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The Relationship of Appian to Pollio: a Reconsideration 95 ANALECTA ROMANA INSTITUTI DANICI XXXVIII ANALECTA ROMANA INSTITUTI DANICI XXXVIII 2013 ROMAE MMXIII ANALECTA ROMANA INSTITUTI DANICI XXXVIII © 2013 Accademia di Danimarca ISSN 2035-2506 Published with the support of a grant from: Det Frie Forskningsråd / Kultur og Kommunikation SCIENTIFIC BOARD Ove Hornby (Bestyrelsesformand, Det Danske Institut i Rom) Maria Fabricius Hansen (Ny Carlsbergfondet) Peter Fibiger Bang (Københavns Universitet) Thomas Harder (Forfatter/writer/scrittore) Michael Herslund (Copenhagen Business School) Hanne Jansen (Københavns Universitet) Hannemarie Ragn Jensen (Københavns Universitet) Kurt Villads Jensen (Syddansk Universitet) Mogens Nykjær (Aarhus Universitet) Vinnie Nørskov (Aarhus Universitet) Birger Riis-Jørgensen (Det Danske Ambassade i Rom) Niels Rosing-Schow (Det Kgl. Danske Musikkonservatorium) Poul Schülein (Arkitema, København) Lene Schøsler (Københavns Universitet) EDITORIAL BOARD Marianne Pade (Chair of Editorial Board, Det Danske Institut i Rom) Patrick Kragelund (Danmarks Kunstbibliotek) Carsten Hjort Lange (Det Danske Institut i Rom) Gitte Lønstrup Dal Santo (Det Danske Institut i Rom) Gert Sørensen (Københavns Universitet) Maria Adelaide Zocchi (Det Danske Institut i Rom) Analecta Romana Instituti Danici. — Vol. I (1960) — . Copenhagen: Munksgaard. From 1985: Rome, «L’ERMA» di Bretschneider. From 2007 (online): Accademia di Danimarca ANALECTA ROMANA INSTITUTI DANICI encourages scholarly contributions within the Academy’s research fields. All contributions will be peer reviewed. Manuscripts to be considered for publication should be sent to: [email protected] Authors are requested to consult the journal’s guidelines at www.acdan.it Contents LUCA BIANCHEDI: Aspetti culturali e sanitari dell’Ars medica nell’Italia medioevale 7 CECILIE BRØNS: Manners make the man. Challenging a persistent stereotype in the study of Italian 53 Iron Age graves TRINE ARLUND HASS: Galathea, Amaryllis, and Fictive Chronology in Petrarch’s Bucolicum 79 Carmen RICHARD WESTALL: The Relationship of Appian to Pollio: a reconsideration 95 The Relationship of Appian to Pollio: a Reconsideration by RICHARD WESTALL Abstract. Notwithstanding the sophisticated approaches of recent decades, the belief still remains that the Emphylia of Appian of Alexandria and much of Plutarch’s biographies of figures of the late Republic rest in large part upon direct knowledge and extensive use of the Historiae of C. Asinius Pollio. Various considerations, however, indicate that Appian (and Plutarch) made only limited and indirect use of Pollio’s account of the civil wars of the 40s BC. For instance, Appian provides a report of the legendary ruler Arganthonius of Tartessus that is at odds with what Pollio is known to have written. Most significant is the coincidence of the citation of a single passage of Pollio by Appian, Plutarch, and Suetonius, which demonstrates reliance upon an intermediate source. Limited focalisation through Pollio in Appian’s narrative supports this interpretation, as does consideration of the manner in which Appian and Plutarch cite their sources. In the end, it would appear that material traditionally attributed to Pollio is in all likelihood better re-assigned to Livy. Such re-assignement is tentative, for it is also possible to discern the use of Seneca the Elder, which suggests a much more complicated vision of Appian’s work as a historian. Rex Stout, Champagne for One, (New York 1958), ch. 5: “In a world that operates largely at random, coincidences are to be expected, but any one of them must always be mistrusted.” ἐγὼ δ᾿ οὔτ᾿ ἂν Ἀμαλθίης βουλοίμην κέρας οὔτ᾿ ἔτεα πεντήκοντά τε κἀκατὸν Ταρτησσοῦ βασιλεῦσαι (Anacr. fr. 361 Page). Introduction composed by Plutarch of Chaeronea – but Covering a period of a little more than a Appian remains indispensable because of century within the Emphylia, Appian of the fact that his is the most detailed of those Alexandria provides an extensive and detailed universal narratives to survive for the period account of the civil wars that brought the of the 40s and 30s BC. For instance, the Republic to an end and gave birth to the work of Livy has unfortunately been lost, Principate. There are other accounts that and that of Cassius Dio routinely privileges do offer greater detail for a far more limited rhetoric over a narrative dedicated to events timespan or are perhaps to be deemed more and individual actions. Despite manifold and trustworthy – amongst these the Bellum Civile serious defects, Appian’s account provides of C. Iulius Caesar and the biographies much important material that would otherwise 96 RICHARD WESTALL not be known.1 In short, had Appian’s as Appian’s principal source for the whole historical work not survived, it would be far of the period extending from 60 to 42 BC. more difficult, if not in fact impossible, to From the mid-nineteenth through the provide a coherent narrative and to engage in middle of the twentieth century, those who detailed, comparative analysis of the political identified Pollio as Appian’s principal source and military history of the Roman civil wars operated upon the explicit assumption that of the 40s and 30s BC. Appian had done little more than to translate At present there obtains the erroneous and, perhaps, abbreviate, his Latin model.5 thesis that Appian’s primary source of Some, most notably E. Gabba and and E. information was none other than the Kornemann, sought to extend Appian’s Caesarian general and novus homo C. Asinius reliance upon Pollio as far back in time as the Pollio (cos. 40 BC). There are two reasons latter half of the second century BC as well as for this vision. For one thing, since Appian forwards throughout the whole of the 30s BC.6 was writing at a remove of some two The attempt to attribute to Pollio influence as centuries from the events that he narrates, it far back as the period of the Gracchi through is imperative that modern historians identify the Social War was based upon a fleeting his sources if they are to justify their extensive suggestion made by E. Meyer, investing reliance upon a secondary source. Unlike Pollio with the composition of an archaeologia Herodotus or Thucydides, whose work is far more substantial than anything furnished focussed upon events that had transpired by Thucydides.7 Yet others, for example O. within living memory or were still in progress, Seeck, suggested that Appian’s reliance upon Appian does not deal with contemporary Pollio endures only as far as 35 BC, to the history in the surviving portion of his work, battle of Naulochus and the destruction of and his own statements demonstrate that he Sextus Pompeius that mark the close of the did not rely primarily upon oral sources. As a Emphylia.8 In short, whatever their differences result, the testimony of Appian is qualitatively in detail, all of these critics tended to view different and far less compelling unless his Appian of Alexandria as a cipher to be equated sources can be identified, especially in view with C. Asinius Pollio. Not surprisingly, such of the possibility for error or invention. views were complemented by attempts to Secondly, since Pollio is known to have been reconstruct in relative detail the contents of critical of the leader of the civil war faction Pollio’s lost Historiae.9 In short, as in the case to which he adhered, any evidence for the of the lost works of Eusebius of Caesarea ultimate derivation of Appian’s account from that are known only through Armenian or that of the contemporary Pollio offers the Syriac versions, it seemed as though the Greek mirage that Appian can be trusted because he of Appian might allow modern scholars to essentially followed an account that was no perceive the Latin original, with the possibility slavish, partisan version of the revolutionary of a retroversion that would restore one of the events that it described.2 lost treasures of the ancient world.10 This thesis of Appian’s dependence Admittedly, there has been a more nuanced upon Pollio informs virtually the whole of approached to the question of Appian’s scholarship that has been produced since sources in recent decades. This is the result the question of Appian’s sources first began of abandonment of the idea that an author to be posed in critical fashion in the mid- followed only one source at a given moment nineteenth century.3 On occasion, there has and an embracing of the idea that artistic re- been the dissenting voice.4 But, by and large, fashioning of material did occur in the course debate has focussed upon the degree to which of writing. Hence, at least in theory, Appian Appian made use of Pollio, with there being is no longer viewed as a mere cipher whose unanimous agreement that Pollio did serve work is a calque of the Historiae of Asinius THE RELATIONSHIP OF APPIAN TO POLLIO: A RECONSIDERATION 97 Pollio. This change is already in evidence in Magnus at Pelusium (49-48 BC). This thesis the treatment of Appian in the seminal paper rests in the end upon two items. First, there is that C.B.R. Pelling dedicated to Plutarch’s use recognition of the fact that Appian’s citation of sources in the composition of the later of Pollio as a source is a coincidence that is so Roman biographies.11 Subsequently, this suspect as to undermine the interpretation of change is well exemplified by contributions that passage that has obtained for the past 150 such as those by I. Hahn, A.M. Gowing, and years. In view of statistical probability and D. Magnino, wherein the issue of sources the habits of ancient citation, it is altogether and literary technique has received sharper implausible that Plutarch, Suetonius, and focus.12 Appian’s artistry and distinctive Appian should have cited from the same contribution has been highlighted through passage of Pollio and name the source of their things such as analysis of the speeches in the citation.
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