Student Activism, Diversity, and the Struggle for a Just Society

INTRODUCTION Student Activism, Diversity, and the Struggle for a Just Society

Robert A. Rhoads University of California, Los Angeles

This introductory article provides a historical overview of various student movements and forms of student activism from the beginning of the Civil Rights Movement to the present. Accordingly, the historical trajectory of student activism is framed in terms of 3 broad periods: the sixties, the postsixties, and the contemporary context. The author pays particular attention to student organizing to address racial inequality as well as other forms of diversity. The article serves as an introduction to this special issue and includes a brief summary of the remainder of the issue’s content.

Keywords: student activism, student movements, student organizing, social justice, campus-based inequality

During the early 1990s, as a doctoral student campus, including in classrooms and residence in sociology and higher education, I began to halls. The students also participated in the 1993 systematically explore forms of activism and March on Washington for lesbian, gay, and direct action on the part of U.S. college stu- bisexual rights. I too joined the march and re- dents. My dissertation work focused on gay and corded many of the students’ experiences and bisexual males, including most notably their reﬂections, some of which are included in Com- coming out experiences and the subsequent en- ing Out in College. gagement by a subpopulation of my sample in Studying gay and bisexual males was just the queer politics and related activism. As I noted in beginning of a long research journey focused on Coming Out in College: The Struggle for a the role college students play in addressing a Queer Identity (Rhoads, 1994), the book ver- range of diversity issues. In Freedom’s Web: sion of my dissertation, identifying as “queer” Student Activism in an Age of Cultural Diversity was in part a recognition of “a political effort (Rhoads, 1998), I centered the struggles of stu- designed to create greater awareness and dents to address a variety of multicultural con- achieve increased rights and visibility for all cerns that emerged on U.S. campuses during the queer people” (p. 113). The queer students in 1990s. Cases of student activism included in my study engaged in a variety of direct action Freedom’s Web represented an array of issues strategies, most notably organizing coming out related to race, gender, and sexual orientation, rallies, queer pride events, protest demonstrations, and facilitating “straight talks” (con- primarily in terms of campus opportunity struc- sciousness raising presentations) throughout the tures that may promote or limit diversity.

This document is copyrighted by the American Psychological Association or one of its allied publishers. Around this time, I also conducted research on

This article is intended solely for the personal use of the individual user and is not to be disseminated broadly. student outreach in the form of engagement in community service projects, leading to the Editor’s Note. This is an introduction to the special issue book, Community Service and Higher Learn- “Student Activism.” Please see the Table of Contents here: ing: Explorations of the Caring Self (Rhoads, http://psycnet.apa.org/journals/dhe/9/3/.—RLW 1997). More recently, my work in the area of student activism turned to student-initiated re- Correspondence concerning this article should be ad- tention and recruitment projects in which I ex- dressed to Robert A. Rhoads, Graduate School of Education amined race- and ethnic-based student organi- and Information Studies, University of California, Los An- geles, 3321 Moore Hall, Box # 951521, Los Angeles, CA zations and their contributions to strengthening 90095-1521. E-mail: [email protected] college access and success (Maldonado,

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Rhoads, & Buenavista, 2005). With the help of one considers the key role students have played several doctoral students (often with them tak- and continue to play in forging diversity-related ing the lead), I continue to work on studies of reforms. Furthermore, I have argued in previous race- and ethnic-based organizing, as well as work that scholars of higher education have not undocumented student and ally activism, and given adequate attention to the role of social union-related organizing. movements—including student movements—in My work in the area of student activism and fostering the conditions for higher education diversity was what led the editors of the Journal reform (Rhoads, 2009; Rhoads & Liu, 2009; of Diversity in Higher Education (JDHE)toask Rhoads, Saenz, & Carducci, 2005). Conse- me to serve as guest editor for this special issue. quently, this special issue begins to address The goal of this issue is to examine current and some of these concerns. We see the papers recent trends in student activism as it pertains to included herein contributing in significant advancing diversity. JDHE’s initial call for pa- ways to expanding knowledge of the com- pers stressed the importance of recent activism plexities and importance of diversity-related related to issues such as #BlackLivesMatter, student activism and movements. sexual violence on campuses and Title IX, immigration reform and the Dreamers movement, and economic concerns such as those high- Student Activism in “The Sixties” lighted by the Occupy Wall Street movement, among other issues. Tragic killings of Black On February 1, 1960 four Black students at males such as Eric Garner, Michael Brown, North Carolina A&T—David Richmond, Freddie Gray, and Tamir Rice at the hands of Ezell Blair, Jr., Joseph McNeil, and Franklin police have been particularly compelling, as McCain—occupied four lunch counter seats at colleges and universities throughout the country Woolworths in downtown Greensboro. The have witnessed a rise in student organizing to seats were in the “Whites Only” section of the address racism both in terms of local campuses department store. Woolworths refused to serve and the broader society. But many of the con- them but the students did not relinquish their temporary challenges student organizers face seats. When the department store closed the have important historical antecedents, some of students left, only to return the next day to which I explore in this article. My historical prolong their protest of segregated services. analysis is in keeping with assumptions I hold Newspapers throughout the United States reported as a critical theorist, including the contention the events in Greensboro and in subsequent days that challenging oppression and marginality in- similar protests broke out throughout the South. volves coming to terms with history and culture. The four North Carolina A&T students thus With the preceding in mind, my intent in this helped to launch what many believe to be the most introductory article is to provide a historical important period of student activism, known to overview of student activism in the United many as simply “The Sixties.” States as a way of framing this special issue. I As college students assumed center stage in pay particular attention to race and racial issues, protesting segregated facilities, the sit-in was but consider other aspects of diversity as well. restrategized in the form of stand-ins in some The period of interest for me begins around the locales, such as when students in the Nashville time of the Civil Rights Movement (CRM) and Student Movement (NSM) worked to integrate This document is copyrighted by the American Psychological Association or one of its allied publishers. then proceeds to the present. I place significant the city’s movie theaters. John Lewis, then stu- This article is intended solely for the personal use of the individual user and is not to be disseminated broadly. emphasis on key developments of the 1960s, dent leader of the NSM and today U.S. Repre- given their long-lasting impact on political and sentative for Georgia’s 5th congressional dis- cultural life in the United States. Following the trict, described the strategy in his memoir historical overview, I summarize the key con- Walking with the Wind (Lewis, 1998): tributions of the other seven articles selected for We would approach the ticket window of each theater, this special issue. form a long line, and one by one ask for a seat inside. The commitment of the editorial staff of JDHE When refused, we would either return to the end of the line or move to a line at the next theater. Not only were and myself as guest editor reflects a belief that we visibly demonstrating against the segregationist student activism deserves greater research atten- policies of these theaters, we were tying up their ticket tion than it typically receives, especially when lines as well. (p. 125) STUDENT ACTIVISM AND DIVERSITY 191

While a student at American Baptist Theologi- some sense: “We have to wage a psychological cal Seminary, Lewis went on to participate in battle on the right for black people to define the 1961 Freedom Rides as groups of civil their own terms, define themselves as they see rights activists rode interstate buses throughout fit and organize themselves as they see fit” (p. the South to integrate interstate bus terminals. 465). The Freedom Rides followed the Supreme The epitome of Black Power was captured by Court’s, 1960 Boynton v. Virginia decision in the Black Panther Party (BPP), originally orga- which segregated bus terminals were ruled to be nized in 1966 by Huey Newton and Bobby in violation of the Interstate Commerce Act. Seale, two students at Merritt College in Oak- Black students in particular played a pivotal land (the college was later renamed Oakland role in shaping campus activism of the 1960s City College). The BPP produced a 10-point (Flowers, 1998; Morris, 1981). For example, plan aimed at improving the living standards of Anne Moody, a student at Tougaloo College, Blacks, including demands that addressed full helped to register voters and integrate segre- employment, decent housing, education that ex- gated facilities while volunteering with main- poses the true nature and history of American stream civil rights organizations such as the society, exemptions from military service for Congress of Racial Equality (CORE) and the Black men, and an end to police brutality and National Association for the Advancement of murder of Black people. The Panthers, of Colored People (NAACP). Her autobiography, course, captured the attention of the U.S. media Coming of Age in Mississippi (Moody, 1968)is by deploying guns while monitoring police with considered a classic in terms of its first-hand the goal of deterring police brutality against account of segregated life in the South and the Blacks. The story of how the Panthers raised courage required to challenge it. In one passage money to buy guns in Oakland is shared by she described her feelings after participating in Bobby Seale in the documentary film Berkeley a lunch-counter sit-in in Jackson, Mississippi: in the Sixties: He describes purchasing hundreds of Mao Tse-tung’s (also Mao Zedong) The Lit- After the sit-in, all I could think of was how sick Mississippi Whites were. They believed so much in the tle Red Book for 20 cents a piece with fellow segregated Southern way of life, they would kill to Panthers Huey Newton and Bobby Hutton and preserve it. I sat there in the NAACP office and thought then selling them for a dollar at Sather Gate on of how many times they had killed when this way of the UC Berkeley campus. But the BPP did life was threatened. I knew that the killing had just much more than simply monitor police officers; begun. (p. 290) they also developed and implemented food and Although Moody’s activism was primarily clothing banks (provided for free), child devel- tied to organizations promoting Gandhian civil opment centers, free breakfast programs (for disobedience, other Black students adopted children), employment services, community more confrontational approaches while seeking health classes, and a variety of community- to advance “Black Power.” Stokely Carmichael, oriented counseling programs (Brown, 1992; a Freedom Rider and later chairman of the Stu- Hilliard & Cole, 1993). dent Nonviolent Coordinating Committee The BPP also played a critical role in shaping (SNCC), played a major role in advancing university curricula, getting involved in promot- Black Power as an idea and strategy, building ing the Black Student Union (BSU) movement on the thinking of writer and activist Richard and the development of Black Studies programs This document is copyrighted by the American Psychological Association or one of its allied publishers. Wright. In a speech delivered at UC Berkeley in (Biondi, 2012; Joseph, 2003; Rojas, 2007). This This article is intended solely for the personal use of the individual user and is not to be disseminated broadly. November 1966, Carmichael described Black was the case at San Francisco State College Power as a call to group empowerment, as op- (SFSC), now San Francisco State University, in posed to what he saw as the kind of individu- the late 1960s, when the BPP and SNCC sup- alized struggle encouraged by the larger White- ported the efforts of student activists such as dominated society. He stressed that Blacks “are SFSC’s BSU leader Jimmy Garrett. Included oppressed as a group because we are Black... among a host of direct action tactics promoted and in order to get out of that oppression, one by Garrett and other student activists were cam- must feel the group power that one has” (Car- pus demonstrations, consciousness-raising pro- michael, 1968, p. 460). He saw Black Power in grams and lectures (aimed at advancing Black part as a form of self-representation, cathartic in nationalism), the development and offering of 192 RHOADS

student-led Black-themed courses, and the dis- The fact that women might be excluded ruption of classes in the form of a student strike from historical analyses of the 1960s student (Biondi, 2012; Rojas, 2007). Taking full advan- movements is hardly surprising, especially tage of opportunities offered through SFSC’s when reading accounts of women’s marginal- Experimental College, student activists created ity within the CRM and Peace Movement (in the first Black Studies curriculum. The fact that opposition to U.S. involvement in the Viet- the earliest Black Studies programs were ad- nam War). For example, in Personal Politics, vanced primarily by student activists offers ev- Sara Evans (1980) pointed to shortcomings idence of the power students hold when com- within both the CRM and the New Left that mitted and well organized. limited the roles of women, but which ulti- The Chicano/a Student Movement (CSM) mately helped give rise to a stronger Wom- also gained strength in the late 1960s, with Los en’s Liberation Movement. In James Miller’s Angeles arguably serving as a touchstone for (1994) treatment of Students for a Democratic the broader movement. CSM organizing strate- Society (SDS), he documented how female gies often encompassed collaborations among activists in SDS sought refuge in women’s students at both the university and high school restrooms at various conferences and meet- levels. This was the case in 1968 when college ings as a means to escape male chauvinism. students from university-based student organi- Doug McAdam’s (1988) Freedom Summer, zations such as the United Mexican American which focused on a major civil rights initia- Students (UMAS) and the Mexican American tive led by activist and organizer Robert Mo- Student Association (MASA), along with sup- ses, revealed similar forms of bias against port of the community-based Brown Berets, women evident in the day-to-day interactions helped to organize a walkout by more than and endeavors of student activists (see also 10,000 students at several East LA high schools McAdam, 1992). And more broadly speaking, (known to many as the “East LA blowouts”). Michelle Wallace’s (1999) Black Macho and The students’ concerns focused on deplorable the Myth of the Superwoman, originally pub- educational conditions, including overcrowded lished in 1978, called out Black Power poli- classrooms, a lack of cultural understanding tics for the silencing of Black women’s sub- among teachers, dilapidated buildings, and rac- jectivity, which she argued was the result of ism on the part of teachers and administrators Black assimilation into U.S. society and a loss aimed at undermining educational and career of cultural continuity. aspirations. The experience of marginality within Seeking to refashion narratives about Chi- movements supposedly driven by egalitarian cano/a student activism, in light of previous values contributed to a growing awareness scholars neglecting the work of Chicanas, among women activists that they too needed Dolores Delgado Bernal (1998) analyzed the their own struggle, in part adding verve to an East LA blowouts by focusing on the critical increasingly influential Women’s Liberation role women played in organizing and advanc- Movement. Consequently, as various race- ing the overall movement. Using a methodol- and ethnic-based student organizations in the ogy combining oral history and “critical fem- late 1960s and throughout the 1970s sought to inisms...strongly influenced by women of develop academic programs to meet their color” (p. 114), Delgado Bernal highlighted needs, female students and faculty also orga- This document is copyrighted by the American Psychological Association or one of its allied publishers. the contributions of eight key female stu- nized to push colleges and universities to This article is intended solely for the personal use of the individual user and is not to be disseminated broadly. dents. As part of reconceptualizing grassroots adopt Women’s Studies programs as well as leadership, she delineated five contributions address a wide array of issues affecting wom- involving developing consciousness, holding en’s lives (Boxer, 1998). Given the important an office, networking, organizing, and acting role of campus organizing around women’s as a spokesperson (p. 124). Delgado Bernal issues, it is not surprising that many of the not only sought to refashion historical narra- bastions of women’s liberation were college tives by incorporating women’s counter sto- towns sprinkled across New England and the ries, but essentially she worked to challenge Midwest (Evans, 1980). These movements androcentric notions of leadership in the con- though tended to reflect a limited positionality text of activism. rooted in White middle-class values, which STUDENT ACTIVISM AND DIVERSITY 193

eventually became the target of criticism by period of youth-led upheaval. Campus-based feminist scholars of color such as Patricia Hill antiwar activism grew from many of the larg- Collins, Kimberlé Crenshaw, bell hooks, and est university campuses such as the Univer- Audre Lorde, among others. Their work sity of Wisconsin and the University of Cal- called attention to the importance of intersec- ifornia Berkeley. Just as Black Power tionality, both in terms of scholarship and influenced a more confrontational approach to activism; issues of intersectionality continue civil rights organizing, antiwar efforts led by to influence the thinking and organizing of college students too adopted more aggressive contemporary student activists. tactics, adopting slogans such as “Bring the The final year of the decade of the 1960s War Home” and “From Protest to Resis- was a pivotal one for race- and ethnic-based tance.” The shift in strategy to actually trying student organizing. This was the year Mexi- to block or prevent the U.S. government from can American students and activists met in waging war in Vietnam largely emerged out Santa Barbara and produced El Plan de Santa of frustration with civil disobedience tactics Barbara, essentially a manifesto delineating and perception that U.S. military involvement strategies and responsibilities for Chicano/a in Vietnam was in fact increasing as the de- student activists and a defining document for cade unfolded. Early antiwar strategies cap- student organizations such as the Movimiento tured by the use of petitions, rallies, sit-ins, Estudiantil Chicano de Aztlán, or MEChA, as and teach-ins, such as those organized by the it is more commonly known. The year 1969 UC Berkeley Vietnam Day Committee (VDC) also was a pivotal one for the nation’s Amer- in May, 1965 (Degroot, 1998), and then later ican Indian population as about 400 activists, evidenced by draft-card-burning demonstra- including many California college students, tions (following reenactment of the Selective occupied the abandoned Alcatraz Island, Service Act in 1967), did not seem to have the claiming it in the name of an existing treaty impact student organizers sought. Frustration promising all abandoned federal land be re- thus contributed to the rise of the Weather- turned to American Indians. Although the Al- men (also known as the “Weatherman” and catraz Island occupation was not carried out “Weather Underground”), a group within officially by the American Indian Movement, SDS that gained control of the organization AIM nonetheless benefited from the success- and proceeded to wage war against the U.S. ful 19-month occupation in terms of generat- government mainly by bombing federal building increased interest and commitment to the ings (Heineman, 1993). ongoing struggle of American Indians. The There continues to be disagreement about year also marked the culmination of the Third the degree to which student-led antiwar activ- World Liberation Front (TWLF) strike at ism—both in terms of peaceful protest and SFSC leading to the founding one of the first more confrontational tactics—actually im- Black Studies programs. Finally, 1969 for pacted U.S. policy in Vietnam, but there is no many marks the rise of a truly forceful Gay disputing the fact that J. Edgar Hoover, for- Liberation Movement with its birth often mer FBI Director, saw the antiwar movement, linked to the Stonewall Rebellion in Green- as well as the civil rights movement, as clear wich Village in June. Although it was not a threats to domestic security, as he defined it. student-led revolt, it became a key event in The perceived threat of protest movements This document is copyrighted by the American Psychological Association or one of its allied publishers. establishing a more assertive and prideful ap- led Hoover to launch COINTELPRO—the This article is intended solely for the personal use of the individual user and is not to be disseminated broadly. proach among student activists committed to FBI’s counter intelligence program employ- gay liberation. ing covert and illegal tactics to undermine “The Sixties”—as a form of zeitgeist—is various organizations contributing to antiwar often seen as extending into the early to mid- and civil rights movements (U.S. Senate, 1970s, perhaps up until the withdrawal of the 1976). last U.S. troops from Saigon in April, 1975 (Gitlin, 1987). Although civil rights initia- Post-Sixties Student Activism tives were key in defining this era of activism, antiwar efforts targeting U.S. involvement in As civil rights struggle faced growing op- Vietnam were also critical in shaping this position in the form of rising conservatism 194 RHOADS

against progressive social change and legisla- ident Joab Thomas to add a sexual orientation tion (Apple, 2000; Rhoads, Saenz, & Car- clause to the university’s statement of nondis- ducci, 2005), the movement to expand wom- crimination. Ultimately, they were successful, en’s rights continued throughout the 1970s but not until years of consciousness raising and into the 1980s and shared the stage to activities in the form of gay pride rallies, some extent with a growing Gay Liberation marches, kiss-ins, and straight talks. A threat Movement. Some of the first gay organiza- to take over the president’s office also helped, tions to show up on university campuses, and at least according to several queer activists in following in the footsteps of the Stonewall LGBSA (Rhoads, 1994). Rebellion, adopted the term “homophile” The divestment movement of the 1980s such as at Pennsylvania State University, connected U.S. student activism to a more where the key organization in the early 1970s international cause, as students around the was “Homophiles of Penn State” or “HOPS.” country engaged in direct action activities The organization served to protect and ad- aimed at forcing universities to end their in- vance rights and equal opportunities for les- vestments in companies doing business in bian, gay, and bisexual (LGB) students, while South Africa. A mainstay of student strategies also seeking to raise campus awareness. Ac- was the construction of shanty towns on cam- tivists in HOPS had much to confront in the puses as a means of raising awareness about early 1970s, given the nature of societal atti- the impoverished lives of Blacks in South tudes toward homosexuality, including the Africa under the brutal system of apartheid. fact that the American Psychiatric Associa- Student organizing at Columbia University tion’s Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of was one such example when in April, 1985 Mental Disorders (DSM–II) classified homo- student activists participating in the Coalition sexuality as a mental illness until 1974. HOPS for a Free South Africa (CFSA), founded at actually offers a good example of the chal- Columbia in 1981, conducted a blockade of lenges confronting LGB students of the Hamilton Hall that lasted three weeks. Five 1970s, as was highlighted in Coming Out in months following the end of CFSA’s block- College. Although my research focused on ade, Columbia’s trustees divested (Hirsch, the emergence of a more activist-oriented 1990). queer movement among gay and bisexual stu- In Freedom’s Web (1998), I sought to cap- dents during the early 1990s, in reviewing the ture the tenor of student activism during the history of Penn State relative to its treatment early to mid-1990s, which I argued built on of LGB students I came upon a particularly the energy generated by the divestment move- egregious case offering insight into the kinds ment while extending the democratic ideals of challenges student activists such as those in associated with the earlier Civil Rights Move- HOPS faced in the 1970s. ment (CRM). A difference though with stu- Joseph Acanfora was a Penn State under- dent organizing of the 1990s—by comparison graduate education major conducting his stu- to the 1960s—was a shift from a focus on dent teaching assignment (a necessity for rights to paying greater attention to opportu- graduating with a teaching certificate at Penn nity, especially in terms of improving higher State) in 1972 when the university pulled him education access and campus climates for un- from his site after finding out he was a mem- derrepresented and marginalized populations. This document is copyrighted by the American Psychological Association or one of its allied publishers. ber of HOPS. After a board of six deans Ideals linked to multiculturalism and cultural This article is intended solely for the personal use of the individual user and is not to be disseminated broadly. constituting Penn State’s Teacher Certifica- diversity were the defining concerns, high- tion Council split their vote on whether to lighted by several cases in Freedom’s Web. certify Acanfora, the case went before Penn- A central goal of Freedom’s Web (1998) sylvania Secretary of Education, John C. Pit- was to counter arguments advanced by schol- tenger, who eventually decided in Acanfora’s ars of both conservative and liberal ilk— favor. Some 20 years later, queer students in including the likes of Nathan Glazer (1997) and Penn State’s Lesbian, Gay, and Bisexual Stu- Arthur Schlesinger, Jr. (1992)—that U.S. cam- dent Alliance (LGBSA) continued to battle a puses were “balkanized” by forms of “ethnic hostile campus climate as they pushed a tribalism” representing a betrayal of the Amer- highly resistance Board of Trustees and Pres- ican dream of a pluralist democracy (essen- STUDENT ACTIVISM AND DIVERSITY 195

tially, the “melting pot” idea). Accordingly, I action, including organizing a 50,000 person pointed to several significant campus move- proaffirmative action march on Washington, ments including protests at Rutgers University DC in April, 2003 (organized in conjunction in which a multiracial coalition of students with the original California-based BAMN). (United Student Coalition or USC), led by Af- The roots of African American student activ- rican American students, challenged racist com- ism at UM though extended back to the late ments made by then Rutgers President Francis 1960s in the form of the Black Action Move- Lawrence. Another case involved UCLA stu- ment or BAM, which waged a long struggle to dents organizing across racial lines (Conscious diversify the university racially as well as Students of Color or CSC) to push for the ele- challenge racism on campus. BAM demands vation of Chicano Studies from interdepartmen- over a period of three decades not only fo- tal program to a lone-standing academic depart- cused on the makeup and experiences of the ment. Michigan State University’s Native student body, but also raised issues about American students, assisted in significant ways faculty of color underrepresentation. In part, by members of MSU’s MEChA, engaged in an it was the response of the university to extended mid-1990s battle with then Republi- BAM’s demands and a belief in the necessity can governor John Engler over his intent to end of the university to diversify through affirma- the Michigan Indian Tuition Waiver Program tive action that ultimately led to challenges (MITWP). Other cases of student activism, in- brought by White applicants in the Grutter cluding the 1990 Mills College Strike and the and Gratz cases. The verdict, of course, was Free Burma Coalition (FBC), an international that the university could focus on diversifying movement centered at the University of Wis- the student body, but only in a manner con- consin, revealed the willingness of students to sistent with more holistic application reviews work across racial and ethnic lines—and even conducted by the UM Law School (Grutter). national lines in the case of the FBC—in the The direct action of BAMN is consistent name of equity and advancing democracy. with an argument offered by Rhoads, Saenz, In light of charges of rejecting the Ameri- and Carducci (2005), who contended that so- can pluralist dream, it is no wonder that to- cial movements better explain the success or day’s student activists, often led by students of color working in opposition to the idea of failure of reforms such as affirmative action, a color-blind society, have come to see the and that claims of constitutionality often “melting pot” suggestion as a form of micro- serve to mask the ideology and politics un- aggression resistant to recognizing the racial dergirding support or opposition to particular diversity of U.S. society (Schmidt, 2015). In- reforms. Given such a context, they argued deed, racial issues, including the struggle for that the activism of BAMN among other pro- racial equality and opposition to difficult-to- gressive groups is critical to advancing equi- extinguish racism, have come to play a central ty-oriented reform. In building their argu- role in contemporary student activism. ment, they posited that progressive reforms associated with the earlier CRM, enacted leg- The Contemporary Context islatively and policy-wise in the form of the Great Society, represented the effectiveness In the early years of the 21st century, the of social movement politics. Affirmative ac- This document is copyrighted by the American Psychological Association or one of its allied publishers. University of Michigan (UM) and two court tion, for example, emerged in the context of This article is intended solely for the personal use of the individual user and is not to be disseminated broadly. cases relating to the consideration of race in an increasingly influential CRM, combined university admissions—Grutter v. Bollinger with growing urban rebellion by Black Amer- and Gratz v. Bollinger—revealed the deep icans dissatisfied with the opportunity struc- commitment of African American student ac- ture and racism of U.S. society. But no sooner tivists to addressing racial equality. Coalesc- than progressive politics asserted itself, con- ing around BAMN (Coalition to Defend Af- servatism offered an aggressive counter re- firmative Action, Integration and Immigration sponse to affirmative action and other social Rights and Fight for Equality By Any Means reforms characteristic of a progressive era. Necessary), student organizers engaged in a This shift, which Apple (2000) described as variety of protests in support of affirmative the “conservative restoration,” was clearly 196 RHOADS

tied to ideologically driven political organiz- was the case with the later #BlackLivesMatter ing. As Rhoads et al. (2005) noted: movement, OWS was greatly strengthened by social media, especially Twitter, with such in- The 1980s...signaled a change in the prevailing political and judicial winds. In time, 12 years of judicial appoint- fluence described as “Twitter revolutions” ments under Presidents Reagan and George Bush effec- (Tremayne, 2014, p. 111). tively reshaped the ideological landscape of the federal #BlackLivesMatter, a movement founded by bench and provided the impetus for opponents to renew Patrisse Cullors-Brignac, Alicia Garza, and their attacks on affirmative action. (p. 205) Opal Tometi, also has sought to address police The authors concluded that support from orga- violence. Initially, it started simply as a hashtag nizations such as BAMN “may prove crucial in appearing subsequent to the trial and acquittal preserving and strengthening affirmative action of George Zimmerman in the shooting death of in the coming years” (p. 214).1 17-year-old Trayvon Martin under Florida’s More recently, BAMN has played a key controversial “Stand Your Ground” law. Other role in challenging declines in the quality and deaths, specifically at the hands of police offi- opportunity structure of public education, cers (Zimmerman was a neighborhood watch while also protesting police violence in mi- coordinator in a gated community), including nority communities, especially against males the Ferguson, Missouri shooting of Michael of color. BAMN at UC Berkeley, for exam- Brown, the Statin Island chokehold death of ple, organized a campus rally in March, 2015, Eric Garner, and the Cleveland police shooting making a number of demands, including the of 12-year-old Tamir Rice, among others, have following: adoption of a UC Berkeley/ further fueled the activism of the #BlackLives- Oakland 10% plan, make UC Berkeley a Matter movement. Writing for the Huffington sanctuary for undocumented students and Post, Tometi, Garza, and Cullors-Brignac workers by denying Immigration and Cus- (2015) explained their rationale: toms Enforcement (ICE) access to the univer- When we founded #BlackLivesMatter in 2013, we sity, stop racist attacks against youth of color, wanted to create a political space within and among and remove Janet Napolitano as President of our communities for activism that could stand firmly the UC. Another demand was to “jail the on the shoulders of movements that have come before us, such as the civil rights movement, while innovating killer cops,” with students stressing that “a on its strategies, practices and approaches to finally 2 badge is not a license to kill.” centralize the leadership of those existing at the mar- Occupy Wall Street (OWS) was an econom- gins of our economy and our society. ically driven struggle born in 2011 and involv- The article went on to share that all three ing protests on Wall Street over the growing founders are Black women with two identify- power of corporations and the wealthiest one ing as queer and a third emphasizing her percent to control much of life for the remaining Nigerian American identity. The three women 99%, including economic and social policies. stress the intersectionality of marginalized The original movement quickly produced hun- identities as part of their strategic vision, not- dreds of offshoots, with student-led encamp- ing that, ments forming at many of the nation’s colleges and universities. One of the most noteworthy Black trans people, Black queer people, Black immi- cases were the protests of students at the Uni- grants, Black incarcerated people and formerly incar-

This document is copyrighted by the American Psychological Association or one of its allied publishers. cerated people, Black millennials, Black women, low versity of California Davis and the horrific de- income Black people, and Black people with disabili- This article is intended solely for the personal use of the individualcision user and is not to be disseminated broadly. by campus police to pepper spray nonviolent student protesters engaged in a sit-in (Bell, 2011). Although student activists generally 1 On the day this article was completed and submitted for the final production stage for publication the U.S. Supreme stood in solidarity with the fundamental con- Court ruled 4-3 in favor of the use of race-conscious ad- cerns of the OWS movement, including support missions in Fisher v. University of Texas at Austin. The for labor and poor communities, they further decision came some four months after the passing of Su- translated the movement’s vision “by organiz- preme Court Justice Antonin Scalia, a staunch opponent of affirmative action. ing on campuses to fight back against tuition 2 Points here derive from BAMN’s web site: http://www hikes and the general privatization of colleges .bamn.com/social-justice/uc-berkeley-march-public-education- and universities” (McCarthy, 2012, p. 50). As for-all-not-segregation-privatization-and-police-repression STUDENT ACTIVISM AND DIVERSITY 197

ties are at the front, exercising a new leadership that is mented students, including the passage of leg- bold, innovative, and radical. islation enabling them to benefit from federal The Black Lives Matter website describes this and state financial aid programs, perhaps the as a “tactic to (re)build the Black liberation greatest progress has come through undocu- movement.”3 The #BlackLivesMatter move- mented students pursuing their own forms of ment also serves to highlight the ways in which activism. Often described as “Dreamers,” be- social media have transformed direct action or- cause of their support for the Development, ganizing. Relief, and Education for Alien Minors Although not specifically a campus move- (DREAM) Act, students have risked deporta- ment, #BlackLivesMatter certainly has found tion to raise awareness of a host of immigration- much support at colleges and universities related issues (Chen & Rhoads, 2016). throughout the country. For example, faculty at Early on, Dreamers focused primarily on pas- Dartmouth College constructed a new course sage of the DREAM Act, but as the movement focused on racial inequality and violence in evolved it took on a broader more long-term America titled “10 Weeks, 10 Professors: vision: #BlackLivesMatter.” A professor commented The civil disobedience reflects how the undocumented on the impetus for the course: “It reflects faculty youth movement has transitioned and transformed— support for student activism over the past sev- from a movement that was initially focused on building support for the DREAM Act to one that has increas- eral years around issues of inclusion, social ingly used direct action to bring attention to broader justice, and campus climate” (Dickerson, 2015). issues of immigrant, civil, and human rights as a strat- A student-led example of support for #Black- egy for social and policy change. (Zimmerman, 2011, LivesMatter took place in April, 2015 during p. 14) Cal Day, when students in UC Berkeley’s Black The activism of Dreamers, and the risks they Student Union (BSU) blocked entrance to the take, has inspired others to become more en- campus at Sather Gate, while holding the ban- gaged as well. For example, and based primarily ner “#BlackLivesMatter,” and temporarily in- on the initiative of one of my doctoral students, conveniencing visitors. “This inconvenience is we found that an institutional allies movement nothing compared to the inconvenience that of supportive faculty and staff was largely the black students feel on this campus,” explained outgrowth of undocumented student activism. Myles Santifer, chair of the BSU (Wen, 2015). Indeed, nearly everyone interviewed as part of These sorts of campus protests have become the project acknowledged that if not for undoc- quite common, including at Harvard University, umented student organizing there likely would where student activists hoped to avoid “the slow not have been an allies movement at the uni- fizzle that ended the Occupy Wall Street move- versity studied (Chen & Rhoads, 2016). ment in 2011” by implementing a series of Although race- and immigrant-related equity protests including a die-in with the goal of concerns have marked a good deal of student bringing “new momentum to the ‘Black Lives activism during the early part of the 21st cen- Matter’ movement” (Bohlen, 2014). tury, violence against women and related Title Another key struggle taken up by contempo- IX issues have also been highly influential in rary student activists concerns the plight of un- generating student direct action. Few such pro- documented students. The issues here have been tests drew more publicity than Columbia Uni- This document is copyrighted by the American Psychological Association or one of its allied publishers. examined by a number of scholars who have

This article is intended solely for the personal use of the individual user and is not to be disseminated broadly. versity undergraduate student Emma Sulkowicz identiﬁed several major challenges facing un- carrying her mattress on her back around cam- documented college students, including limited pus to protest the university’s treatment of rape ﬁnancial aid, inadequate institutional resources, allegations she made against a fellow Columbia inability to seek employment to support their student. As Lauren Gambino (2015), writing for education, and psychological distress tied to The Guardian, noted, their undocumented status (Albrecht, 2007; Ol- ivérez, 2006; Perez, 2009; Perez & Cortes, Sulkowicz and her mattress became a powerful symbol of the movement to reform campus sexual assault 2011). Although numerous Asian American and Chicano/a student organizations have actively supported improved conditions for undocu- 3 http://blacklivesmatter.com/ 198 RHOADS

proceedings after she decided to drag it around campus Berkeley (Pérez-Peña & Taylor, 2014). Clearly, for her visual arts senior thesis, titled Mattress Perfor- student activism was having an impact. mance (Carry That Weight). She vowed to carry the mattress across the university’s New York campus and There have been other notable manifestations into classes until the school expelled the man she of contemporary student activism, including in the accused of raping her. international realm, such as the ongoing tension surrounding the Israeli-Palestinian issue, which The actions of Sulkowicz, along with other has generated widespread student rallies and reactions by universities to sexual assaults, counter rallies throughout the United States. But raised issues about the challenges U.S. colleges conceptions of student activism should go beyond and universities face in seeking to aggressively simply public demonstrations or protests. Al- confront accused students as part of supporting though less likely to generate newspaper head- victims, while balancing the rights of the ac- lines, college students working in low-income and cused. Many campus activists seeking to further disadvantaged communities may constitute one of victim’s rights have pushed for more aggressive the most common forms of campus-based activ- university policies against the accused, and stu- ism. For example, college students across the dent activists have brought great pressure on country commonly volunteer in organized activi- both government and university officials. For ties and programs to support academic achieve- example, in July, 2013 a small group of students ment and college going, typically at high schools and former students protested outside the De- in underrepresented minority communities. Such partment of Education in Washington, DC, call- projects in many instances also offer academic ing on the department’s Office for Civil Rights support for underrepresented students already en- (OCR) “to better enforce federal laws to protect rolled in college and many are student-initiated students from sexual assault.” The protesters and student-run and typically affiliated with race- were surprised when Under Secretary Martha and ethnic-based student organizations (Maldo- Kanter approached them and received box after nado, Rhoads, & Buenavista, 2005). The roots of box containing over 115,000 signed petitions in such projects often go back to a previous genera- support of their cause (Grasgreen, 2013). Be- tion of students involved in the early Ethnic Stud- yond Title IX-focused campaigns, annual cam- ies programs, given that many such programs pus events such as Take Back the Night stressed supporting and maintaining close ties marches and The Clothesline Project help to with communities of color. raise awareness about sexual assault and violence against women more generally. Summary Comments When in the past campus assault cases may have simply been swept under the rug, today’s The title for this article comes from an un- activists (often sexual assault victims them- dergraduate course I teach at UCLA, a course I selves) are taking full advantage of social media have taught for going on two decades now. to share their stories as well as key information. Typically, I offer the course in the fall and it Arguably, there is a sea change in attitudes tends to enroll 75 to 80 students, many of them leading to greater action by students and in- self-defined student activists. Class discussions creased attention from both politicians and uni- can be intense, as we deal with a host of sensi- versity administrators. Student organizers “have tive and highly politicized issues, including the This document is copyrighted by the American Psychological Association or one of its allied publishers. waged a grass-roots but sophisticated lobbying complex ways in which racism continues to This article is intended solely for the personal use of the individualcampaign user and is not to be disseminated broadly. on Capitol Hill....Victims of sexual operate on U.S. campuses. Such discussions assault, once stigmatized, are gaining courage necessitate that I be at my best in terms of to challenge institutions publicly, representing a keeping up with what’s going on in their lives generational and cultural shift” (Steinhauer, and in terms of closely following campus move- 2014). There is modest evidence to support such ments such as Concerned Student 1950, #Black- a claim: In May, 2014, a story in the New York LivesMatter, and Carry That Weight. Based on Times reported that 55 colleges and universities my experience teaching the course, plus years were in fact under investigation for their han- of research on student activism, including the dling of sexual assault cases, including Harvard, work for this article and special issue, there are Princeton, Florida State, Ohio State, and UC several points to keep in mind. STUDENT ACTIVISM AND DIVERSITY 199

First, it is necessary to recognize the serious A third point to consider is the need for a risks student activists often assume as they engage broad definition of student activism and recog- in direct action strategies to forge campus and nition that a good deal of contemporary engage- broader social change. Ranging from threat of life ment in campus change strategies involves and limb, to emotional and psychological strain, to forms of outreach to marginalized and disad- the basic costs of neglecting one’s studies as a vantaged communities and populations. Some consequence of devoting time and energy to or- of the students involved in efforts such as stu- ganizing, students clearly incur serious costs. But dent-initiated recruitment and retention projects their decision making rarely involves a cost- may be less likely to take to the streets, but they benefit analysis, as Hirsch (1990) pointed out in can be just as committed to social change as his study of the divestment movement at Colum- their more visible and outspoken peers. bia University: “Increased costs do not always Fourth, social media and the tools of the result in decreased participation in the movement; Internet clearly are transforming contemporary protesters often respond to threats of repression by student activism. The “digital era” requires developing a greater willingness to ignore per- high-tech skills and media literacy, as today’s sonal costs in favor of the collective struggle” (p. student activists seek to take full advantage of 244). At times, the costs can be deeply personal, the tools at their disposal (Tremayne, 2014). such as when Nashville Student Movement leader, From Occupy Wall Street to #BlackLivesMatter John Lewis, became alienated from his parents as to The Black Bruins (Spoken Word)—Sy a consequence of his efforts to challenge Jim Stokes—the latter a video production by UCLA Crow laws: students in protest of the underrepresentation of African American males on campus—students I lost my family that spring of 1960. When my parents demonstrate the sophisticated deployment of got word that I had been arrested—I wrote them a letter from the Nashville jail explaining what had happened technology and media. and that I was acting in accordance with my Christian A final point to consider is the continuing role faith—they were shocked. Shocked and ashamed. My social justice idealism plays as the defining mother made no distinction between being jailed for frame of reference for student activism. And drunkenness and being jailed for demonstrating for issues of diversity are front and center in terms civil rights. “You went to school to get an education,” she wrote me back. “You should get out of this move- of how social justice is considered. Accord- ment, just get out of that mess.” (Lewis, 1998, p. 115) ingly, racism continues to be the most powerful and compelling force in necessitating student But, of course, Lewis was getting an “educa- organizing for a just society, but also issues tion,” one that contributed to his eventual decision linked to sexism, classism, and heterosexism to serve his country as a Georgia Congressman. shape the work of contemporary student activ- Second, although involvement in student ac- ists. Recent campus movements noted in this tivism can at times detract from a student’s article profoundly highlight the frustrating real- academic pursuits given time constraints and ity that many of the most powerful forms of intense distractions, clearly such students have social inequality are deeply entrenched within vast opportunities for developing more ad- U.S. society. But despite the seemingly intrac- vanced organizational and social skills. I have table quality of discrimination, student activists seen evidence of this time and time again, based continue to bring great energy and verve to their both on my research as well as interactions with struggles. In many ways, this special issue pays This document is copyrighted by the American Psychological Association or one of its allied publishers. student organizers in my course. The sophisti- respect to their efforts and accomplishments and This article is intended solely for the personal use of the individual user and is not to be disseminated broadly. cated insights and forms of knowledge acquired further supports the power of student protest. in facilitating and guiding an array of student actors toward a collective endeavor should not Special Issue on Student Activism: be underestimated. These are complex learning What Follows outcomes that are unlikely to be developed through course readings and class discussions. The authors of the articles contained within For example, understanding the meaningful this special issue offer important insights into ways in which social identities influence lived diversity-related concerns and how students experience and interpretations of various events may serve as agents of campus change as well are powerful insights into the human condition. as broader social change. Following this article, 200 RHOADS

Hope, Keels, and Durkee (2016) in “Participa- results address both systemic challenges as well tion in Black Lives Matter and Deferred Action as recommendations for social change. for Childhood Arrivals: Modern Activism Among Black and Latino College Students” present findings from a survey of 533 Black and References Latino college students, highlighting both the rates of participation in activism as well as the Albrecht, T. J. (2007). Challenges and service needs complex ways in which psychological factors of undocumented Mexican undergraduate students: Students’ voices and administrators’ per- influence involvement in activism. In “Califor- spectives (Doctoral dissertation). The University nia Dreamers: Activism, Identity, and Empow- of Texas at Austin. Retrieved from Dissertations & erment Among Undocumented College Stu- Theses: A&I Database (Publication No. AAT dents,” DeAngelo, Schuster, and Stebleton 3290814). (2016) share findings from 16 interviews con- Apple, M. W. (2000). Between neoliberalism and ducted with undocumented students by offering neoconservatism: Education and conservatism in a insights into the ways in which activism con- global context. In N. C. Burbules & C. A. Torres tributes to an empowering sense of undocu- (Eds.), Globalization and education: Critical per- mented identity. In “From Margins to Main- spectives (pp. 57–77). New York, NY: Routledge. stream: Social Media as a Tool for Campus Bell, M. (2011, November, 21). Occupy Wall Street: UC Davis protests escalate after pepper spray use Sexual Violence Activism,” Linder, Myers, sparks anger. The Washington Post. Retrieved Riggle, and Lacy (2016) use Internet-related from http://www.washingtonpost.com ethnography to call attention to the growing role Biondi, M. (2012). The Black revolution on campus. of social media in student organizing, specifi- Berkeley, CA: University of California Press. cally addressing campus sexual violence. Bohlen, C. (2014, December, 16). Students see new Kimball, Moore, Vaccaro, Troiano, and hope in bias protests. New York Times. Retrieved Newman (2016) in “College Students with Dis- from http://www.nytimes.com abilities Redefine Activism: Self-Advocacy, Boxer, M. J. (1998). When women ask the questions: Storytelling and Collective Action” rely on a Creating women’s studies in America. Baltimore, constructivist grounded theory approach to of- MD: Johns Hopkins University Press. Brown, E. (1992). A taste of power: A Black woman’s fer important insights into the ways in which story. New York, NY: Pantheon Books. students with disabilities challenge traditional Carmichael, S. (1968). Black power. (Speech deliv- conceptions of student activism. In “‘The Poor ered at the University of California, Berkeley, No- Kids’ Table’: Organizing Around an Invisible vember 19, 1966). In J. Grant (Ed.), Black protest: and Stigmatized Identity in Flux,” Warnock and History, documents, and analyses 1919 to the pres- Hurst (2016) utilize qualitative data from 16 ent (pp. 459–466). Greenwich, CT: Fawcett Pub- semistructured interviews to examine the for- lications. mation and maintenance of a support group Chen, A. C., & Rhoads, R. A. (2016). Undocumented involving low-income, first-generation, and/or student allies and transformative resistance: An working-class students (LIFGWC); a key find- ethnographic case study. Review of Higher Educa- tion, 39, 515–542. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/rhe ing notes that LIFGWC students differed in .2016.0033 their comfort level in terms of engaging in so- DeAngelo, L., Schuster, M. T., & Stebleton, M. J. cial class based campus activism. Hoffman and (2016). California Dreamers: Activism, identity, Mitchell (2016) in “Making Diversity ‘Every- and empowerment among undocumented college This document is copyrighted by the American Psychological Association or one of its allied publishers. one’s Business’: A Discourse Analysis of Insti- students. Journal of Diversity in Higher Educa- This article is intended solely for the personal use of the individual user and is not to be disseminated broadly. tutional Responses to Student Activism for Eq- tion, 9, 216–230. uity and Inclusion” adopt a case study approach Degroot, G. J. (1998). “Left, left, left!:” The Vietnam to examine how administrative response can at Day Committee, 1965–66. In G. J. Degroot (Ed.), times undermine students’ diversity efforts. Fi- Student protest: The Sixties and after (pp. 85–99). nally, Lantz et al. (2016) in “Grad Students London, UK: Longman. Delgado Bernal, D. (1998). Grassroots leadership Talk: Development and Process of a Student- reconceptualized: Chicana oral histories and the Led Social Justice Collective” share insights 1968 East Los Angeles school blowouts. Fron- from a collaborative autoethnographic project tiers: A Journal of Women’s Studies, 19, 113–142. focused on graduate students in psychology and Dickerson, J. (2015, February, 6). “Black Lives Mat- their reactions to acts of racial injustice; their ter” course to be offered at Dartmouth College. STUDENT ACTIVISM AND DIVERSITY 201

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