynamicsofmany cults in antiquity have beenpasseddown to us, little informationhas survivedconcerning how these cults functioned in Thessalonica itself.Adelightful exception to this rulewastheexcava- tion of theSerapeum,which yielded a ratherfullpictureof the roleof the Egyptian gods in the city. Despite thegenerallyscanty and eclectic nature of theevidence for othercults, somesound observations can be made based on the historicaldata that have fortunatelysurvived.Epigramists such as Philip and Antipater ofThessalonica preserve forus hints of the beliefsand the religious longings of the Thessalonians duringthe first centurywhen they wrote. The inscriptionsthat have cometolight, the coinage, and theexcavationsthat have beenundertaken give us hints aboutaspects of the historythat can be joined together to help us pry open the historical window at least partially. Theancientsources testify clearlythat Athenswasnot theonly city “full ofidols” (Acts 17.16). Thessalonicawashost to multiple deities who wereobjects of genuine religious devotion. In hisextantepigrams, Philip ofThessalonica, for example, makes mention ofmorethan twenty deities who playedmorethan a formalrole in people’s lives. He recorded asup- plication to Artemis for theemperor that askedforhis recovery, “Artemis ...dispatch thisvery day that hateful sickness away from thebestof Em- perors. . . . ForPhilipwill offer thesmokeoffrankincense above your al- tars, and will makesplendid sacrificeof a mountain-roamingboar.”4 In anotherprayer asailor offersabarley cakeand a libation to Apollowith the petition,“Begracious in return,and send upon thesailsafavourable breeze runningwithustothe harboursof Actium.”5 Antipater of Thessalonica composed an epigramfor astatueof Aphrodite that ex- pressed thesimple desireof awoman,“Bithynian Cythera dedicatedme, the marble image of your form,Cyprian goddess [Aphrodite], according to her vow. Do youmakealarge gift in return for asmall one, as your customis; a husband’s loving heart isall sheasks.”6 Another woman, both sterileand blind,wanted to give birth and to have her sight restored and,accordingtoan epigram, received both: “Bothprayerswere heard by Artemis, midwife in child-bearingand light-bringer of white-gleam- ing rays.”7 The relationship with thegodswasviewed as a transaction: “Do this forme, and I’ll dothat for you.” One inscriptionmentionsavo- tive offeringto“thegreat gods” in anticipation of somebenefittobere-

4. Theemperorinthis case was AugustusorpossiblyGaius(Caligula), whosuf- feredfrom agrave illness at thebeginningofhis reign (October/November, ad 37). Gow and Page, Greek Anthology, 2.331; 1.299. 5. Ibid., 1.303. 6. Ibid., 1.19. 7. Ibid., 1.79.

33 INTRODUCTION ceived.8 In a prayer to Isis, thesuppliantasks for salvationfrompoverty and, in exchange, “hewill sacrificeakid with goldenhorns.”9 The Thessalonians dedicated offerings and prayed to their deities, and they expected something in return. Alongsidethese petitionsanumber ofreligious inscriptions preserve thethanksgivings ofdevout people. Accordingtooneworshiper, the highest god (Zeus), whowasalso called “thegreat savior,” had saved him fromdisaster at sea in response to his prayer. Hetherefore dedicated a public inscription to thegod as a way to offer thanks.10 Withoutspecify- ingthe reason,anotherdevotee presentedhisthankstotheEgyptian gods—Serapis, Isis, and Anubis—and to “thegodsof thesametemple.”11 Although we do not doubt thesincerity of those whoerected such public monuments in thanksgivingtothe deities, the function ofinscriptions dedicated to benefactors, be they human ordivine, was not simply to recognize their beneficencebutalso to solicit futurebenefits. The Thessalonians did not always perceive thegodsasbenevolent. They could bringboth benefits and tragedytoaperson’s life. An epigram from Antipaterrecordsthetragic historyof Cyllen ,an athlete whowas onhiswayhome from theOlympic games whenillfortunebefell him: “Hewastravellingatnight-time fromPisa whenlightning fell from Zeus and killedhim.”12 Hermocrateia, a woman whogavebirth to twenty-nine children,wasfortunate enough to have them all survive. She knows, however,the dark power of thegodsand says, “Neither Apolloshot my sons down, nor Artemisbereavedmeofmy daughterstomysorrow. Rather theone cameand easedmytravail,while Phoebusbrought my boys to young manhoodunharmed by sickness.”13 Herrelief betrays her belief that thegodswere capableofdoing herillas well as good.Over the tombofPolyxenus, who had slipped and died because ofhis fall,some- one placed the followingepigram: “Iknow not whether to blamethe wine-god [Dionysus] or the rain from Zeus; both areslippery for the feet.”14 One neverknew what to expect from thegods. They could bring both blessingand disaster to a person,asin the case of awoman who

8. IT, n. 51.Greek euch3n. So n.80dedicated to Serapis, Isis, Anubis, and thegods of thesametemple(Gk. synnaois). 9. Gow and Page, Greek Anthology, 1.312. 10. IT, n.67. 11. IT, n. 78. So thethanksgivings in nn.81 (to Isisand Harpocrates), 85 (to Serapis, Isis, Harpocrates, and thegods“of thesametempleand thesamealtar”), and 87 (to Eros, Isis, Serapis, and Harpocrates). 12. Gow and Page, Greek Anthology, 1.50. 13. Ibid., 1.52. 14. Ibid.

34 RELIGION IN THESSALONICA died whilegivingbirth to triplets, “Oneand thesamegod [daimZn]took life fromher and gave lifetothem.”15 In antiquity, ethicswasthe domain of the philosophersand not of thegods. Normally religiondidnot have anythingtodowith the morality of theworshipers. In fact, a number ofcults promoted a lifestylethat would have been viewed as immoralfrom aChristianperspective. Dio- nysus, thegod of wineand drunkenness, is depictedinreliefs, statues, and mosaicswith avineand grapes laced throughhis hair and a down- turned empty cup in his hand,asymbol ofdrunkenness. In an epigram from Antipater a personis chastisedfor beingsober, having drunk only water: “Ihaddrunkmy fill ofundiluted water,whenBacchusstood be- side mybed,yesterday, and spokethus: ‘You sleep thesleep of those whom Aphrodite hates; tell me, mysoberfriend, have youheard of Hippolytus? You should be afraid of sufferingafate like his.’ Thus he spoke, and wentaway;and sincethen wateris no longer any pleasureto me.”16 Thegodpromoteddrinkingwineand encouraged thissolitaryso- berman to seek thesexualpleasures Aphrodite brings. Aphrodite was herself thesymbol of sexuallicense and the patroness of the prostitutes. Philip commemorates a boat whose constructioncosts were underwrit- ten by the proceeds from abordello: “I,aship built from theCyprian’s trade, have cometotheseathat gave that goddess [Aphrodite] birth.A traffickerinbeauty wrought meand calledme‘Courtesan’, forIam all men’s friend. Board me cheerfully, I askno heavy fee. I welcomeall com- ers; Icarrythe foreigner [and citizensalike]. As onceonland,sorow me on the deep.”17 Aphrodite was amongthe most populardeities in Thessalonica, as witnessed by the preponderanceof small, household cult images ofher that have beenfound amongthe clay figurines exca- vatedprincipally from the cemeteries of theancient city.18 Amongvarious religionsofThessalonicathe phalluswasacult object. For example, the image ofPriapuswasan enlargedphalluswith a small,grotesquebodyattached.19 Accordingtomythology, theEgyptian

15. Ibid., 1.77. 16. Ibid., 1.35. Wineand water were normally mixed. The dilution at times was one partwinetotwenty parts water,though the more commonmixwas three of water to oneof wineorfive of water to two parts wine. The moralists of the day recognized the danger of one-to-one mixing, althoughdrinking unmixed winewaswell attested.See Everett Ferguson,“WineasaTable-Drink in theAncient World,” ResQ 13(1970) 141-53. 17.Gowand Page, Greek Anthology, 1.333. Clementof Alexandria condemned Aphrodite as the“lover of thevirilia” and said that a lump of saltand a phalluswere given to the initiates. Exhortation to the Heathen, ch.2. 18. Steph Kort -Kont , HKoroplastik3 t3sThessalonik3s (Thessaloniki: Parat r t s, 1994). 19. Ibid., 1.308.