What You Should Know About the Civil Rights Record of William Barr
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Justices' Profiles Institute of Bill of Rights Law at the William & Mary Law School
College of William & Mary Law School William & Mary Law School Scholarship Repository Supreme Court Preview Conferences, Events, and Lectures 1995 Section 1: Justices' Profiles Institute of Bill of Rights Law at the William & Mary Law School Repository Citation Institute of Bill of Rights Law at the William & Mary Law School, "Section 1: Justices' Profiles" (1995). Supreme Court Preview. 35. https://scholarship.law.wm.edu/preview/35 Copyright c 1995 by the authors. This article is brought to you by the William & Mary Law School Scholarship Repository. https://scholarship.law.wm.edu/preview WARREN E. BURGER IS DEAD AT 87 Was Chief Justice for 17 Years Copyright 1995 The New York Times Company The New York Times June 26, 1995, Monday Linda Greenhouse Washington, June 25 - Warren E. Burger, who retired to apply like an epithet -- overruled no major in 1986 after 17 years as the 15th Chief Justice of the decisions from the Warren era. United States, died here today at age 87. The cause It was a further incongruity that despite Chief was congestive heart failure, a spokeswoman for the Justice Burger's high visibility and the evident relish Supreme Court said. with which he used his office to expound his views on An energetic court administrator, Chief Justice everything from legal education to prison Burger was in some respects a transitional figure management, scholars and Supreme Court despite his tenure, the longest for a Chief Justice in commentators continued to question the degree to this century. He presided over a Court that, while it which he actually led the institution over which he so grew steadily more conservative with subsequent energetically presided. -
The Impact of the New Right on the Reagan Administration
LONDON SCHOOL OF ECONOMICS UNIVERSITY OF LONDON THE IMPACT OF THE NEW RIGHT ON THE REAGAN ADMINISTRATION: KIRKPATRICK & UNESCO AS. A TEST CASE BY Isaac Izy Kfir LONDON 1998 UMI Number: U148638 All rights reserved INFORMATION TO ALL USERS The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. In the unlikely event that the author did not send a complete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. Dissertation Publishing UMI U148638 Published by ProQuest LLC 2014. Copyright in the Dissertation held by the Author. Microform Edition © ProQuest LLC. All rights reserved. This work is protected against unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States Code. ProQuest LLC 789 East Eisenhower Parkway P.O. Box 1346 Ann Arbor, Ml 48106-1346 2 ABSTRACT The aim of this research is to investigate whether the Reagan administration was influenced by ‘New Right’ ideas. Foreign policy issues were chosen as test cases because the presidency has more power in this area which is why it could promote an aggressive stance toward the United Nations and encourage withdrawal from UNESCO with little impunity. Chapter 1 deals with American society after 1945. It shows how the ground was set for the rise of Reagan and the New Right as America moved from a strong affinity with New Deal liberalism to a new form of conservatism, which the New Right and Reagan epitomised. Chapter 2 analyses the New Right as a coalition of three distinctive groups: anti-liberals, New Christian Right, and neoconservatives. -
Drowning in Data 15 3
BRENNAN CENTER FOR JUSTICE WHAT THE GOVERNMENT DOES WITH AMERICANS’ DATA Rachel Levinson-Waldman Brennan Center for Justice at New York University School of Law about the brennan center for justice The Brennan Center for Justice at NYU School of Law is a nonpartisan law and policy institute that seeks to improve our systems of democracy and justice. We work to hold our political institutions and laws accountable to the twin American ideals of democracy and equal justice for all. The Center’s work ranges from voting rights to campaign finance reform, from racial justice in criminal law to Constitutional protection in the fight against terrorism. A singular institution — part think tank, part public interest law firm, part advocacy group, part communications hub — the Brennan Center seeks meaningful, measurable change in the systems by which our nation is governed. about the brennan center’s liberty and national security program The Brennan Center’s Liberty and National Security Program works to advance effective national security policies that respect Constitutional values and the rule of law, using innovative policy recommendations, litigation, and public advocacy. The program focuses on government transparency and accountability; domestic counterterrorism policies and their effects on privacy and First Amendment freedoms; detainee policy, including the detention, interrogation, and trial of terrorist suspects; and the need to safeguard our system of checks and balances. about the author Rachel Levinson-Waldman serves as Counsel to the Brennan Center’s Liberty and National Security Program, which seeks to advance effective national security policies that respect constitutional values and the rule of law. -
Trump Says One Thing and Does Another on Criminal Justice by Lea Hunter, Ed Chung, and Akua Amaning
FACT SHEET Trump Says One Thing and Does Another on Criminal Justice By Lea Hunter, Ed Chung, and Akua Amaning This factsheet contains an update. Note: An earlier version of this list appeared in American Progress’s Infographic: President Trump is Falsely Claiming He is a Criminal Justice Reformer. President Donald Trump has repeatedly claimed ownership of criminal reform because he signed the FIRST STEP Act—a bipartisan federal sentencing and prison reform bill. A month after signing the bill, he proclaimed, “I did criminal justice reform, nobody else. I did it. Without me, you don’t have criminal justice reform.” In fall 2019, he again declared, “I did criminal justice reform, which President Obama could not get approved—which the media never talks about. If President Obama got criminal justice reform done, it would be front-page stories all over the place. I got it done.”1 But these claims fly in the face of nearly every action this administration has taken, most of which are antithetical to reform efforts. Too often, the full context of the Trump administration’s record on criminal jus- tice reform is obscured by celebrities visiting the White House and award ceremo- nies.2 However, behind the scenes, the U.S. Department of Justice (DOJ) regularly contravenes the efforts of the criminal justice reform movement. Collected here are a list of those anti-reform actions to date: 1. Restricted clemency to only those who are celebrities, well-connected individuals, or have a personal affiliation with the president3* 2. Encouraged the use of excessive police force on peaceful Black Lives Matter protestors4* 3. -
Who Is the Attorney General's Client?
\\jciprod01\productn\N\NDL\87-3\NDL305.txt unknown Seq: 1 20-APR-12 11:03 WHO IS THE ATTORNEY GENERAL’S CLIENT? William R. Dailey, CSC* Two consecutive presidential administrations have been beset with controversies surrounding decision making in the Department of Justice, frequently arising from issues relating to the war on terrorism, but generally giving rise to accusations that the work of the Department is being unduly politicized. Much recent academic commentary has been devoted to analyzing and, typically, defending various more or less robust versions of “independence” in the Department generally and in the Attorney General in particular. This Article builds from the Supreme Court’s recent decision in Free Enterprise Fund v. Public Co. Accounting Oversight Board, in which the Court set forth key principles relating to the role of the President in seeing to it that the laws are faithfully executed. This Article draws upon these principles to construct a model for understanding the Attorney General’s role. Focusing on the question, “Who is the Attorney General’s client?”, the Article presumes that in the most important sense the American people are the Attorney General’s client. The Article argues, however, that that client relationship is necessarily a mediated one, with the most important mediat- ing force being the elected head of the executive branch, the President. The argument invokes historical considerations, epistemic concerns, and constitutional structure. Against a trend in recent commentary defending a robustly independent model of execu- tive branch lawyering rooted in the putative ability and obligation of executive branch lawyers to alight upon a “best view” of the law thought to have binding force even over plausible alternatives, the Article defends as legitimate and necessary a greater degree of presidential direction in the setting of legal policy. -
Honesty Won't Aid Enemies; CIA INTERROGATION TACTICS
Honesty won’t aid enemies; CIA INTERROGATION TACTICS The National Law Journal (Online) November 26, 2007 Monday Copyright 2007 ALM Media Properties, LLC All Rights Reserved Further duplication without permission is prohibited Length: 949 words Byline: Andrew Kent / Special to The National Law Journal, Special to the national law journal Body The Bush administration maintains that it cannot publicly discuss or even name the harsh interrogation techniques used by the CIA to break the silence of ″high value″ al-Queda captives like Khalid Sheikh Mohammed, who devised the Sept. 11, 2001, attacks. Recently, Michael Mukasey’s nomination to be attorney general ran into trouble when he declined senators’ requests for his opinion on the legality of waterboarding ? forced inhalation of water, causing choking and asphyxiation ? a technique reportedly used by the CIA on Mohammed and a few others. Mukasey was confirmed, but controversy about the CIA’s methods of interrogating al-Queda leadership, and the official secrecy about them, continues. The Bush administration and its supporters typically offer two reasons why the CIA’s interrogation methods must be secret. Neither is convincing. The principal justification is a variation on the tune the administration has played for years ? opposing us means aiding the enemy. The other justification is protecting CIA interrogators from potential liability. President Bush has repeated that the administration cannot discuss specific methods because ″it doesn’t make any sense to broadcast to the enemy what they ought to prepare for and not prepare for.″ As another official put it, the government cannot ″publicize to the enemy what practices may be on the table and what practices may be off the table. -
Office of the Attorney General the Honorable Mitch Mcconnell
February 3, 2010 The Honorable Mitch McConnell United States Senate Washington, D.C. 20510 Dear Senator McConnell: I am writing in reply to your letter of January 26, 2010, inquiring about the decision to charge Umar Farouk Abdulmutallab with federal crimes in connection with the attempted bombing of Northwest Airlines Flight 253 near Detroit on December 25, 2009, rather than detaining him under the law of war. An identical response is being sent to the other Senators who joined in your letter. The decision to charge Mr. Abdulmutallab in federal court, and the methods used to interrogate him, are fully consistent with the long-established and publicly known policies and practices of the Department of Justice, the FBI, and the United States Government as a whole, as implemented for many years by Administrations of both parties. Those policies and practices, which were not criticized when employed by previous Administrations, have been and remain extremely effective in protecting national security. They are among the many powerful weapons this country can and should use to win the war against al-Qaeda. I am confident that, as a result of the hard work of the FBI and our career federal prosecutors, we will be able to successfully prosecute Mr. Abdulmutallab under the federal criminal law. I am equally confident that the decision to address Mr. Abdulmutallab's actions through our criminal justice system has not, and will not, compromise our ability to obtain information needed to detect and prevent future attacks. There are many examples of successful terrorism investigations and prosecutions, both before and after September 11, 2001, in which both of these important objectives have been achieved -- all in a manner consistent with our law and our national security interests. -
DAMIEN GUEDES, Et Al., Applican
App. No. ___ -------------------- In The Supreme Court of the United States -------------------- DAMIEN GUEDES, et al., Applicants-Appellants, v. BUREAU OF ALCOHOL, TOBACCO, FIREARMS AND EXPLOSIVES, et al., Respondents-Appellees. -------------------- APPLICATION FOR STAY OF IMPLEMENTATION AND ENFORCEMENT OF AGENCY REGULATION PENDING A PETITION FOR A WRIT OF CERTIORARI -------------------- To the Honorable Chief Justice John G. Roberts, Jr., as Circuit Justice for the United States Court of Appeals for the District of Columbia Circuit: Pursuant to this Court’s Rule 23 and the All Writs Act, 28 U.S.C. 1651, the Applicants (Plaintiffs-Appellants below) Damien Guedes, Shane Roden, Firearms Policy Foundation, Madison Society Foundation, Inc., Florida Carry, Inc., David Codrea, Scott Heuman, and Owen Monroe respectfully request that this Court stay the implementation and enforcement against them of Respondents’ Final Rule relating to the revised construction of the definition of “machinegun” and application of that definition to so-called “bump-stock-type devices,” 83 Fed. Reg. 66514, until the resolution of a forthcoming petition for writ of certiorari, and any subsequent proceedings, in this case. On April 1, 2019, the court of appeals issued its Opinion and Judgment in this expedited appeal, affirming (over vigorous dissent) the denial of a preliminary injunction. Opinion and Dissent, attached as Exhibit A; Judgment, attached as Exhibit B. The Judgment provided that the administrative stay of the effective date of the Bump Stock Rule, 83 Fed. Reg. 66,514 (Dec. 26, 2018), that was entered on the court’s own motion on March 23, 2019, will remain in effect for 48 hours from the time of the issuance of the opinion in this case to allow plaintiffs, if they wish, to seek a stay from the Supreme Court of the United States. -
Capitol Insurrection at Center of Conservative Movement
Capitol Insurrection At Center Of Conservative Movement: At Least 43 Governors, Senators And Members Of Congress Have Ties To Groups That Planned January 6th Rally And Riots. SUMMARY: On January 6, 2021, a rally in support of overturning the results of the 2020 presidential election “turned deadly” when thousands of people stormed the U.S. Capitol at Donald Trump’s urging. Even Senate Republican leader Mitch McConnell, who rarely broke with Trump, has explicitly said, “the mob was fed lies. They were provoked by the President and other powerful people.” These “other powerful people” include a vast array of conservative officials and Trump allies who perpetuated false claims of fraud in the 2020 election after enjoying critical support from the groups that fueled the Capitol riot. In fact, at least 43 current Governors or elected federal office holders have direct ties to the groups that helped plan the January 6th rally, along with at least 15 members of Donald Trump’s former administration. The links that these Trump-allied officials have to these groups are: Turning Point Action, an arm of right-wing Turning Point USA, claimed to send “80+ buses full of patriots” to the rally that led to the Capitol riot, claiming the event would be one of the most “consequential” in U.S. history. • The group spent over $1.5 million supporting Trump and his Georgia senate allies who claimed the election was fraudulent and supported efforts to overturn it. • The organization hosted Trump at an event where he claimed Democrats were trying to “rig the election,” which he said would be “the most corrupt election in the history of our country.” • At a Turning Point USA event, Rep. -
Edwin Meese Papers, 1941-1991
http://oac.cdlib.org/findaid/ark:/13030/kt358035d1 Online items available Inventory of the Edwin Meese papers, 1941-1991 Finding aid prepared by Aparna Mukherjee, revised by Hoover Institution Library and Archives Staff and Beth Goder Hoover Institution Library and Archives © 1991, 2013 434 Galvez Mall Stanford University Stanford, CA 94305-6003 [email protected] URL: http://www.hoover.org/library-and-archives Inventory of the Edwin Meese 91005 1 papers, 1941-1991 Title: Edwin Meese papers Date (inclusive): 1941-1991 Collection Number: 91005 Contributing Institution: Hoover Institution Library and Archives Language of Material: English Physical Description: 772 manuscript boxes, 2 oversize boxes, 1 envelope, 5 sound cassettes, 2 motion picture film reels(325.0 Linear Feet) Abstract: Speeches, correspondence, memoranda, reports, schedules, press releases, legal documents, printed matter, photographs, and sound recordings related to California politics and administration of the California state government during the governorship of Ronald Reagan; and to American domestic policy, Republican Party politics, and federal administration of justice during the presidency of Ronald Reagan. Digital copies of select records also available at https://digitalcollections.hoover.org. Creator: Meese, Edwin Hoover Institution Library & Archives Access The collection is open for research; materials must be requested at least two business days in advance of intended use. Publication Rights For copyright status, please contact the Hoover Institution Library & Archives. Acquisition Information Materials were acquired by the Hoover Institution Library & Archives in 1991, with increments received in subsequent years. Preferred Citation [Identification of item], Edwin Meese papers, [Box no., Folder no. or title], Hoover Institution Library & Archives. -
(PCLOB) on Various Issues Surrounding Surveillance Pursuant to the Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Act (FISA) and Other Relevant Issues
Thank you for the opportunity to submit testimony to the Privacy and Civil Liberties Oversight Board (PCLOB) on various issues surrounding surveillance pursuant to the Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Act (FISA) and other relevant issues. I am Jake Laperruque, senior counsel for The Constitution Project at the Project On Government Oversight (POGO). POGO is a nonpartisan independent watchdog that investigates and exposes waste, corruption, abuse of power, and when the government fails to serve the public or silences those who report wrongdoing. We champion reforms to achieve a more effective, ethical, and accountable federal government that safeguards constitutional principles. The Constitution Project at POGO strives to protect individuals from improper and overbroad surveillance, especially when such surveillance is conducted in the name of national security. The Constitution Project has long advocated for increased accountability, oversight, and proper checks of a FISA process that is too often subject to scrutiny that is too weak.1 My testimony examines a variety of legal and policy issues across a wide array of surveillance authorities; before discussing each of these issues in turn, I believe it is valuable to note several key observations relating to national security surveillance that affect virtually all of the issues FISA addresses. First, over the past several decades, FISA surveillance has significantly shifted in focus from counterespionage to counterterrorism. This has inherently pulled FISA into the realm of law enforcement investigations and activities. Yet, even as FISA has increasingly become a tool for domestic law enforcement, there has not been a similar shift in safeguards on these authorities to ensure the protection of due process and civil liberties that is expected of criminal proceedings. -
A Matiter of Judgment, Not a Matter of Opinion
A MATITER OF JUDGMENT, NOT A MATTER OF OPINION EDWARD A. HARTNETr In this Article Professor Hartnett enters the longstanding debate over whether elected officials are obliged to follow the Supreme Court's interpretationof the Constitution. Responding to a call by Professors Larry Aleranderand Frederick Shauer for complete deference to judicial opinions-a stance echoed by a broad range of scholars, now including former auntideference advocate Edwin AMeese- ProfessorHartnett attempts to identify seriousflaws in this position. He maintains that because the scope of tie judicialrole is narrowly limited to deciding cases and controversies, and not "pronouncingthe law," there is a profound distinction be- tween judgments and opinions. Therefor, we should not confuse deference with obedience and grant tire Supreme Court a monopoly on constitutional interpretation. More than one hundred and ninety-five years after Marbury v. Madison,' one hundred and forty years after the Lincoln/Douglas de- bates, 2 forty years after Cooper v. Aaron,3 and a dozen years after Attorney General Edwin Meese was criticized for agreeing with President Lincoln,4 we continue to debate whether elected officials * Visiting Associate Professor of Law, University of Virginia (Fall 1998), Scholar in Residence (Spring 1999); Professor, Seton Hall University. A.B., 1982, Harvard Univer- sity, J.D., 1985, New York University. Earl C. Dudley, Louis Fisher, John C. Harrison, John V. Jacobi, John C. Jeffries, John C. Nagle, Michael S. Paulsen, John M. Rogers, and Charles A. Sullivan contributed valuable insights to this Article. 1 5 U.S. (1 Cranch) 137, 177 (1803) ("It is emphatically the province and duty of the judicial department to say what the law is.