The Wabanaki as Mariners

NICHOLAS N. SMITH

Ogdensburg, New York ,

Although the marine abilities of southern New England Indians have been well established (Little 1981), the Micmac are their only northern Wabanaki neighbours who have been recognized as mariners (Martijn 1986). The primary concern of this paper is the Maine and New Brunswick Wabanaki. Speck subtitled his Penobscot Man "The Life History of a Forest Tribe In Maine" ignoring their expertise as a sea people. However, he found a relationship between some Penobscot family names and the sea: Lobster or Crab, Sculpin, and Whale adding that, "Mythically the aquatic families seem to be the oldest" (Speck 1940:211). He noted that their hunting ter­ ritories were to the south and were smaller than those in the north. His calendar gives two names for August: "(seals) fattening moon" and "corn moon" which stresses the importance of seals to those on the coast just as corn was to those of the interior. Islands have been ignored in descriptions of hunting territories, yet a perusal of Maine island histories shows that almost every Maine island has a tradition of Indian inhabitants at the time that whites discovered it. There is historical documentation from the 17th to the 20th century showing that Passamaquoddy of the Neptune Chief lin­ eage considered Campobello Island their hunting territory. Could islands and the ocean surrounding them have been included in the definitions of the aquatic family hunting territories? Archaeologists led by Bruce Bourque have provided ample evidence that island and Maine coastal campsites were occupied from fall until spring, winter campgrounds. The shell-heaps were usually summer sites (Sanger 1982:195-203). Contemporary archaeological reports of New Brunswick and Nova Scotia island and coastal sites conform with Bourque's findings (Stew­ art 1989:62-73). Carbon tests made in both Maine and the Maritimes have given dates of some sites at more than 7,000 years old (Timreck 1987:Video). A semilunar knife was brought up in a scollop fisherman's drag working off Deer Island Maine in about 40 feet of water (Rice 1979:12) providing further evidence that prehistoric Maine/Maritime man was a mariner.

364 NICHOLAS N. SMITH 365

No one knows what type of craft was used for the voyages to and from the islands in the early times. Some believe that those of the Red Paint culture constructed large wooden canoes similar to those used on the Northwest coast into the 20th century. Another popular theory is that dugouts were used. Although dugouts are known for both ocean (Keavitt 1968:1-5) and inland water travel in southern New England, the south, and the Caribbean — Caribs came to Florida in them — no remains of aborigi­ nal dugouts have been discovered on the coasts of Maine or the Maritime Provinces. The few dugouts that have been found near the northern New England Maritime coast appear to have been made from large pine proba­ bly by Europeans for lake use, most as recently as the late 1800s (Carter et al 1982:248; Jack 1905:135). Several dugouts have been discovered in the interior of northern New England that may be of aboriginal origin (Savonen 1985:1-3). Some have concluded that trees of sufficient size for a dugout were scarce in northern New England. About 1920 Turney Gray made a 28- foot pine canoe used on the Southwest Miramichi from the last such pine he knew in New Brunswick (Belyea 1976:5). In 1951 I had the opportunity to see the last stand of virgin pumpkin pine near Mount Katahdin and several years later accompanied the late Peter Paul into a northern New Brunswick virgin wilderness to obtain birch bark. These opportunities to see the north woods as they must have been during Colonial times were evidence of huge trees available suitable for a dugout, yet there is no evidence that coastal Wabanaki used the dugout canoe. The birch canoe has been considered a fairly recent innovation.

. . . Lescarbot when on the New England coast in 1607, investigated the whole subject, and we know both from him and Champlain, that, while bark canoes were made in Massachusetts and Maine, the preliminary type was that of the log canoe. In 1524, it is probable that the birch canoe was not known at all, as it was difficult to make before the introduction of iron tools by Europeans, and was confined to northern parts, where the trees were generally small and scarce, which rendered canoes of bark and skin necessary, no matter what the cost. (De Costa 1876:7)

Most scholars have accepted Lescarbot's assessment without question. Les­ carbot made his statement with the knowledge that Indians had adapted successfully to the Basque shallop. He had seen two manned by Indians at Canso, one of which had a moose painted on its sail (Lescarbot 1914(2):309). Many of the occupied islands were within a few miles from the coast; others like Monhegan and Isle de Haut are more than ten miles from the mainland. Although New Hampshire and Maine mountains can be seen from quite a distance from the mainland, small, low, islands that are several miles out are difficult to see from a bobbing canoe until one gets fairly close to them even on the clearest day. The unpredictable weather and ocean 366 THE WABAN AKI AS MARINERS conditions of the Maine/Maritime coast demand an appropriate, easy to 1v1icmac can manage craft, and good knowledge of navigation. were well a· Wabanaki were commonly observed in their birch canoe on the coast wrench the and in the vicinity of islands in the 17th century. Some Micmac and Pas­ or Passama, samaquoddy found the bark craft adequate for their use into the 20th cen­ custom pers tury. Birch bark was probably the Wabanaki's most important material. the Passam: The skills and technology that went into birch bark canoe making were almost to g, also found in the making of other material goods such as watertight birch great rate ' bark kettles, wigwams, and snowshoes. At the turn of the century many repeating iJ Maliseet preferred their traditional stone hammers when making a canoe canoe!" (~ (Adney 1877). The ribs and sheathing were made from the light durable not reliable cedar, only a few inches in diameter, having characteristics of splitting eas­ was a coml ily; work easily done with stone and wood tools. The properties of spruce 1937:117). gum were also well known. Ajunique technological aspect of the birch bark trade becoJ canoe that differs from other craft including those of the Eskimo is that that they ·" the outer cover (bark) is the first step. After the bark was laid out, the 1753 Ande1 ribs, gunnels, and cedar sheathing were inserted. To my knowledge all Finland, "J other craft, including Wabanaki skin boats, start with a frame that is then included i11 covered. The Irish coracle and curragh may have been exceptions. The con­ "Along thE temporary small seagoing canvas-covered fisherman's curraghs of Ireland's place for t Dingle Peninsula are similar in construction and appearance to popular adjacent tl canvas-covered canoes made for sportsmen on this continent. In 1970 Tim­ the same t othy Severin sailed from Ireland to Newfoundland in a replica of an ancient canoe with curragh, evidence that such craft are extremely seaworthy. The bark ca­ In 164' noes were too well entrenched in North American and Eurasian aboriginal scot and t culture, each tribe having developed its own style to meet the individual sail. In tl characteristics of their waterways, to have just learned to make the bark on the coc craft a generation or so before European colonization began. The canoe, 1959 (67): although it cannot be surfed like Polynesian craft, was the easiest to con­ St. Lawre1 trol in the tricky cross-currents and tides of island necklaced river mouths, 1959 (67): ocean conditions, as well as in various river conditions. canoe was Aboriginal use of sails has been widely discussed concluding that those Altho1 on the northeast coast did not use sails (Edwards 1965:356). However, ognize th< it is inconceivable that the Indians were not aware of the power of the them. Bo wind. The design of the low ended Maliseet canoe shows how well they encounter: knew the effect of wind on their craft. Although as early as 1630 Le Jeune Maine/M< could not persuade Micmac to use a sail so attempted to make the task of 1985:333- paddling easier by putting a sheet to use as a sail in each missionary's canoe venturers (Jesuit Relations 1959 (6):277), some unidentified New England Indians had the India1 mastered the art of sailing their canoes before 1700. Louis Nicolas, a Jesuit missionary in New France circa 1667-1775 is thought to be the author of ... fii the manuscript Codex canadensis that includes illustrations of Maliseet and ketke~ biska) NICHOLAS N. SMITH 367

Micmac canoes, one with a mast for a sail (Nicolas 1700:17). The Indians were well aware that the power of the unpredictable wind could quickly wrench the canoe from their control. No one knows when the first Micmac or Passamaquoddy sailor mounted a fir tree in his canoe for a sail, but the custom persisted into the 20th century. One can easily imagine the plight of the Passamaquoddy who rigged a firtre e sail. The wind suddenly increased almost to gale force sending the canoe cutting through the white caps at a great rate while the Indian could only sit like a statue steering his canoe repeating in a mournful voice, "too much bush, too much bush, for little canoe!" (Ward 1883:474). The French quickly learned that the canoe was not reliable as a sailing vessel and developed the north shore canoe, which was a combination of the French boat and the Montagnais canoe (Bailey 1937:117). Before 1750 these sailing birch canoes were adopted by the fur trade becoming so common on the Great Lakes and St. Lawrence River that they were apparently assumed to be of original Indian development. In 1753 Anders Chydenius wrote his Master's thesis for the University at Abo, Finland, "American Bark-Boats". His description of building birch canoes included instructions for mounting a sail as if it were the usual custom: "Along the bottom of the boat one can place a loose plank containing a place for the mast which can also lean and be made fast to one of the adjacent thwarts whenever one wishes to sail" (Chatard 1948:95). About the same time Pouchot described the construction of an Iroquois elm bark canoe with mast for sail (Pouchot 1866 (2):217). In 1647 Druillette seemed happy to canoe by sea from Acadia to Penob­ scot and then to Kennibeck (Cummings 1895:177) without mentioning a sail. In the early 1700s the Norridgewolk were spending several months on the coast, some going to islands hunting water fowl (Jesuit Relations 1959 (67): 133-229). Rales also accompanied some who went north dodging St. Lawrence River ice cakes landing on the north shore (Jesuit Relations 1959 (67): 139). Lescarbot did not recognize that the sail-less Micmac bark canoe was a highly developed, extremely versatile craft. Although the Wabanaki liked their bark craft, they were quick to rec­ ognize that the Basque shallop had advantages and learned how to sail them. Bourque and Whitehead have established five historical records of encounters by European explorers who met Indians sailing shallops off the Maine/Maritime coast between 1602 and 1609 (Bourque and Whitehead 1985:333-334). In a letter dated Sept 23, 1623, to the New Plimouth Ad­ venturers William Bradford and Isaac Allerton noted that French trade with the Indians

. . . not with toyes and trifles, but with good and substantial cmoditoes, as ketkes, hatchets, and clothes of all sorts; yea the french doe store them with biskay shalopesfited both with sails and ores, with which they can either row 368 THE WABANAKI AS MARINERS

or saile as well as we; . . . (we are informed that ther are at this present a • 100 • men with • 8 • shalops coming from the eastward, to robe and spoyle their neighbors westwards . . . (Marsden 1903:294-301)

The Basque shallop was especially designed for whaling (Calloway 1991:264, n. 14), was the highest development of such craft at the time, and was in regular use by the fishermen who came to North America. One can only speculate for how long the fishermen had impact and how great it was on the coastal Indians for the known written accounts attest to the Wabanaki's abiblity to quickly adapt to the most modern European small boat of the time for fairly long coastal voyages. It was not until I had the opportunity to observe the James Bay Cree in their canoes on the Bay that I began to understand the outstanding seamanship skills involved in ocean canoeing. I am sure that the Wabanaki were just as able seaman as the Cree are with their ocean-going canoes. At least one Maliseet canoe trip to Newfoundland is on record (Howley 1915:286-287). I asked the late Peter Paul about Maliseets voyaging by canoe to Newfoundland. He knew that such voyages had been made, was able to show the route taken, and was sure that he could make the trip as his ancestors had. Paul's route followed traditional waterways to Nova Scotia's Cape North, took advantage of the Gulf Stream and a break on St. Paul's Island before the long stretch to Cape Ray, Newfoundland. It was usually a night trip with calm winds and stars for navigational aids. Paul's route was the Micmac route.

. . . The route lay between Cape North and Cape Ray on the southwest coast of Newfoundland, a distance of sixty-five miles, land being dimly visible in fine weather. This bold journey was ordinarily accomplished in two days they say: On the first day, if the weather favored, the voyagers made St. Paul's Island, . . . 'temporary goal island,': a distance offifteen miles. From there three sturdy canoemen would paddle across the remaining fifty miles of Abot Strait to Cape Ray, Newfoundland. Landing here they would await another calm night then build an immense beaconfire o n the highlands to serve both as a signal and a guide for direction through the night . . . (Speck 1922:19-120)

Adney (1887) found that his older Maliseet informants retained some knowl­ edge of the stars: the North Star, Big Dipper (Great Bear) and Little Dipper (Little Bear) the same stars and constellations that Micmac knew (Wallis and Wallis 1955:98), stars that are universal navigation aids. Another example of the Maliseet use of bonfires as navigational aids is the Shiners Rock, that marked the portage on East Grand Lake of the traditional Meductic-Old Town route. Six-foot waves are normal daytime conditions for East Grand Lake, making canoeing impossible. The calm of night was the ideal time for canoers to navigate this, the third largest lake in Maine. NICHOLAS N. SMITH 369

John W. Johnson was captured by Indians at the age of three and adopted by Halifax Micmac. About 1850 he accompanied these Indians to Newfoundland, through the Strait of Belle Isle, and up the Labrador coast (Johnson 1861:20). Whether it was a first or whether they were following a traditional route, it speaks well for both sailors and canoes. Although the ocean was an excellent source of food, a perusal of the archaeological reports indicate that Indians did not rely completely on the ocean for food. There is an impressive amount of bone remains of the favourite land mammals: beaver, bear, deer, moose, and caribou; animals that would not be substantially established on the islands. Island life re­ quired periodic hunting trips for mainland mammals. Seals were important: hooded seals in winter, harbor and grey seals in summer. Approximately 70% of the bone material analyzed at the Goddard Site was from grey or har­ bor seals (Bourque 1975:44). In summer the sword fish, that likes to bask in the sun on the surface was hunted. There is no evidence that a walrus tusk found at Gardiner, Maine, was discarded by an Indian (Wyman 1868:576), but walrus bones have been found in several New Brunswick Indian sites (Ganong 1906:462-464), on the Bay of Fundy (Boardman 1903:242), and a single tusk was found at the Turner Farm (Bourque 1975:36). Palmer was given a Penobscot word for walrus and was told that they "lived outside of Matinecus Islands" (Palmer 1915:52), evidence that the Penobscot were familiar with these sea mammals. Waymouth portrays an exhilarating account of Indians in canoes sur­ rounding and shooting arrows into a whale until it was dead (Rosier 1912:349- 350). Rosier may have observed the Indians driving a whale into shallows where it became beached. The Passamaquoddy, aware of the risks involved in hunting whales, credited Kuluskap with chasing a whale up the St. Croix River where it was trapped and turned into a huge stone almost opposite Calais on the Canadian shore. We tend to think of the Maliseet as a forest tribe, but a look at their territory shows that it runs in a northwest diagonal from the New Brunswick coast to the St. Lawrence River with the St. John River running through it as the main artery of communication. The section of the St. Lawrence bordering Maliseet territory is 20 miles wide, really ocean and home for whales and seals. The Maliseet had access to the sea at either end of their territory. Accounts by later adventurers such as Captain John Smith, Thomas Dermer, and Champlain seemed to have recognized Isle de Haut, Mon- hegan Island, and other islands as reference points. Many believe that fishermen used these and other islands to erect their drying racks long be­ fore the known European explorers visited them. "The outlying islands, near the fishingbanks , had been first occupied by colonists. They were well 370 THE WABANAKI AS MARINERS

protected from the Indians by stretches of open water" (Rowe 1948:28). A Wabanaki seafarer was probably just as bewildered to find that a Eu­ ropean fishing station had been established on his island when he was in another part of his hunting territory as was a Cree hunter who returned to his favourite moose hunting spot to find an Early Warning Radar unit there. It is likely that fishing stations displaced some island Indians long before Waymouth's exploration of the Maine coast in 1605 just as it is well accepted that Champlain followed fishermen's routes to North America. Wabanaki sailors, apparently, disappeared from the records until 1675. After King Philip's War, Mugg, an Androscogging Chief, concluded that the Europeans were a menace to the Indian, and devised a plan to end New England colonization. In September, 1675, Mugg rallied his Indians for a new type of warfare attacking Saco ships. His strategy was to capture the fishing and coastal vessels and then seize control of Monhegan and Matinicus Islands thus preventing Massachusetts fishing boats from fishing on the Maine coast. The final phase was to attack Boston. The firstfora y was followed by a raid on New Dartmouth in November where the Indians captured a shallop just launched, stole the cordage and canvas with which they rigged the vessel and sailed off while the owners watched in disbelief. In 1676 villages and islands from Wells to Arrowsic feared raids that resulted in the capture of 20 fishing vessels from an "organized Abenaki Navy" (Nitkin 1969:18-20). This was not the work of crude canoemen but by Indians who had learned the ropes as crew of Yankee vessels or as impressed English seamen on European Men of War. There is a tradition that Noel Neptune, Passamaquoddy chief at the end of the 17th century, served in the French Navy for several years and received a medal. He may have served on the Envieux or Profond under Admiral Pierre Le Moyne as Sieur d'Iberville recruited Indians for those vessels (Nitkin 1969:22). The Wabanaki were to continue this type of warfare through four Indian wars. It appealed to the Micmac in the following century who found it quite lucrative as they received a share in the cargo. In May 1677 Mugg was killed in an attack on Black Point. However, the Abenaki Navy remained active capturing 20 fishing ketches, 13 from Salem. Capt. Manning of the Royal Navy recaptured most of them and took many prisoners. In 1722 with the advent of Gov. Dummer's War the Wabanaki mariners were again at sea not only raiding fishermen. When they acted as privateers capturing cargo vessels, they were called pirates. In 1724 the Indian Navy raided the Isles of Shoals capturing eight fishing vessels, a large schooner with two swivels, and twelve other craft. They killed 20 men and took pris­ oners. The Abenaki Navy was of great concern to Dummer. On Oct. 16. NICHOLAS N. SMITH 371

1724, Capt. Penhallow wrote to Lt. Gov. Dummer: "Westbrook has dili­ gently searched for ships captured by Indians, but has found none." In 1724 Dr. George Jackson in an armed schooner and Capt. Sylvester Lake- man in an armed shallop went after an Abenaki schooner. A classic battle ensued:

Off the Penobscot estuary, Dr. Jackson sighted the Abenaki schooner and pointed his ship on a collision course to allow his gunners to rake the Indians broadside. The Abenakis changed tack after tack with Jackson, holding their fire, then suddenly the Indians came around on a new tack. They braced tops'ls hard and ran across Jackson's bow, aflawlessly executed battle ma­ neuver. The Abenakisfired thei r swivel guns with round shot that shook the mainsheet and shrouds off Jackson's schooner. Her mast wavered and Jack­ son ordered the helmsman to luff the ship to release pressure on the mast. Raking the colonial schooner with swan shot, the Indians wounded every man, including Dr. Jackson. Then the Indian schooner jibed neatly and, on an inshore course, disappeared among the islands off Mount Desert. (Nitkin 1969:25)

The feared Abenaki Navy became the subject of a broadside song sheet entitled "A Brief Narrative, or Poem". Word of their success must have traveled fast to the Micmac who quickly imitated their tactics. Although the Abenaki Navy did well in 1724, their Norridgewolk village was destroyed. The survivors scattered. "Abenaki sailors took surviving wives and children aboard the sorry remnants of the once proud Abenaki Navy. They sailed north, past Nova Scotia, and disappeared from history into the northland fogs" (Nitkin 1969:56). They did not attempt to enter the coastal trade, but used the ships against English shipping in an effort to maintain their traditional lifestyle. Eighteenth-century records are full of references to Abenaki, Penobscot, and Passamaquoddy canoes on the Maine coast and its islands. Islands were picked for treaty conferences. Penobscot, Passamaquoddy, and Micmac chiefs paddled to Boston to volunteer their allegiance to Gen. Washington but asked to return by ship. In 1777 Jean Baptiste complained that those aboard an English warship firedo n him when he was canoeing along the coast from his home to Machias (Kidder 1867:124). In 1779 a British attack seemed imminent. Allan accompanied Indians in canoes to Mount Desert Island where American forces were assembling to resist the English (Allan 1894:311-314). Wabanaki were quite familiar with travelling the Maine coast by canoe. Nineteenth-century maritime needs changed with the changing lifestyle of the post-Revolutionary period. In 1873 Manley Hardy with Sebattis Mitchell paddled the Machias "returning by the St. Croix and the sea, and so up the Penobscot" (Hardy 1891:310). Some Penobscot and Passamaquoddy still relied on the coast for at least part of their livelihood. Sabatus Tomer, 372 THE WABANAKI AS MARINERS

a Passamaquoddy, told the author that the porpoise has an inch of blubber covering three inches of white fat under which lies red meat like beef steak. The blubber produced a fuel for lamps and was considered the best for light-houses, the fuel for the stoves that the Indians favoured, and a medium- grade general lubricating oil. A high-grade lubricant was obtained from the jaws for watches. A number of Penobscot were engaged in porpoise hunting in the middle of the 19th century.

. . . the Penobscot Indians went down to the big water every summer to hunt the porpoise and seal and other game. When the Indians in one canoe killed a porpoise they 'flashed' another canoe. The flashing was done by holding a wet paddle up and letting the sun strike it so as to throw a flash of sunlight that could be seen a mile, the aboriginal heliograph. The canoe flashed immediately gave up hunting and paddled to the canoe which had killed the porpoise, which was thrown into the second canoe to be taken care of. . . . (Hardy 1908)

Sabatus Tomer explained that after the porpoise was shot a canoe was paddled up to it. The bowman killed it with a spear before grabbing it by sticking two fingerso f his right hand in the blow hole and holding the pectoral finwit h the left hand hauling it up at least half its length before dragging it aboard, a tricky job when the catch was a large 300 pounder and a good sea was running. Boys were taken out when they were ten or twelve. A popular Passamaquoddy spot for porpoise hunting was Indian Beach, Grand Menan. At the end of the 19th century the porpoise vied for baskets as their principle means of income and was shot at all seasons of the year. Winter porpoise were the fattest and produced the most oil (Ward 1893:477-482). Sabatus Tomer was one of the last Passamaquoddy mariners. He ex­ tolled the importance of seal oil as a medicine, "good for everything", adding that when he was a boy, a seal bladder full of seal oil hung from the rafters of every kitchen. Walrus were also important and he used to make annual winter trips to Sable Island for them. Ice prevented the ocean from get­ ting rough. The coastal Wabanaki relied on porpoise, seals, and walrus to provide the necessary fat in their diet that the interior Indians obtained from the bear. "Seventy-five to 100 years ago . . . they even traveled by canoe to Bar Harbor to make and sell baskets to the tourists. People on the peninsulas tell of seeing long lines of canoes off shore" (Bockhoff 1975:4). Early in this century Franklin D. Roosevelt enjoyed summering at Cam- pobello Island and was impressed by the birch canoes made by his guide Tomer Joe aided by his son Sabatus Tomer. Soon Roosevelt was paddling one of Tomer Joe's birchbark canoes in the Campobello waters. About the same time it was customary for the Passamaquoddy band to paddle over to St. Andrews every summer Saturday evening. The big base NICHOLAS N. SMITH 373 drum towering in the middle of a canoe made an especially vivid impression on the late Hugh Judge who recalled the weekly visitations of the canoeing band to the day he died. Stories of 20th-century Penobscot saltwater canoe voyagers were the exception and show a sharp cultural contrast from those of the previous centuries. John P. Ranco, about 20 years old, with Noel Tomah, went from Old Town to Plymouth, Mass. They intended to go further but could not resist the offer of $1,500 for their canoe. The late Sylvester Neptune, was a noted saltwater canoer who enjoyed island hopping in Penobscot Bay. Once he camped on a favuorite island. While boiling tea and enjoying a smoke an irate cottager attracted by the smoke from his campfire, came to oust him from her island before he set it on fire. The Wabanaki maritime skills faded as the continually changing Wabanaki life style did not include a need for saltwater canoe trips in the 20th century. Several models of Passamaquoddy and Maliseet ocean-type canoes ex­ ist, momentoes of the days when these Wabanaki were great seafarers. The Adney Canoe Collection in the Mariners Museum, Newport News, Vir­ ginia, includes MP 46, a Passamaquoddy type used for paddling between Pleasant Point, Maine, and Mount Desert Island; MP 96, a canvas cover Pas- samquoddy porpoise hunting type that replaced those of birch bark ca. 1882; MP 126, by Adney of a Passamaquoddy birch bark porpoise hunting canoe based on a canoe made about 1873, a model made by Soisin Denys in 1849, and a model in the Peabody Museum, Salem, Mass., dated 1798. Some Wabanaki families related to the north woods for most of their livelihood; others depended on the ocean. Although the sea people devel­ oped marvelous maritime skills for small boat handling, navigation, and hunting sea creatures, little consideration has been given the Wabanaki of Maine and New Brunswick as mariners. The earliest written accounts of ex­ plorers to coastal Maine describe natives who already had acquired Basque shallops and the skills to sail them. Islands were included in family hunting territories, but Indians de­ pended on land mammals for much of their food. The fishermen who first came to North America felt that the islands were the safest places to estab­ lish their fish drying stations and displaced the natives. Near the end of King Philip's War Mugg devised a plan for his sailors to drive the English fishermen from the islands by capturing their fishing boats. Their success gave them an incentive for privateering. Mugg was killed before his plan was accomplished. During the 18th and 19th centuries the coastal Wabanaki adapted to a continuously changing life style as a sea people hunting sea mammals. The life of a porpoise hunter was hard requiring many skills similar to the skills acquired by the river drivers of 374 THE WABANAKI AS MARINERS

their forest counterparts. Just as the river driver has become a memory of the past so has the porpoise hunter faded into oblivion. The Maine/New Brunswick Wabanaki had a great heritage as mariners.

REFERENCES Adney Edwin Tappan 1887- Unpublished manuscripts in the Peabody Museum, Salem, Mass. [1887-1950.] Allan, Col. John 1894 Letter From John Allan to Massachusetts Council, Machias, Sept. 10, 1779. Maine Historical Society Collections second series, 5:311-319. Bailey, Alfred Goldsworthy 1937 The Conflict of European and Eastern Algonkian Cultures, 1504- 1700. Publications of the New Brunswick Museum, Monographic Series 2. St. John, N.B. Belyea, Mrs. George N. 1976 Canoes of Pine. The Atlantic Advocate 68(6):5. Boardman, Samuel Lane 1903 Naturalist of the St. Croix. Bangor, Me. Privately Printed. Bockhoff, Esther 1975 The Passamaquoddy . . . Basketmakers of the East. The Explorer: Bulletin of the Cleveland Museum of Natural History 17(3):4-12. Bourque, Bruce J. 1975 Comments on the Archaic Populations of Central Maine: The View From the Turner Farm. Arctic Anthropology 12:35-45. Bourque, Bruce J., and Ruth Homes Whitehead 1985 Tarrantines and the Introduction of European Trade Goods in the Gulf of Maine. Ethnohistory 22:327-341. Calloway, Colin G., ed. 1991 Dawnland Encounters: Indians and Europeans in Northern New England. Hanover, N.H.: University Press Of New England. Carfter, John, Trevor Kenchington, and David Walker 1982 A Dugout Log-Canoe in Uniacke Lake, Nova Scotia, Canada. The International Journal of Nautical Archaeology and Underwater Ex­ ploration 11:245-257. Chatard, Ferdinand E. 1948 An Early Description of Birch-Bark Canoes. American Neptune 8:90-98. Cummings, E.C. 1895 Capuchin and Jesuit Fathers at Pentagoet. Maine Historical Society Collections, second series. 5:161-188. NICHOLAS N. SMITH 375

De Costa, B. Franklin 1876 Verrazzano: A Motion for the Stay of Justice. New York: privately printed. Edwards, Clinton R. 1965 Aboriginal Sail in the New World. Southwestern Anthropology 21:351- 358. Ganong, William Francis 1906 Semi-Fossil Walrus Bones from Mocoa and Elsewhere in New Bruns­ wick. Pp. 462-464 in Natural History Society of New Brunswick Bulletin 24. St. John, N.B. Hardy, Fannie P. 1891 The Sportsman Tourist. In the Region Round Nicatowis. Forest and Stream Jan. 15:2. Hardy, Manley 1908 [Account of talk by Manley Hardy]. Copy of notes in possession of author. Howley, J.P. 1915 The Beothuks or Red Indians. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Jack, Edward 1905 An Expedition to the Headwaters of the Little South-West Miramichi. Edited and annotated by W.F. Ganong. Acadiensis 5:116—152. Jesuit Relations 1896- The Jesuit Relations and Allied Documents. Reuben G. Thwaites, ed. 73 vols. Cleveland: Burrows Brothers. [1896-1901.] Johnson, John W. 1861 Life of John W. Johnson, Who Was Stolen by the Indians When Three Years of Age. Portland, Me.: Brown Thurston. Keavitt, Chester B. 1968 Aboriginal Dugout Discovered at Weymouth. Bulletin of the Mas­ sachusetts Archaeological Society 30:1-5. Kidder, Frederic 1867 Military Operations in Eastern Maine and Nova Scotia During the Revolution, Chiefly Compiled from Journals and Letters of Col. John Allen, With Notes and a Memoir of Col. Allan. Albany: Joel Mun- sell. Lescarbot, Marc 1914- The History of New France [1618]. W.L. Grant, trans. 3 vols. Toronto: The Champlain Society. [1914-1917.] Little, Elizabeth A. 1981 The Indian Contribution to Along-Shore Whaling at Nantucket. Nantucket Algonquian Studies 5. Nantucket, Mass.: Nantucket His­ torical Association. Martijn, Charles A., ed. 1986 Les Micmacs et la mer. Montreal: Recherches amerindennes au Quebec. 376 THE WABANAKI AS MARINERS

Marsden, R.G. 1903 A Letter of William Bradford and Isaac Allerton. 1623. American Historical Review 8:294-301. [Nicholas. Louis] 1700 Codex Canadensis. Unpublished manuscript, Tulsa. Oklahoma: Thomas Gilcrease Institute. Nitkin. Nathaniel 1969 Saga of the Abenaki Navy. Downeast 15(ll):16-24. Palmer. Ralph 1922 \ ocabulary and Notes sent to Frank G. Speck. [Copy in possession of author.] Pouchot. M. 1866 Memoir Upon the Late War in North America, Between French and English, 1755-1760. 2 vols. New York: Scholarly Press. Rice. Marshall 1979 A Rare Find. Maine Archaeological Society Bulletin 19:12. Rosier, James 1912 A True Relation of the Most Prosperous Voyage Made This Present Yeere 1605, By Captaine George Waymouth, in the Discovery of the Land of Virginia. Pp. 313—351 in Forerunners and Competitors of the Pilgrims and Puritans by Charles Herbert Le\-ermore. Brooklyn: The New England Society. Rowe, WTilliam Hutchinson 1948 The Maritime History of Maine, Three Centuries of Shipbuilding and Seafaring. New York: W.W. Norton. Sanger, David 1982 Changing Views of Aboriginal Seasonality and Settlement in the Gulf of Maine. Canadian Journal of Anthropology 2:195—203. Savonen, Carol 1985 Shelburne Pond Yields Third Dugout Canoe. Vermont Archaeologi­ cal Society Newsletter 50:1-3. Speck. Frank G. 1922 Beothuck and Micmac. New York: Museum of the American Indian. Heye Foundation. 1940 Penobscot Man: The Life History of a Forest People. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press. Stewart. Frances L. 1989 Seasonal Movements of Indians in Acadia as Evidenced by Histori­ cal Documents and Vertebrate Faunal Remains From Archaeological Sites. Man in the Northeast 38:55-77. Timrek. T.W. 1987 Secrets of the Lost Red Paint People. Video. Boston: WGBH for Nova. NICHOLAS N. SMITH 377

Wallis, Wilson D., and Ruth Sawtell Wallis 1955 The Micmac Indians of Eastern Canada. Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press. Ward, Charles C. 1883 Porpoise-Shooting. Pp. 473-492 in Sport With Gun and Rod in American Woods and Waters. Alfred M. Macer, ed., New York: The Century Co. Wyman, Jeffries 1868 An Account of Some Kjoekkenmoeddings, or Shell-Heaps in Maine and Massachusetts. The American Naturalist 1:561-584.

ILLUSTRATIONS

The illustrations on the following pages are taken from Charles C. Ward's article "Porpose-Shooting", which appeared in Sport with Rod and Gun, Alfred M. Meyer, ed. New York: Century.

The Camp at Indian Beach, p. 477. Sebatis Adrift, p. 488. Sebatis Beaching the Canoe, p. 476. Shooting a Porpoise, p. 486. Spearing a Porpoise, p. 479. Taking a Porpoise Aboard, p. 481. THE WABANAKI AS MARINERS

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