Derogation of Human Rights in Situations of Public Emergency: the Experience of the European Convention on Human Rights
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Resolutions to Censure the President: Procedure and History
Resolutions to Censure the President: Procedure and History Updated February 1, 2021 Congressional Research Service https://crsreports.congress.gov R45087 Resolutions to Censure the President: Procedure and History Summary Censure is a reprimand adopted by one or both chambers of Congress against a Member of Congress, President, federal judge, or other government official. While Member censure is a disciplinary measure that is sanctioned by the Constitution (Article 1, Section 5), non-Member censure is not. Rather, it is a formal expression or “sense of” one or both houses of Congress. Censure resolutions targeting non-Members have utilized a range of statements to highlight conduct deemed by the resolutions’ sponsors to be inappropriate or unauthorized. Before the Nixon Administration, such resolutions included variations of the words or phrases unconstitutional, usurpation, reproof, and abuse of power. Beginning in 1972, the most clearly “censorious” resolutions have contained the word censure in the text. Resolutions attempting to censure the President are usually simple resolutions. These resolutions are not privileged for consideration in the House or Senate. They are, instead, considered under the regular parliamentary mechanisms used to process “sense of” legislation. Since 1800, Members of the House and Senate have introduced resolutions of censure against at least 12 sitting Presidents. Two additional Presidents received criticism via alternative means (a House committee report and an amendment to a resolution). The clearest instance of a successful presidential censure is Andrew Jackson. The Senate approved a resolution of censure in 1834. On three other occasions, critical resolutions were adopted, but their final language, as amended, obscured the original intention to censure the President. -
The Constitutionality of Censuring the President
Legal Sidebari The Constitutionality of Censuring the President March 12, 2018 House Democrats have introduced a resolution that, if approved by the House, would formally “censure and condemn” President Trump for disparaging comments on immigration issues he allegedly made during a meeting with Members of Congress. This is the second presidential “censure” resolution introduced in the House this Congress. While each house of Congress has authority to discipline its own Members through censure, congressional censure of the President is rare. For that reason, there seems to be a recurring question as to whether Congress has the constitutional authority to adopt such a measure at all. As discussed below, it would appear that Congress may censure the President through a simple (one chamber) or concurrent (two chamber) resolution, or other non-binding measure, so long as the censure does not carry with it any legal consequence. This Sidebar will discuss examples of congressional censure of the President before addressing its constitutional validity. While Black’s Law Dictionary defines censure as “an official reprimand or condemnation…,” in practice, there is no clear rule for determining the legislative actions that may qualify as a “censure” of the President. Viewed broadly, censure of the President could include any legislative measure formally adopted by the House or Senate that expresses that body’s disagreement with specific presidential conduct. Using this definition, the first congressional censure of the President seemingly occurred in 1834 after President Andrew Jackson removed his Treasury Secretary for refusing to withdraw government deposits from the Bank of the United States. The approved Senate resolution stated that President Jackson had “assumed upon himself authority and power not conferred by the constitution and laws, but in derogation of both.” The Jackson resolution was subject to some debate, and three years later—once the President’s supporters regained control of the Senate—the resolution was officially expunged from the Senate Journal. -
The “Greek Case” in the Council of Europe: a Game Changer for International Law and Human Rights?
designed by OMBLOS Supported by the Street 30 Panepistimiou University of Athens Alkis Argyriadis Amphitheatre 2019 12–14 December UNDER THE AUSPICES OF H.E. THE PRESIDENT OF THE HELLENIC REPUBLIC MR. PROKOPIOS PAVLOPOULOS International Conference The “Greek Case” in the Council of Europe: A Game Changer for International Law and Human Rights? 12–14 December 2019 Alkis Argyriadis Amphitheatre, University of Athens Supported by the Thursday, 12 December 2019 Friday, 13 December 2019 Saturday, 14 December 2019 (limited seats available due to invited guests) 09:30–10:30 Session 1: The Applicant States, the “Greek 9:00–11:00 Session 4: International Institutions, 16:30 Registration Case”, and Global Anti-Torture Politics Solidarity Movements, and the “Greek Case” 17:00–17:30 Welcome Chair-Discussant: Axel Sotiris Walldén (Free University of Chair-Discussant: Hara Kouki (University of Durham) Willem Ledeboer (Netherlands Institute at Athens) Brussels, former official at the European Commission) Tom Buchanan (University of Oxford) On behalf of the Organizing Committee Hanne Hagtvedt Vik (University of Oslo) & Skage Alexander Amnesty International and the Greek Crisis of 1967–68 H.E. the Ambassador of Sweden, Charlotte Sammelin Østberg (University of Oslo) Kim Christiaens (University of Leuven): International Solidarity Global Anti-Torture Politics 1967–77 and the Scandinavian States with Greece in International Perspective H.E. the Ambassador of Denmark, Klavs A. Holm Wiebe Hommes (Amsterdam Centre for European Law and Janis Nalbadidacis (Humboldt University, Berlin) The “Greek Case” from Inside H.E. the Ambassador of the Netherlands, Stella Ronner-Grubacic Governance) č ć The Greek Case & the Netherlands: a Watershed Moment Konstantina Maragkou (London School of Economics) H.E. -
Subsumption, Derogation, and Noncontradiction in "Legal Science" Stanley L
Subsumption, Derogation, and Noncontradiction in "Legal Science" Stanley L. Paulsonf Law and Legal Science. J.W. HARRIS. The Clarendon Press; Oxford University Press, New York, 1979. Pp. x, 174. $22.00. Until recently, only a few of the leading academic lawyers in England had looked with favor on Hans Kelsen's Pure Theory of Law.1 Sir Hersch Lauterpacht, writing that Kelsen's work was "a powerful contribution to legal thought, 2 was one of the few, and H.L.A. Hart, who described Kelsen as "the most stimulating writer on analytical jurisprudence of our day,"$ was another. Neither, however, was typical. The international lawyer Lauterpacht had been Kelsen's student in Vienna and was a convinced proponent of Kelsen's "monistic" view of the relation between international and domestic law,4 while Hart was-then as now-the leading legal theorist in the English-speaking world and a philosopher in his own right. Most English jurists, like their counterparts in America, followed C.K. Allen's suggestion that Kelsen's aim to reduce the law "to a scheme of purely intellectual conceptions," was a "barren task" offering little understanding of how "[i]aw touches actual life."5 Judging by recent work in legal philosophy in England, partic- ularly at Oxford, the scene has changed a bit. The opinions of Al- len and others on the Pure Theory are nowhere evident in the t Alexander von Humboldt Foundation Fellow, Faculty of Law, Free University of Berlin; Associate Professor of Philosophy, Washington University (St. Louis). I The leading work on the Pure Theory is H. -
The European Commission of Human Rights: an Analysis and Appraisal, 3 Brook
Brooklyn Journal of International Law Volume 3 | Issue 2 Article 3 1977 The urE opean Commission of Human Rights: An Analysis and Appraisal John T. White Follow this and additional works at: https://brooklynworks.brooklaw.edu/bjil Recommended Citation John T. White, The European Commission of Human Rights: An Analysis and Appraisal, 3 Brook. J. Int'l L. (1977). Available at: https://brooklynworks.brooklaw.edu/bjil/vol3/iss2/3 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Law Journals at BrooklynWorks. It has been accepted for inclusion in Brooklyn Journal of International Law by an authorized editor of BrooklynWorks. THE EUROPEAN COMMISSION OF HUMAN RIGHTS: AN ANALYSIS AND APPRAISAL John T. Wright* INTRODUCTION During the past thirty years, the protection of human rights and fundamental freedoms has been the focus of a number of instruments promulgated by the community of nations. The Uni- versal Declaration of Human Rights,1 the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights,2 and the International Covenant on Economic, Social, and Cultural Rights3 form the basis of efforts by the United Nations to secure the observance of human rights among member States. In addition to these universal documents, the countries of Europe have drawn upon their common heritage to promote the realization of human rights through the ratifica- tion of the European Convention on Human Rights and Funda- mental Freedoms.' The Convention creates a Commission of Human Rights, as well as a European Court of Human Rights. This article will explore the workings of the Commission, the more active of the two bodies, and will analyze its effectiveness in establishing a standard for the observance of human rights in light of the differing political systems of the European States. -
International Conference the 'Greek Case' in the Council of Europe: A
International Conference The ‘Greek Case’ in the Council of Europe: A Game Changer for International Law and Human Rights? Athens, 12–14 December 2019 This year marks the 50th anniversary of Greece’s withdrawal from the Council of Europe, following pressure by European countries and institutions for the violation of human rights by the military junta in Greece (1967–74). The Athens-based Netherlands Institute and the Danish Institute, in collaboration with the Marangopoulos Foundation for Human Rights, the Swedish Institute and the Norwegian Institute are organizing an international conference on the history and legacy of this emblematic case. The conference is supported by the Carlsberg Foundation. In 1967 Denmark, Norway, and Sweden – later joined by the Netherlands – used the European Commission on Human Rights (ECHR) system against the Greek Colonels. On 12 December 1969 Greece withdrew from the CoE to avoid expulsion. The reports of the ECHR constituted a paradigmatic condemnation of the regime by an international body. In light of the growing debates about the usefulness and impact of international pressure on authoritarian states for democratization and the rule of law, the so-called ‘Greek case’ emerges as an important moment in the history of international law, human rights, and transnational justice. The case marked the first time a member of the CoE risked expulsion because of human rights violations. Thus it became one of the pioneer inter- state cases over fundamental rights in European human rights law, generating important discussions about the Junta’s brutal regime in other European parliaments. The ‘Greek case’ was also exceptional in that there were no apparent national interests (at least at first sight) on behalf of the plaintiff countries. -
Chapter IX — Report of the International: Sixty-Eighth Session
A/71/10 Chapter IX Jus cogens A. Introduction 97. At its sixty-seventh session (2015), the Commission decided to include the topic “Jus cogens” in its programme of work and appointed Mr. Dire Tladi as Special Rapporteur for the topic.1288 The General Assembly subsequently, in its resolution 70/236 of 23 December 2015, took note of the decision of the Commission to include the topic in its programme of work. B. Consideration of the topic at the present session 98. At the present session, the Commission had before it the first report of the Special Rapporteur (A/CN.4/693), which sought to set out the Special Rapporteur’s general approach to the topic and, on that basis, to obtain the views of the Commission on its preferred approach, and to provide a general overview of conceptual issues relating to jus cogens (peremptory norms of international law). 99. The Commission considered the first report at its 3314th to 3317th, and 3322nd and 3323rd meetings, from 4 to 8, and 18 and 19 July 2016. 100. At its 3323rd meeting, on 19 July 2016, the Commission referred draft conclusions 1 and 3, as contained in the Special Rapporteur’s first report, to the Drafting Committee. 101. At its 3342nd meeting, on 9 August 2016, the Chairperson of the Drafting Committee presented an interim report of the Drafting Committee on “Jus cogens”, containing the draft conclusions it provisionally adopted at the sixty-eighth session. The report was presented for information only, and is available on the Commission’s website.1289 1. -
The Cultural Cold War and the New Women of Power. Making a Case Based on the Fulbright and Ford Foundations in Greece
City University of New York (CUNY) CUNY Academic Works Publications and Research New York City College of Technology 2018 The Cultural Cold War and the New Women of Power. Making a Case based on the Fulbright and Ford Foundations in Greece Despina Lalaki CUNY New York City College of Technology How does access to this work benefit ou?y Let us know! More information about this work at: https://academicworks.cuny.edu/ny_pubs/486 Discover additional works at: https://academicworks.cuny.edu This work is made publicly available by the City University of New York (CUNY). Contact: [email protected] The Cultural Cold War and the New Women of Power. Making a Case based on the Fulbright and Ford Foundations in Greece Despina Lalaki The Author / L’auteur Despina Lalaki is a historical sociologist and she teaches at the City University of New York, CUNY. She has published in peer-reviewed journals including The Journal of Historical Sociology and Hesperia: The Journal of the American School of Classical Studies and various media such as Al Jazeera, Boston Occupier, New Politics Magazine and Marginalia – Σημειώσεις στο Περιθώριο. Abstract When in the 1950s C. Wright Mills was writing about the emergence of the new power elites he paid no attention to the presence of women in its midsts. He was not entirely mistaken. Yet there is a particular intertwining of the ideologies of leadership and masculinity which serves to maintain the status quo, the privilege of an elite and perpetuate preconceptions about political agency and gender. In an attempt to go beyond available models and predominantly masculine images of the postwar America the present article accounts for women’s role in the postwar American efforts for cultural hegemony. -
The Backsliding of Democracy in Today's Greece
STUDY The Backsliding of Democracy DIMITRI A. SOTIROPOULOS DECEMBER 2018 n Democracy in Greece has survived the economic crisis, but democracy’s long- term problems have been accentuated during the crisis. Democracy has started backsliding. n The backsliding of democracy is related not only to the gravity of the recent crisis, but also to long-term, historical legacies, such as political clientelism, populism and corruption. n Political clientelism has thrived, as discriminatory access to state resources was offered to favoured individuals and particular social groups even under the crisis. n Populism has attracted the support of popular strata but has failed to deliver on its promises, contributing thus to disaffection with democracy. n Corruption has undermined transparency and accountability, negatively affecting the rule of law. n Long-term reforms are required, in order for a reversal of democracy’s backsliding to be achieved and a new political and economic crisis to be averted. SOTIROPOULOS | THE BACKSLIDING OF DEMOCRACY IN TODAY’S GREECE Table of Contents 1. Introduction..............................................................................................................7 2. Democracy and Democratization Today..................................................................8 3. The Relative Backsliding of Democracy in Greece..................................................9 4. Political clientelism and democracy in today’s Greece.........................................11 4.1 Clientelism as political participation.................................................................12 -
Derogations by States Parties from Article 21 ICCPR, Article 11 ECHR, and Article 15 ACHR on the Basis of the COVID-19 Pandemic
Derogations by States Parties from Article 21 ICCPR, Article 11 ECHR, and Article 15 ACHR on the Basis of the COVID-19 Pandemic (Information believed correct as of 3 May 2020) Derogations from Article 21 ICCPR On 9 March 2020, Guatemala became the first state to seek formally to derogate from Article 21 of the 1966 International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR) on the basis of the COVID-19 pandemic. Guatemala’s derogation lasts for 30 days.1 (It subsequently derogated from Article 15 of the American Convention on Human Rights (ACHR.) On 6 April 2020, Guatemala informed the depository of the ICCPR that it had extended the restrictions by a further 30 days. A week later, on 16 March 2020, Latvia formally derogated from Article 21 ICCPR (as well as Article 12 on freedom of movement and Article 17 on freedom from interference in privacy and family life) on the basis of the COVID-19 pandemic. In its notification, Latvia stated that the emergency situation began on 13 March 2020, and would remain in force until 14 April 2020. Among the measures adopted by the Government of Latvia, all public events, meetings and gatherings have been cancelled and prohibited. (Latvia has made a similar declaration of derogation with respect to Article 11 of the 1950 European Convention on Human Rights (ECHR).) On 21 April 2020, the depository published an extension by Latvia of its derogation under Article 21 ICCPR until 12 May 2020. On 20 March 2020, Armenia and Estonia both derogated from Article 21 ICCPR (and Article 11 ECHR). -
Interpretation of Statutes in Derogation of the Common Law
Vanderbilt Law Review Volume 3 Issue 3 Issue 3 - A Symposium on Statutory Article 6 Construction 4-1-1950 Interpretation of Statutes in Derogation of the Common Law Jefferson B. Fordham Russell J. Leach Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarship.law.vanderbilt.edu/vlr Recommended Citation Jefferson B. Fordham and Russell J. Leach, Interpretation of Statutes in Derogation of the Common Law, 3 Vanderbilt Law Review 438 (1950) Available at: https://scholarship.law.vanderbilt.edu/vlr/vol3/iss3/6 This Symposium is brought to you for free and open access by Scholarship@Vanderbilt Law. It has been accepted for inclusion in Vanderbilt Law Review by an authorized editor of Scholarship@Vanderbilt Law. For more information, please contact [email protected]. INTERPRETATION OF STATUTES IN DEROGATION OF THE COMMON LAW JEFFERSON B. FORDHAM * and J. RUSSELL LEACH t The tendency of the lex scripta to supplant the lex von scripta has carried far since Roscoe Pound published his provocative paper on "Common Law and Legislation" in 1908.1 One can note at the same time indications that statute law is being received with much less hostility. The surprising thing, however, is that legislation in general is not at this day getting a far more sympathetic reception by lawyers and judges. Clearly they make tip the professional group which has the largest share in the drafting and enactment of statutes. In actual practice, moreover, lawyers are given to committing private as well as public rules of the game to more or less carefully drawn instruments with a view to implementing broad ideas by detailed provisions calculated to indicate more clearly the desired line of human conduct. -
Article 15 of the European Convention on Human Rights
Guide on Article 15 of the European Convention on Human Rights Derogation in time of emergency Updated on 30 April 2021 This Guide has been prepared by the Registry and does not bind the Court. Guide on Article 15 of the Convention – Derogation in time of emergency Publishers or organisations wishing to translate and/or reproduce all or part of this report in the form of a printed or electronic publication are invited to contact [email protected] for information on the authorisation procedure. If you wish to know which translations of the Case-Law Guides are currently under way, please see Pending translations. This Guide was originally drafted in English. It is updated regularly and, most recently, on 30 April 2021. It may be subject to editorial revision. The Case-Law Guides are available for downloading at www.echr.coe.int (Case-law – Case-law analysis – Case-law guides). For publication updates please follow the Court’s Twitter account at https://twitter.com/ECHR_CEDH. © Council of Europe/European Court of Human Rights, 2021 European Court of Human Rights 2/18 Last update: 30.04.2021 Guide on Article 15 of the Convention – Derogation in time of emergency Table of contents Note to readers .............................................................................................. 4 I. General principles ..................................................................................... 5 II. Article 15 § 1: when a State may validly derogate .................................... 6 A. “...war or other public emergency threatening the life of the nation...” ................................... 6 B. “...measures ... strictly required by the exigencies of the situation...” ...................................... 8 C. “...provided that such measures are not inconsistent with [the High Contracting Party’s] other obligations under international law” .............................................................................