Deflation and the International Great Depression: a Productivity Puzzle
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Investment Shocks and Business Cycles
Federal Reserve Bank of New York Staff Reports Investment Shocks and Business Cycles Alejandro Justiniano Giorgio E. Primiceri Andrea Tambalotti Staff Report no. 322 March 2008 This paper presents preliminary findings and is being distributed to economists and other interested readers solely to stimulate discussion and elicit comments. The views expressed in the paper are those of the authors and are not necessarily reflective of views at the Federal Reserve Bank of New York or the Federal Reserve System. Any errors or omissions are the responsibility of the authors. Investment Shocks and Business Cycles Alejandro Justiniano, Giorgio E. Primiceri, and Andrea Tambalotti Federal Reserve Bank of New York Staff Reports, no. 322 March 2008 JEL classification: C11, E22, E30 Abstract Shocks to the marginal efficiency of investment are the most important drivers of business cycle fluctuations in U.S. output and hours. Moreover, like a textbook demand shock, these disturbances drive prices higher in expansions. We reach these conclusions by estimating a dynamic stochastic general equilibrium (DSGE) model with several shocks and frictions. We also find that neutral technology shocks are not negligible, but their share in the variance of output is only around 25 percent and even lower for hours. Labor supply shocks explain a large fraction of the variation of hours at very low frequencies, but not over the business cycle. Finally, we show that imperfect competition and, to a lesser extent, technological frictions are the key to the transmission of investment shocks in the model. Key words: DSGE model, imperfect competition, endogenous markups, Bayesian methods Justiniano: Federal Reserve Bank of Chicago (e-mail: [email protected]). -
Deflation: a Business Perspective
Deflation: a business perspective Prepared by the Corporate Economists Advisory Group Introduction Early in 2003, ICC's Corporate Economists Advisory Group discussed the risk of deflation in some of the world's major economies, and possible consequences for business. The fear was that historically low levels of inflation and faltering economic growth could lead to deflation - a persistent decline in the general level of prices - which in turn could trigger economic depression, with widespread company and bank failures, a collapse in world trade, mass unemployment and years of shrinking economic activity. While the risk of deflation is now remote in most countries - given the increasingly unambiguous signs of global economic recovery - its potential costs are very high and would directly affect companies. This issues paper was developed to help companies better understand the phenomenon of deflation, and to give them practical guidance on possible measures to take if and when the threat of deflation turns into reality on a future occasion. What is deflation? Deflation is defined as a sustained fall in an aggregate measure of prices (such as the consumer price index). By this definition, changes in prices in one economic sector or falling prices over short periods (e.g., one or two quarters) do not qualify as deflation. Dec lining prices can be driven by an increase in supply due to technological innovation and rapid productivity gains. These supply-induced shocks are usually not problematic and can even be accompanied by robust growth, as experienced by China. A fall in prices led by a drop in demand - due to a severe economic cycle, tight economic policies or a demand-side shock - or by persistent excess capacity can be much more harmful, and is more likely to lead to persistent deflation. -
Job Creation Programs of the Great Depression: the WPA and the CCC Name Redacted Specialist in Labor Economics
Job Creation Programs of the Great Depression: The WPA and the CCC name redacted Specialist in Labor Economics January 14, 2010 Congressional Research Service 7-.... www.crs.gov R41017 CRS Report for Congress Prepared for Members and Committees of Congress Job Creation Programs of the Great Depression: the WPA and the CCC ith the exception of the Great Depression, the recession that began in December 2007 is the nation’s most severe according to various labor market indicators. The W 7.1 million jobs cut from employer payrolls between December 2007 and September 2009, when it is thought the latest recession might have ended, is more than has been recorded for any postwar recession. Job loss was greater in a relative sense during the latest recession as well, recording a 5.1% decrease over the period.1 In addition, long-term unemployment (defined as the proportion of workers without jobs for longer than 26 weeks) was higher in September 2009—at 36%—than at any time since 1948.2 As a result, momentum has been building among some members of the public policy community to augment the job creation and worker assistance measures included in the American Recovery and Reinvestment Act (P.L. 111-5). In an effort to accelerate improvement in the unemployment rate and job growth during the recovery period from the latest recession,3 some policymakers recently have turned their attention to programs that temporarily created jobs for workers unemployed during the nation’s worst economic downturn—the Great Depression—with which the latest recession has been compared.4 This report first describes the social policy environment in which the 1930s job creation programs were developed and examines the reasons for their shortcomings then and as models for current- day countercyclical employment measures. -
Chapter 24 the Great Depression
Chapter 24 The Great Depression 1929-1933 Section 1: Prosperity Shattered • Recount why financial experts issued warnings about business practices during the 1920s. • Describe why the stock market crashed in 1929. • Understand how the banking crisis and subsequent business failures signaled the beginning of the Great Depression. • Analyze the main causes of the Great Depression. Objective 1: Recount why financial experts issued warnings about business practices during the 1920s. • Identify the warnings that financial experts issued during the 1920s: • 1 Agricultural crisis • 2 Sick industry • 3 Consumers buying on credit • 4 Stock speculation • 5 Deion is # 1 Objective 1: Recount why financial experts issued warnings about business practices during the 1920s. • Why did the public ignore these warnings: • 1 Economy was booming • 2 People believed it would continue to grow Objective 2: Describe why the stock market crashed in 1929. Factors That Caused the Stock Market Crash 1. Rising interest rates 2. Investors sell stocks 3. Stock prices plunge 4. Heavy sells continue The Crash Objective 3: Understand how the banking crisis and subsequent business failures signaled the beginning of the Great Depression. Depositor withdrawal Banking Crisis Default on loans The Banking Crisis Margin calls and Subsequent Business Failures Unable to obtain resources Business Failures Lay-offs and closings Objective 4: Analyze the main causes of the Great Depression. • Main causes of the Great Depression and how it contributed to the depression: • Global economic crises, the U.S didn’t have foreign consumers. • The income gap deprived businesses of national consumers • The consumers debt led to economic chaos Section 2: Hard Times • Describe how unemployment during the Great Depression affected the lives of American workers. -
Demand Composition and the Strength of Recoveries†
Demand Composition and the Strength of Recoveriesy Martin Beraja Christian K. Wolf MIT & NBER MIT & NBER September 17, 2021 Abstract: We argue that recoveries from demand-driven recessions with ex- penditure cuts concentrated in services or non-durables will tend to be weaker than recoveries from recessions more biased towards durables. Intuitively, the smaller the bias towards more durable goods, the less the recovery is buffeted by pent-up demand. We show that, in a standard multi-sector business-cycle model, this prediction holds if and only if, following an aggregate demand shock to all categories of spending (e.g., a monetary shock), expenditure on more durable goods reverts back faster. This testable condition receives ample support in U.S. data. We then use (i) a semi-structural shift-share and (ii) a structural model to quantify this effect of varying demand composition on recovery dynamics, and find it to be large. We also discuss implications for optimal stabilization policy. Keywords: durables, services, demand recessions, pent-up demand, shift-share design, recov- ery dynamics, COVID-19. JEL codes: E32, E52 yEmail: [email protected] and [email protected]. We received helpful comments from George-Marios Angeletos, Gadi Barlevy, Florin Bilbiie, Ricardo Caballero, Lawrence Christiano, Martin Eichenbaum, Fran¸coisGourio, Basile Grassi, Erik Hurst, Greg Kaplan, Andrea Lanteri, Jennifer La'O, Alisdair McKay, Simon Mongey, Ernesto Pasten, Matt Rognlie, Alp Simsek, Ludwig Straub, Silvana Tenreyro, Nicholas Tra- chter, Gianluca Violante, Iv´anWerning, Johannes Wieland (our discussant), Tom Winberry, Nathan Zorzi and seminar participants at various venues, and we thank Isabel Di Tella for outstanding research assistance. -
Friday, June 21, 2013 the Failures That Ignited America's Financial
Friday, June 21, 2013 The Failures that Ignited America’s Financial Panics: A Clinical Survey Hugh Rockoff Department of Economics Rutgers University, 75 Hamilton Street New Brunswick NJ 08901 [email protected] Preliminary. Please do not cite without permission. 1 Abstract This paper surveys the key failures that ignited the major peacetime financial panics in the United States, beginning with the Panic of 1819 and ending with the Panic of 2008. In a few cases panics were triggered by the failure of a single firm, but typically panics resulted from a cluster of failures. In every case “shadow banks” were the source of the panic or a prominent member of the cluster. The firms that failed had excellent reputations prior to their failure. But they had made long-term investments concentrated in one sector of the economy, and financed those investments with short-term liabilities. Real estate, canals and railroads (real estate at one remove), mining, and cotton were the major problems. The panic of 2008, at least in these ways, was a repetition of earlier panics in the United States. 2 “Such accidental events are of the most various nature: a bad harvest, an apprehension of foreign invasion, the sudden failure of a great firm which everybody trusted, and many other similar events, have all caused a sudden demand for cash” (Walter Bagehot 1924 [1873], 118). 1. The Role of Famous Failures1 The failure of a famous financial firm features prominently in the narrative histories of most U.S. financial panics.2 In this respect the most recent panic is typical: Lehman brothers failed on September 15, 2008: and … all hell broke loose. -
Measuring the Great Depression
Lesson 1 | Measuring the Great Depression Lesson Description In this lesson, students learn about data used to measure an economy’s health—inflation/deflation measured by the Consumer Price Index (CPI), output measured by Gross Domestic Product (GDP) and unemployment measured by the unemployment rate. Students analyze graphs of these data, which provide snapshots of the economy during the Great Depression. These graphs help students develop an understanding of the condition of the economy, which is critical to understanding the Great Depression. Concepts Consumer Price Index Deflation Depression Inflation Nominal Gross Domestic Product Real Gross Domestic Product Unemployment rate Objectives Students will: n Define inflation and deflation, and explain the economic effects of each. n Define Consumer Price Index (CPI). n Define Gross Domestic Product (GDP). n Explain the difference between Nominal Gross Domestic Product and Real Gross Domestic Product. n Interpret and analyze graphs and charts that depict economic data during the Great Depression. Content Standards National Standards for History Era 8, Grades 9-12: n Standard 1: The causes of the Great Depression and how it affected American society. n Standard 1A: The causes of the crash of 1929 and the Great Depression. National Standards in Economics n Standard 18: A nation’s overall levels of income, employment and prices are determined by the interaction of spending and production decisions made by all households, firms, government agencies and others in the economy. • Benchmark 1, Grade 8: Gross Domestic Product (GDP) is a basic measure of a nation’s economic output and income. It is the total market value, measured in dollars, of all final goods and services produced in the economy in a year. -
A Theory of Housing Demand Shocks
FEDERAL RESERVE BANK OF SAN FRANCISCO WORKING PAPER SERIES A Theory of Housing Demand Shocks Zheng Liu Federal Reserve Bank of San Francisco Pengfei Wang Peking University HSBC Business School Tao Zha Federal Reserve Bank of Atlanta Emory University NBER April 2021 Working Paper 2019-09 https://www.frbsf.org/economic-research/publications/working-papers/2019/09/ Suggested citation: Liu, Zheng, Pengfei Wang, Tao Zha. 2021. “A Theory of Housing Demand Shocks,” Federal Reserve Bank of San Francisco Working Paper 2019-09. https://doi.org/10.24148/wp2019-09 The views in this paper are solely the responsibility of the authors and should not be interpreted as reflecting the views of the Federal Reserve Bank of San Francisco or the Board of Governors of the Federal Reserve System. A THEORY OF HOUSING DEMAND SHOCKS ZHENG LIU, PENGFEI WANG, AND TAO ZHA Abstract. Housing demand shock are used in the standard macroeconomic models as a primary source of the house price fluctuation and, through the collateral channel, a driver of macroeconomic fluctuations. We provide a microeconomic foundation for these reduced-form shocks within a tractable heterogeneous-agent framework. Unlike a housing demand shock in the standard models, a credit supply shock in our micro-founded model generates a positive correlation between the trading volume and the house price, as well as an arbitrarily large fluctuation of the price-to-rent ratio. These theoretical implications are robust to alternative forms of heterogeneity and in line with empirical evidence. I. Introduction In the standard business cycle models, housing demand shocks are a primary driving force behind the fluctuation of the house price and, through the collateral channel, drive a large fraction of the business cycle fluctuation (Iacoviello and Neri, 2010; Liu et al., 2013, for example). -
Inflation Expectations and the Recovery from the Great Depression in Germany
A Service of Leibniz-Informationszentrum econstor Wirtschaft Leibniz Information Centre Make Your Publications Visible. zbw for Economics Daniel, Volker; ter Steege, Lucas Working Paper Inflation Expectations and the Recovery from the Great Depression in Germany Working Papers of the Priority Programme 1859 "Experience and Expectation. Historical Foundations of Economic Behaviour", No. 6 Provided in Cooperation with: German Research Foundation's Priority Programme 1859 "Experience and Expectation. Historical Foundations of Economic Behaviour", Humboldt-Universität Berlin Suggested Citation: Daniel, Volker; ter Steege, Lucas (2018) : Inflation Expectations and the Recovery from the Great Depression in Germany, Working Papers of the Priority Programme 1859 "Experience and Expectation. Historical Foundations of Economic Behaviour", No. 6, Humboldt University Berlin, Berlin, http://dx.doi.org/10.18452/19198 This Version is available at: http://hdl.handle.net/10419/223187 Standard-Nutzungsbedingungen: Terms of use: Die Dokumente auf EconStor dürfen zu eigenen wissenschaftlichen Documents in EconStor may be saved and copied for your Zwecken und zum Privatgebrauch gespeichert und kopiert werden. personal and scholarly purposes. Sie dürfen die Dokumente nicht für öffentliche oder kommerzielle You are not to copy documents for public or commercial Zwecke vervielfältigen, öffentlich ausstellen, öffentlich zugänglich purposes, to exhibit the documents publicly, to make them machen, vertreiben oder anderweitig nutzen. publicly available on the internet, or to distribute or otherwise use the documents in public. Sofern die Verfasser die Dokumente unter Open-Content-Lizenzen (insbesondere CC-Lizenzen) zur Verfügung gestellt haben sollten, If the documents have been made available under an Open gelten abweichend von diesen Nutzungsbedingungen die in der dort Content Licence (especially Creative Commons Licences), you genannten Lizenz gewährten Nutzungsrechte. -
The American Middle Class, Income Inequality, and the Strength of Our Economy New Evidence in Economics
The American Middle Class, Income Inequality, and the Strength of Our Economy New Evidence in Economics Heather Boushey and Adam S. Hersh May 2012 WWW.AMERICANPROGRESS.ORG The American Middle Class, Income Inequality, and the Strength of Our Economy New Evidence in Economics Heather Boushey and Adam S. Hersh May 2012 Contents 1 Introduction and summary 9 The relationship between a strong middle class, the development of human capital, a well-educated citizenry, and economic growth 23 A strong middle class provides a strong and stable source of demand 33 The middle class incubates entrepreneurs 39 A strong middle class supports inclusive political and economic institutions, which underpin growth 44 Conclusion 46 About the authors 47 Acknowledgements 48 Endnotes Introduction and summary To say that the middle class is important to our economy may seem noncontro- versial to most Americans. After all, most of us self-identify as middle class, and members of the middle class observe every day how their work contributes to the economy, hear weekly how their spending is a leading indicator for economic prognosticators, and see every month how jobs numbers, which primarily reflect middle-class jobs, are taken as the key measure of how the economy is faring. And as growing income inequality has risen in the nation’s consciousness, the plight of the middle class has become a common topic in the press and policy circles. For most economists, however, the concepts of “middle class” or even inequal- ity have not had a prominent place in our thinking about how an economy grows. This, however, is beginning to change. -
Missing Disinflation and Missing Inflation
Missing Disinflation and Missing Inflation: A VAR Perspective∗ Elena Bobeica and Marek Jaroci´nski European Central Bank In the immediate wake of the Great Recession we didn’t see the disinflation that most models predicted and, subse- quently, we didn’t see the inflation they predicted. We show that these puzzles disappear in a vector autoregressive model that properly accounts for domestic and external factors. This model reveals strong spillovers from U.S. to euro-area inflation in the Great Recession. By contrast, domestic factors explain much of the euro-area inflation dynamics during the 2012–14 missing inflation episode. Consequently, euro-area economists and models that excessively focused on the global nature of inflation were liable to miss the contribution of deflationary domestic shocks in this period. JEL Codes: E31, E32, F44. 1. Introduction The dynamics of inflation since the start of the Great Recession has puzzled economists. First, a “missing disinflation” puzzle emerged when inflation in advanced economies failed to fall as much as expected given the depth of the recession (see, e.g., Hall 2011 on the United States and Friedrich 2016 on the rest of the advanced ∗We thank Marta Ba´nbura, Fabio Canova, Matteo Ciccarelli, Luca Dedola, Thorsten Drautzburg, Paul Dudenhefer, Philipp Hartmann, Giorgio Primiceri, Chiara Osbat, Mathias Trabandt, and three anonymous referees for their com- ments. This paper is part of the work of the Low Inflation Task Force of the ECB and the Eurosystem. The opinions in this paper are those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the views of the European Central Bank and the Eurosys- tem. -
Deflation: Economic Significance, Current Risk, and Policy Responses
Deflation: Economic Significance, Current Risk, and Policy Responses Craig K. Elwell Specialist in Macroeconomic Policy August 30, 2010 Congressional Research Service 7-5700 www.crs.gov R40512 CRS Report for Congress Prepared for Members and Committees of Congress Deflation: Economic Significance, Current Risk, and Policy Responses Summary Despite the severity of the recent financial crisis and recession, the U.S. economy has so far avoided falling into a deflationary spiral. Since mid-2009, the economy has been on a path of economic recovery. However, the pace of economic growth during the recovery has been relatively slow, and major economic weaknesses persist. In this economic environment, the risk of deflation remains significant and could delay sustained economic recovery. Deflation is a persistent decline in the overall level of prices. It is not unusual for prices to fall in a particular sector because of rising productivity, falling costs, or weak demand relative to the wider economy. In contrast, deflation occurs when price declines are so widespread and sustained that they cause a broad-based price index, such as the Consumer Price Index (CPI), to decline for several quarters. Such a continuous decline in the price level is more troublesome, because in a weak or contracting economy it can lead to a damaging self-reinforcing downward spiral of prices and economic activity. However, there are also examples of relatively benign deflations when economic activity expanded despite a falling price level. For instance, from 1880 through 1896, the U.S. price level fell about 30%, but this coincided with a period of strong economic growth.