The Iraqi Opposition's Evolution: from Conflict to Unity?
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Blood and Ballots the Effect of Violence on Voting Behavior in Iraq
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by Göteborgs universitets publikationer - e-publicering och e-arkiv DEPTARTMENT OF POLITICAL SCIENCE BLOOD AND BALLOTS THE EFFECT OF VIOLENCE ON VOTING BEHAVIOR IN IRAQ Amer Naji Master’s Thesis: 30 higher education credits Programme: Master’s Programme in Political Science Date: Spring 2016 Supervisor: Andreas Bågenholm Words: 14391 Abstract Iraq is a very diverse country, both ethnically and religiously, and its political system is characterized by severe polarization along ethno-sectarian loyalties. Since 2003, the country suffered from persistent indiscriminating terrorism and communal violence. Previous literature has rarely connected violence to election in Iraq. I argue that violence is responsible for the increases of within group cohesion and distrust towards people from other groups, resulting in politicization of the ethno-sectarian identities i.e. making ethno-sectarian parties more preferable than secular ones. This study is based on a unique dataset that includes civil terror casualties one year before election, the results of the four general elections of January 30th, and December 15th, 2005, March 7th, 2010 and April 30th, 2014 as well as demographic and socioeconomic indicators on the provincial level. Employing panel data analysis, the results show that Iraqi people are sensitive to violence and it has a very negative effect on vote share of secular parties. Also, terrorism has different degrees of effect on different groups. The Sunni Arabs are the most sensitive group. They change their electoral preference in response to the level of violence. 2 Acknowledgement I would first like to thank my advisor Dr. -
Diyala: 3W Partners Per Health Facility (As of Jan 2018)
IRAQ Diyala: 3W Partners per Health Facility (as of Jan 2018) Kirkuk Consultations by DISTRICT Sulaymaniyah Jan-Dec 2017 Salah al-Din 27,690 25,290 CDO IDPs by district Ba'quba UNICEF Feb 15, 2018 19,374 30,019 WHO WHO Khanaqin 33,442 6,852 Kifri 2,276 1,632 180 Kifri Qoratu Al-Khalis Al-Muqdadiya Baladrooz Ba'quba Khanaqin Kifri Al-Wand 2 Consultations by CAMP CDO Jan-Dec 2017 IOM Al-Wand 1 IDPs by camp Feb 15, 2018 Al-Wand 1 11,374 Khanaqin CDO 715 Al-Wand 2 10,052 Khalis Muskar Saad 26,620 Qoratu 12,016 250 255 Iran 180 Muqdadiya Muskar Saad Diyala Al Wand 2 Al Wand 1 Muskar Saad Qoratu LEGEND IRAQ UIMS IDP Camp Ba'quba Baladrooz Disclaimer: The boundaries and names shown and the designations used on this map do not imply the expression of any opinion whatsoever on the part of WHO concerning the legal status of any country, territory, city or area or of its authorities, 5 or concerning the delimitation of its frontiers or boundaries. All reasonable Partners IOM precautions have been taken by WHO to produce this map. The responsibility for its in Diyala interpretation and use lies with the user. In no event shall the World Health Organization be liable for damages arising from its use. Baghdad Governorate Wassit Production Date: 07 Mar 2018 Product Name: IRQ_DIYALA_3W_Partners_Per_Health_Facility_07032018 Data source: Health cluster partners Camp into Ba'quba District Ba'quba Camps into Khanaqin Distri Khanaqin Kifri District Diyala Governorate Muskar Saad District Al-Wand 1 Al-Wand 2 Qoratu District Activity UIMS IOM CDO CDO CDO UNICEF -
Weekly Explosive Incidents Flas
iMMAP - Humanitarian Access Response Weekly Explosive Incidents Flash News (26 MAR - 01 APR 2020) 79 24 26 13 2 INCIDENTS PEOPLE KILLED PEOPLE INJURED EXPLOSIONS AIRSTRIKES DIYALA GOVERNORATE ISIS 31/MAR/2020 An Armed Group 26/MAR/2020 Injured a Military Forces member in Al-Ba'oda village in Tuz Khurmatu district. Four farmers injured in an armed conflict on the outskirts of the Mandali subdistrict. Iraqi Military Forces 01/APR/2020 ISIS 27/MAR/2020 Launched an airstrike destroying several ISIS hideouts in the Al-Mayta area, between Injured a Popular Mobilization Forces member in a clash in the Naft-Khana area. Diyala and Salah Al-Din border. Security Forces 28/MAR/2020 Found two ISIS hideouts and an IED in the orchards of Shekhi village in the Abi Saida ANBAR GOVERNORATE subdistrict. Popular Mobilization Forces 26/MAR/2020 An Armed Group 28/MAR/2020 Found an ISIS hideout containing fuel tanks used for transportation purposes in the Four missiles hit the Al-Shakhura area in Al-Barra subdistrict, northeast of Baqubah Nasmiya area, between Anbar and Salah Al-Din. district. Security Forces 30/MAR/2020 Popular Mobilization Forces 28/MAR/2020 Found and cleared a cache of explosives inside an ISIS hideout containing 46 homemade Bombarded a group of ISIS insurgents using mortar shells in the Banamel area on the IEDs, 27 gallons of C4, and three missiles in Al-Asriya village in Ramadi district. outskirts of Khanaqin district. ISIS 30/MAR/2020 Popular Mobilization Forces 28/MAR/2020 launched an attack killing a Popular Mobilization Forces member and injured two Security Found and cleared an IED in an agricultural area in the Hamrin lake vicinity, 59km northeast Forces members in Akashat area, west of Anbar. -
Yazidi Survivors in Germany and Iraq's Reparation Pro- Gramme
IOM IRAQ YAZIDI SURVIVORS IN GERMANY AND IRAQ’S REPARATION PRO- GRAMME: “I WANT FOR US TO HAVE A SHARE IN IRAQ” YAZIDI SURVIVORS IN GERMANY AND IRAQ’S REPARATION PROGRAMME: “I WANT FOR US TO HAVE A SHARE IN IRAQ” The International Organization for Migration (IOM) is committed to the principle that humane and orderly migration benefits migrants and society. As an intergovernmental organization, IOM acts with its partners in the international community to: assist in meeting the operational challenges of migration; advance understanding of migration issues; encourage social and economic development through migration; and uphold the human dignity and well-being of migrants. The opinions expressed in the report are those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the views of the International Organization for Migration (IOM). The information contained in this report is for general information purposes only. Names and boundaries do not imply official endorsement or acceptance by the International Organization for Migration (IOM). IOM Iraq endeavours to keep this information as accurate as possible but makes no claim – expressed or implied – on the completeness, accuracy and suitability of the information provided through this report. International Organization for Migration Address: UNAMI Compound (Diwan 2), International Zone, Baghdad/Iraq Email: [email protected] Website: iraq.iom.int This report is authored by Güley Bor © 2021 International Organization for Migration (IOM) All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording, or otherwise without the prior written permission of the publisher. -
Ba'ath Propaganda During the Iran-Iraq War Jennie Matuschak [email protected]
Bucknell University Bucknell Digital Commons Honors Theses Student Theses Spring 2019 Nationalism and Multi-Dimensional Identities: Ba'ath Propaganda During the Iran-Iraq War Jennie Matuschak [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.bucknell.edu/honors_theses Part of the International Relations Commons, and the Near and Middle Eastern Studies Commons Recommended Citation Matuschak, Jennie, "Nationalism and Multi-Dimensional Identities: Ba'ath Propaganda During the Iran-Iraq War" (2019). Honors Theses. 486. https://digitalcommons.bucknell.edu/honors_theses/486 This Honors Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the Student Theses at Bucknell Digital Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Honors Theses by an authorized administrator of Bucknell Digital Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. iii Acknowledgments My first thanks is to my advisor, Mehmet Döşemeci. Without taking your class my freshman year, I probably would not have become a history major, which has changed my outlook on the world. Time will tell whether this is good or bad, but for now I am appreciative of your guidance. Also, thank you to my second advisor, Beeta Baghoolizadeh, who dealt with draft after draft and provided my thesis with the critiques it needed to stand strongly on its own. Thank you to my friends for your support and loyalty over the past four years, which have pushed me to become the best version of myself. Most importantly, I value the distractions when I needed a break from hanging out with Saddam. Special shout-out to Andrew Raisner for painstakingly reading and editing everything I’ve written, starting from my proposal all the way to the final piece. -
Diyala Governorate, Kifri District
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Vichy on the Tigris
susan watkins Editorial VICHY ON THE TIGRIS His Majesty’s Government and I are in the same boat and must sink or swim together . if you wish me and your policy to succeed, it is folly to damn me permanently in the public eye by making me an obvious puppet. King Faisal I to the British High Commissioner, Mesopotamia, 17 August 1921.1 arely has a passage of powers been so furtive. The ceremony—held two days ahead of schedule, deep within Baghdad’s fortified Green Zone—lasted just ten min- utes, with thirty us and Iraqi officials present. Outside the Rcement stockade, the military realities remain the same: an Occupation force of 160,000 us-led troops, an additional army of commercial secu- rity guards, and jumpy local police units. Before departing, the Coalition Provisional Authority set in place a parallel government structure of Commissioners and Inspectors-General (still referring to themselves as ‘coalition officials’ a week after the supposed dissolution of that body) who, elections notwithstanding, will control Iraq’s chief ministries for the next five years.2 The largest us embassy in the world will dominate Baghdad, with regional ‘hubs’ planned in Mosul, Kirkuk, Hilla and Basra. Most of the $3.2 billion that has been contracted so far is going on the construction of foreign military bases.3 The un has resolved that the country’s oil revenues will continue to be deposited in the us-dominated Development Fund for Iraq, again for the next five years. The newly installed Allawi government will have no authority to reallocate contracts signed by the cpa, largely with foreign companies who will remain above the law of the land. -
Steven Isaac “The Ba'th of Syria and Iraq”
Steven Isaac “The Ba‘th of Syria and Iraq” for The Encyclopedia of Protest and Revolution (forthcoming from Oxford University Press) Three main currents of socialist thought flowed through the Arab world during and after World War II: The Ba‘th party’s version, that of Nasser, and the options promulgated by the region’s various communist parties. None of these can really be considered apart from the others. The history of Arab communists is often a story of their rivalry and occasional cohabitation with other movements, so this article will focus first on the Ba‘th and then on Nasser while telling the story of all three. In addition, the Ba‘th were active in more places than just Syria and Iraq, although those countries saw their most signal successes (and concomitant disappointments). Michel Aflaq, a Sorbonne-educated, Syrian Christian, was one of the two primary founders of the Ba‘th (often transliterated as Baath or Ba‘ath) movement. His exposure to Marx came during his studies in France, and he associated for some time with the communists in Syria after his return there in 1932. He later declared his fascination with communism ended by 1936, but others cite him as still a confirmed party member until 1943. His co-founder, Salah al-Din al-Bitar, likewise went to France for his university education and returned to Syria to be a teacher. Frustrated by France’s inter-war policies, the nationalism of both men came to so influence their attitudes towards the West that even Western socialism became another form of imperialism. -
Electoral Processes in the Mediterranean
Electoral Processes Electoral processes in the Mediterranean This chapter provides information on jority party if it does not manage to Gorazd Drevensek the results of the presidential and leg- obtain an absolute majority in the (New Slovenia Christian Appendices islative elections held between July Chamber. People’s Party, Christian Democrat) 0.9 - 2002 and June 2003. Jure Jurèek Cekuta 0.5 - Parties % Seats Participation: 71.3 % (1st round); 65.2 % (2nd round). Monaco Nationalist Party (PN, conservative) 51.8 35 Legislative elections 2003 Malta Labour Party (MLP, social democrat) 47.5 30 9th February 2003 Bosnia and Herzegovina Med. Previous elections: 1st and 8th Februa- Democratic Alternative (AD, ecologist) 0.7 - ry 1998 Federal parliamentary republic that Parliamentary monarchy with unicam- Participation: 96.2 %. became independent from Yugoslavia eral legislative: the National Council. in 1991, and is formed by two enti- The twenty-four seats of the chamber ties: the Bosnia and Herzegovina Fed- Slovenia are elected for a five-year term; sixteen eration, known as the Croat-Muslim Presidential elections by simple majority and eight through Federation, and the Srpska Republic. 302-303 proportional representation. The voters go to the polls to elect the 10th November 2002 Presidency and the forty-two mem- Previous elections: 24th November bers of the Chamber of Representa- Parties % Seats 1997 tives. Simultaneously, the two entities Union for Monaco (UPM) 58.5 21 Parliamentary republic that became elect their own legislative bodies and National Union for the Future of Monaco (UNAM) independent from Yugoslavia in 1991. the Srpska Republic elects its Presi- Union for the Monegasque Two rounds of elections are held to dent and Vice-President. -
Iraqi Invasion of Kuwait-International Response Iraq Invaded and Overran Kuwait on Aug
Keesing's Record of World Events (formerly Keesing's Contemporary Archives), Volume 36, August, 1990 International, Page 37631 © 1931-2006 Keesing's Worldwide, LLC - All Rights Reserved. Iraqi invasion of Kuwait-International Response Iraq invaded and overran Kuwait on Aug. 2 and by the end of August had completely absorbed Kuwait into its administrative structure, despite the international condemnation of the invasion. Shortly after the invasion United States troops, backed up by forces from various European, Arab and Asian countries, were quickly dispatched to Saudi Arabia in an attempt to shield the kingdom from Iraqi assault and to impress upon President Saddam Hussein of Iraq that he should withdraw his troops from Kuwait. The invasion, and the subsequent entry of US forces into Saudi Arabia, had a massive impact on Arab regional politics, causing alliances and antagonisms to shift and crumble. The Iraqi move was the culmination of several months of incident in the Middle East which appeared to be aimed at building up Saddam Hussein's anti- Western and anti-Israeli credentials whilst at the same time confirming Iraq's regional ascendency [see pp. 37332; 37390; 37471]. For many Arabs the invasion of Kuwait confirmed Saddam as the foremost pan- Arab nationalist leader and the first Arab ruler since Egypt's Abdel Gamal Nasser who was fully prepared to stand up to the USA. Tension between Iraq and OPEC over-producers Tension between Iraq and Kuwait came to the world's attention in mid-July when Saddam Hussein launched a fierce attack on the policy of those Gulf states, principally Kuwait and the United Arab Emirates (UAE), whose over-production of oil he blamed for a corresponding slump in world oil prices. -
Won't You Be My Neighbor
Won’t You Be My Neighbor: Syria, Iraq and the Changing Strategic Context in the Middle East S TEVEN SIMON Council on Foreign Relations March 2009 www.usip.org Date www.usip.org UNITED STATES INSTITUTE OF PEACE – WORKING PAPER Won’t You Be My Neighbor UNITED STATES INSTITUTE OF PEACE 1200 17th Street NW, Suite 200 Washington, DC 20036-3011 © 2009 by the United States Institute of Peace. The views expressed in this report do not necessarily reflect the views of the United States Institute of Peace, which does not advocate specific policy positions. This is a working draft. Comments, questions, and permission to cite should be directed to the author ([email protected]) or [email protected]. This is a working draft. Comments, questions, and permission to cite should be directed to the author ([email protected]) or [email protected]. UNITED STATES INSTITUTE OF PEACE – WORKING PAPER Won’t You Be My Neighbor About this Report Iraq's neighbors are playing a major role—both positive and negative—in the stabilization and reconstruction of post-Saddam Iraq. In an effort to prevent conflict across Iraq's borders and in order to promote positive international and regional engagement, USIP has initiated high-level, non-official dialogue between foreign policy and national security figures from Iraq, its neighbors and the United States. The Institute’s "Iraq and its Neighbors" project has also convened a group of leading specialists on the geopolitics of the region to assess the interests and influence of the countries surrounding Iraq and to explain the impact of these transformed relationships on U.S. -
Turkey and the European Union: Conflicting Policies and Opportunities for Cohesion and Cooperation in Iraq and Syria
Turkey and the European Union: Conflicting Policies and Opportunities for Cohesion and Cooperation In Iraq and Syria. Kamaran Palani Dlawer Ala’Aldeen Susan Cersosimo About MERI The Middle East Research Institute engages in policy issues contributing to the process of state building and democratisation in the Middle East. Through independent analysis and policy debates, our research aims to promote and develop good governance, human rights, rule of law and social and economic prosperity in the region. It was established in 2014 as an independent, not-for-profit organisation based in Erbil, Kurdistan Region of Iraq. Middle East Research Institute 1186 Dream City Erbil, Kurdistan Region of Iraq T: +964 (0)662649690 E: [email protected] www.meri-k.org NGO registration number. K843 © Middle East Research Institute, 2017 The opinions expressed in this publication are the responsibility of the authors. All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical including photocopying, recording, or any information storage or retrieval system, without the prior written permission of MERI, the copyright holder. Please direct all enquiries to the publisher. Turkey and the European Union: Conflicting Policies and Opportunities for Cohesion and Cooperation In Iraq and Syria. MERI Policy Report Kamaran Palani Research Fellow, MERI Dlawer Ala’Aldeen President of MERI Susan Cersosimo Associate Research Fellow, MERI April 2018 Contents Executive Summary .....................................................................................................................................5