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Disinformation in Facebook Ads in the 2019 Spanish General Election Campaigns
Media and Communication (ISSN: 2183–2439) 2021, Volume 9, Issue 1, Pages 217–228 DOI: 10.17645/mac.v9i1.3335 Article Disinformation in Facebook Ads in the 2019 Spanish General Election Campaigns Lorena Cano-Orón 1,*, Dafne Calvo 2, Guillermo López García 1 and Tomás Baviera 3 1 Department of Language Theory and Communication Sciences, University of Valencia, 46010 Valencia, Spain; E-Mails: [email protected] (L.C.-O.), [email protected] (G.L.G.) 2 Department of Early Modern History, Modern History and History of America, Journalism and Audiovisual Communication and Advertising, University of Valladolid, 47007 Valladolid, Spain; E-Mail: [email protected] 3 Department of Economics and Social Sciences, Universitat Politècnica de València, 46022 Valencia, Spain; E-Mail: [email protected] * Corresponding author Submitted: 11 June 2020 | Accepted: 10 August 2020 | Published: 3 March 2021 Abstract As fake news elicits an emotional response from users, whose attention is then monetised, political advertising has a sig- nificant influence on its production and dissemination. Facebook ads, therefore, have an essential role in contemporary political communication, not only because of their extensive use in international political campaigns, but also because they address intriguing questions about the regulation of disinformation on social networking sites. This research employs a corpus of 14,684 Facebook ads published by the major national political parties during their campaigns leading up to the two Spanish general elections held in 2019. A manual content analysis was performed on all the visually identical ads so as to identify those containing disinformation and those denouncing it. The topics addressed in these ads were then exam- ined. -
Disrupting the Party: a Case Study of Ahora Madrid and Its Participatory Innovations
Disrupting the Party: A Case Study of Ahora Madrid and Its Participatory Innovations Quinton Mayne and Cecilia Nicolini September 2020 Disrupting the Party: A Case Study of Ahora Madrid and Its Participatory Innovations Quinton Mayne and Cecilia Nicolini September 2020 disrupting the party: A Case Study of Ahora Madrid and Its Participatory Innovations letter from the editor The Roy and Lila Ash Center for Democratic Governance and Innovation advances excel- lence and innovation in governance and public policy through research, education, and public discussion. By training the very best leaders, developing powerful new ideas, and disseminating innovative solutions and institutional reforms, the Ash Center’s goal is to meet the profound challenges facing the world’s citizens. Our Occasional Papers Series highlights new research and commentary that we hope will engage our readers and prompt an energetic exchange of ideas in the public policy community. This paper is contributed by Quinton Mayne, Ford Foundation Associate Profes- sor of Public Policy at Harvard Kennedy School and an Ash Center faculty associate, and Cecilia Nicolini, a former Ash Center Research Fellow and a current advisor to the president of Argentina. The paper addresses issues that lie at the heart of the work of the Ash Center—urban governance, democratic deepening, participatory innova- tions, and civic technology. It does this through a study of the fascinating rise of Ahora Madrid, a progressive electoral alliance that—to the surprise of onlookers—managed to gain political control, just a few months after being formed, of the Spanish capital following the 2015 municipal elections. Headed by the unassuming figure of Manuela Carmena, a former judge, Ahora Madrid won voters over with a bold agenda that reimagined the relationship between citizens and city hall. -
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¶∞ƒ√π∫π∞∫∏ ¶POO¢EYTIKH EºHMEPI¢A ™THN Y¶HPE™IA TH™ KY¶PIAKH™ ¶APOIKIA™ ¶∂ª¶Δ∏ 1 √∫Δøμƒπ√À 2015 ● XPONO™ 40Ô˜ ● AÚÈıÌfi˜ ʇÏÏÔ˘ 2124 ● PRICE: 75 pence ¯¯ÚÚfifiÓÓÈÈ·· ««¶¶··ÚÚÔÔÈÈÎÎÈÈ··Î΋‹»» ™ÙȘ 25 ™ÂÙÂÌ‚Ú›Ô˘ 2015 Û˘ÌÏËÚÒıËÎ·Ó ÙÔ 1974, Û˘Ó¯›˙ÂÈ Ó· «˘ËÚÂÙ›» ÙËÓ ·ÚÔÈ- Î·È ‰È·ÊËÌÈÛÙ¤˜ ÁÈ· ÙË ‰È·¯ÚÔÓÈ΋ ÙÔ˘˜ ÛÙ‹- 41 ¯ÚfiÓÈ· ·fi ÙË «Á¤ÓÓËÛË» Ù˘ ÚÔԉ¢ÙÈ- Λ· Ì ÛÔ‚·Ú‹ ¤Á΢ÚË ÂÓË̤ڈÛË ÁÈ· ı¤Ì·- ÚÈÍË ÛÙËÓ ÂÊËÌÂÚ›‰· Ì·˜ Î·È ˘ÔÛ¯fiÌ·ÛÙ ΋˜ ÂÊËÌÂÚ›‰·˜ Ù˘ ΢Úȷ΋˜ ·ÚÔÈΛ·˜ Ù· Ô˘ ·ÊÔÚÔ‡Ó ÙËÓ ·ÚÔÈΛ·, ÙËÓ ∫‡ÚÔ Î·È ˆ˜ ı· Û˘Ó¯›ÛÔ˘Ì ·ÎfiÌË ÈÔ ‰˘Ó·ÌÈο Ì ÙÔ˘ §ÔÓ‰›ÓÔ˘, Ù˘ «¶·ÚÔÈÎȷ΋˜». ÙË μÚÂÙ·Ó›·. ÁÓÒÌÔÓ· ÙÔ Î·Ïfi ÙÔ˘ Ï·Ô‡ Ù˘ ·ÚÔÈΛ·˜ Ì·˜ ¶ÈÛÙ‹ ÛÙÔ ¤ÚÁÔ ÎÈ ·ÁÒÓ· ÙˆÓ È‰Ú˘ÙÒÓ Ù˘, ∏ «¶·ÚÔÈÎȷ΋» ¢¯·ÚÈÛÙ› ÙÔ˘˜ ·Ó·ÁÓÒÛÙ˜ Î·È Ù˘ ȉȷ›ÙÂÚ‹˜ Ì·˜ ·ÙÚ›‰·˜, Ù˘ ∫‡ÚÔ˘. ∏ ‰È·Ú·ÁÌ·Ù¢ÙÈ΋ ‰È·‰Èηۛ·, ¢È·Î‹Ú˘ÍË ∞∫∂§ Ô ÌfiÓÔ˜ ‰ÚfiÌÔ˜ ÁÈ· χÛË – ÁÈ· ÙËÓ Ë̤ڷ Ù˘ ∫˘Úȷ΋˜ ∞ÓÂÍ·ÚÙËÛ›·˜ ·ÂÏ¢ı¤ÚˆÛË, ·ӤӈÛË §∂À∫ø™π∞ – ∞ÓÙ·fiÎÚÈÛË ∞∫∂§: ÌÔÓ·‰È΋ ÚÔÛÊÂÚfiÌÂÓË Ï‡- ›Û˘ fiÙÈ ÙÔ ∞∫∂§, ÚÔÛË- ÚÒÙË ÙÔ˘ √ÎÙÒ‚ÚË, ̤ڷ Ù˘ ∫˘Úȷ΋˜ ∞ÓÂ- ¶∂Δƒ√™ ¶∞™π∞™ «∏ ÙÚ¤¯Ô˘Û· ‰È·Ú·ÁÌ·- ÛË ÛÙÔ ÔÏÈÙÈÎfi Ì·˜ Úfi‚ÏË- ψ̤ÓÔ ÛÙȘ ¿ÁȘ ı¤ÛÂȘ ∏Í·ÚÙËÛ›·˜, ·ÔÙÂÏ› ÙÔ ÂÈÛÙ¤Á·ÛÌ· Ôχ¯ÚÔ- Ù¢ÙÈ΋ ‰È·‰Èηۛ· ·ÔÙÂÏ› Ì·. ÀÔÁÚ·ÌÌ›˙ÂÈ Ù·˘Ùfi¯ÚÔ- ÙÔ˘ ÛÙÔ ∫˘ÚÈ·Îfi, ÙȘ ·Ú¯¤˜ ÓˆÓ ·ÁÒÓˆÓ Î·È ı˘ÛÈÒÓ ÙÔ˘ Ï·Ô‡ Ì·˜. -
European Left Info Flyer
United for a left alternative in Europe United for a left alternative in Europe ”We refer to the values and traditions of socialism, com- munism and the labor move- ment, of feminism, the fem- inist movement and gender equality, of the environmental movement and sustainable development, of peace and international solidarity, of hu- man rights, humanism and an- tifascism, of progressive and liberal thinking, both national- ly and internationally”. Manifesto of the Party of the European Left, 2004 ABOUT THE PARTY OF THE EUROPEAN LEFT (EL) EXECUTIVE BOARD The Executive Board was elected at the 4th Congress of the Party of the European Left, which took place from 13 to 15 December 2013 in Madrid. The Executive Board consists of the President and the Vice-Presidents, the Treasurer and other Members elected by the Congress, on the basis of two persons of each member party, respecting the principle of gender balance. COUNCIL OF CHAIRPERSONS The Council of Chairpersons meets at least once a year. The members are the Presidents of all the member par- ties, the President of the EL and the Vice-Presidents. The Council of Chairpersons has, with regard to the Execu- tive Board, rights of initiative and objection on important political issues. The Council of Chairpersons adopts res- olutions and recommendations which are transmitted to the Executive Board, and it also decides on applications for EL membership. NETWORKS n Balkan Network n Trade Unionists n Culture Network Network WORKING GROUPS n Central and Eastern Europe n Africa n Youth n Agriculture n Migration n Latin America n Middle East n North America n Peace n Communication n Queer n Education n Public Services n Environment n Women Trafficking Member and Observer Parties The Party of the European Left (EL) is a political party at the Eu- ropean level that was formed in 2004. -
ESS9 Appendix A3 Political Parties Ed
APPENDIX A3 POLITICAL PARTIES, ESS9 - 2018 ed. 3.0 Austria 2 Belgium 4 Bulgaria 7 Croatia 8 Cyprus 10 Czechia 12 Denmark 14 Estonia 15 Finland 17 France 19 Germany 20 Hungary 21 Iceland 23 Ireland 25 Italy 26 Latvia 28 Lithuania 31 Montenegro 34 Netherlands 36 Norway 38 Poland 40 Portugal 44 Serbia 47 Slovakia 52 Slovenia 53 Spain 54 Sweden 57 Switzerland 58 United Kingdom 61 Version Notes, ESS9 Appendix A3 POLITICAL PARTIES ESS9 edition 3.0 (published 10.12.20): Changes from previous edition: Additional countries: Denmark, Iceland. ESS9 edition 2.0 (published 15.06.20): Changes from previous edition: Additional countries: Croatia, Latvia, Lithuania, Montenegro, Portugal, Slovakia, Spain, Sweden. Austria 1. Political parties Language used in data file: German Year of last election: 2017 Official party names, English 1. Sozialdemokratische Partei Österreichs (SPÖ) - Social Democratic Party of Austria - 26.9 % names/translation, and size in last 2. Österreichische Volkspartei (ÖVP) - Austrian People's Party - 31.5 % election: 3. Freiheitliche Partei Österreichs (FPÖ) - Freedom Party of Austria - 26.0 % 4. Liste Peter Pilz (PILZ) - PILZ - 4.4 % 5. Die Grünen – Die Grüne Alternative (Grüne) - The Greens – The Green Alternative - 3.8 % 6. Kommunistische Partei Österreichs (KPÖ) - Communist Party of Austria - 0.8 % 7. NEOS – Das Neue Österreich und Liberales Forum (NEOS) - NEOS – The New Austria and Liberal Forum - 5.3 % 8. G!LT - Verein zur Förderung der Offenen Demokratie (GILT) - My Vote Counts! - 1.0 % Description of political parties listed 1. The Social Democratic Party (Sozialdemokratische Partei Österreichs, or SPÖ) is a social above democratic/center-left political party that was founded in 1888 as the Social Democratic Worker's Party (Sozialdemokratische Arbeiterpartei, or SDAP), when Victor Adler managed to unite the various opposing factions. -
Political and Economic Situation
Published on Eurydice (https://eacea.ec.europa.eu/national-policies/eurydice) Political situation The political form of the Spanish State is a parliamentary monarchy, with King Felipe VI as Head of State and the legislative power residing in the Spanish Parliament, which in turn monitors the executive branch. Spain is a multi-party country. Since 1982, there have been mainly governments of the Partido Popular (People’s Party) and the Partido Socialista Obrero Español (Spanish Socialist Workers’ Party). After the elections held on December 2015, new political parties and citizen candidacies emerged, which had already participated in the formation of local and regional governments. The latest election results forecast the following distribution: 1. Local elections (May 2019): the Partido Socialista Obrero Español (Socialist Party) managed to govern 18 out of the 52 provincial capitals 12 were governed by the Partido Popular (Popular Party) 7 by citizen candidacies 3 by the party Ciudadanos (Citizens Party) in the rest of provincial capitals, with the exception of Zamora, governed by Izquierda Unida (United Left), elected mayors belong to regionalist parties. 2. Regional elections (November 2018 in Andalusia, December 2017 in Catalonia and May 2019 in the rest of Autonomous Communities, except for Galicia and the Basque Country, whose electoral process took place in September 2016): the Partido Popular and the Partido Socialista Obrero Español were able to form governments in most of them by negotiating pacts with emerging political parties such as Podemos and Ciudadanos. After a parliamentary vote on 7 January 2020, Pedro Sánchez (PSOE) has been elected as the new Primer Minister. -
Information Guide Euroscepticism
Information Guide Euroscepticism A guide to information sources on Euroscepticism, with hyperlinks to further sources of information within European Sources Online and on external websites Contents Introduction .................................................................................................. 2 Brief Historical Overview................................................................................. 2 Euro Crisis 2008 ............................................................................................ 3 European Elections 2014 ................................................................................ 5 Euroscepticism in Europe ................................................................................ 8 Eurosceptic organisations ......................................................................... 10 Eurosceptic thinktanks ............................................................................. 10 Transnational Eurosceptic parties and political groups .................................. 11 Eurocritical media ................................................................................... 12 EU Reaction ................................................................................................. 13 Information sources in the ESO database ........................................................ 14 Further information sources on the internet ..................................................... 14 Copyright © 2016 Cardiff EDC. All rights reserved. 1 Cardiff EDC is part of the University Library -
Challenger Party List
Appendix List of Challenger Parties Operationalization of Challenger Parties A party is considered a challenger party if in any given year it has not been a member of a central government after 1930. A party is considered a dominant party if in any given year it has been part of a central government after 1930. Only parties with ministers in cabinet are considered to be members of a central government. A party ceases to be a challenger party once it enters central government (in the election immediately preceding entry into office, it is classified as a challenger party). Participation in a national war/crisis cabinets and national unity governments (e.g., Communists in France’s provisional government) does not in itself qualify a party as a dominant party. A dominant party will continue to be considered a dominant party after merging with a challenger party, but a party will be considered a challenger party if it splits from a dominant party. Using this definition, the following parties were challenger parties in Western Europe in the period under investigation (1950–2017). The parties that became dominant parties during the period are indicated with an asterisk. Last election in dataset Country Party Party name (as abbreviation challenger party) Austria ALÖ Alternative List Austria 1983 DU The Independents—Lugner’s List 1999 FPÖ Freedom Party of Austria 1983 * Fritz The Citizens’ Forum Austria 2008 Grüne The Greens—The Green Alternative 2017 LiF Liberal Forum 2008 Martin Hans-Peter Martin’s List 2006 Nein No—Citizens’ Initiative against -
Between Populism and Socialism: Slovenia’S Left Party Alen Toplišek
This is an Accepted Manuscript of a book chapter published by Routledge in The Populist Radical Left in Europe on 14 March 2019, available online: https://doi.org/10.4324/9781315180823-4 Between populism and socialism: Slovenia’s Left party Alen Toplišek Abstract This chapter offers the first in-depth study of both structural and agential factors behind the emergence and electoral breakthrough of a new radical left party in Slovenia, the Left. It defines the party’s ideological profile and it analyses its tactics of party competition through a selection of concrete examples. It concludes by outlining two possible trajectories for the future electoral and organisational development of the party. Introduction The Left (Levica) is a relative newcomer in the Slovenian party system and the European Populist Radical Left (PRL) party family more widely. Formally established in March 2014 as a coalition party under the name of the United Left, it managed to surpass the 4% electoral threshold in the July 2014 parliamentary elections with 5.97% of the popular vote. The electoral result translated into six seats in a 90-member National Assembly, putting the new party on a par with the traditional party on the Slovenian Left, the Social Democrats, which was their worst electoral result since Slovenia’s independence in 1991. The novelty of the United Left was notable not only in terms of its electoral breakthrough in July 2014, but also regarding its founding organisational structure and its organic ties with new left social movements. The United Left was a coalition of three smaller parties and the ‘fourth bloc,’ which represented social movements and individuals: (1) Initiative for Democratic Socialism (IDS); (2) Democratic Labour Party (DSD); (3) the Party for the Sustainable Development of Slovenia (TRS); and (4) civil society movements and individuals. -
Slovenian Democratic Path After European Union Accession
The Difficult Look Back: Slovenian Democratic Path after European Union Accession MIRO HAČEK Politics in Central Europe (ISSN: 1801-3422) Vol. 15, No. 3 DOI: 10.2478/pce-2019-0023 Abstract: In the third wave of democratic changes in the early 1990s when the Central and Eastern European (CEE) political landscape changed radically and the democrati‑ sation processes started in the eastern part of the continent, Slovenia was one of the most prominent countries with the best prospects for rapid democratic growth. Slove‑ nia somewhat luckily escaped the Yugoslav civil wars and towards the end of the 20th century was already on the path towards a stable and consolidated democracy with the most successful economy in the entire CEE area. After the dissolution of Yugoslavia, Slovenia had a simple and straight ‑forward political goals, i.e. to join the European union as soon as possible, thus consolidating its place among the most developed countries within the region. After some setbacks, this goal was accomplished in (so far) the biggest enlargement to the Union in May 2004. But what happened after Slovenia managed to successfully achieve its pair of major political goals? In this chapter, we search for an answer to this question and find out why Slovenian voters are increas‑ ingly distrustful not only of political institutions, but why so ‑called new political faces and instant political parties are so successful and why Slovenian democracy has lost a leading place among consolidated democracies in CEE. Keywords: Slovenia; European Union; membership; distrust; democracy. Introduction After declaring its independence from former Yugoslavia in 1991, the Republic of Slovenia expressed its willingness and objective, both in its strategic develop‑ ment documents and at the highest political levels, to become a full member of POLITICS IN CENTRAL EUROPE 15 (2019) 3 419 the European Union (EU).1 As the crucial developmental documents2 indicate, the optimum long ‑term development of the Slovenian economy is inextricably tied to Slovenia’s full membership in the EU. -
New Perspectives on Nationalism in Spain • Carsten Jacob Humlebæk and Antonia María Ruiz Jiménez New Perspectives on Nationalism in Spain
New Perspectives on Nationalism in Spain in Nationalism on Perspectives New • Carsten Humlebæk Jacob and Antonia María Jiménez Ruiz New Perspectives on Nationalism in Spain Edited by Carsten Jacob Humlebæk and Antonia María Ruiz Jiménez Printed Edition of the Special Issue Published in Genealogy www.mdpi.com/journal/genealogy New Perspectives on Nationalism in Spain New Perspectives on Nationalism in Spain Editors Carsten Humlebæk Antonia Mar´ıaRuiz Jim´enez MDPI • Basel • Beijing • Wuhan • Barcelona • Belgrade • Manchester • Tokyo • Cluj • Tianjin Editors Carsten Humlebæk Antonia Mar´ıa Ruiz Jimenez´ Copenhagen Business School Universidad Pablo de Olavide Denmark Spain Editorial Office MDPI St. Alban-Anlage 66 4052 Basel, Switzerland This is a reprint of articles from the Special Issue published online in the open access journal Genealogy (ISSN 2313-5778) (available at: https://www.mdpi.com/journal/genealogy/special issues/perspective). For citation purposes, cite each article independently as indicated on the article page online and as indicated below: LastName, A.A.; LastName, B.B.; LastName, C.C. Article Title. Journal Name Year, Article Number, Page Range. ISBN 978-3-03943-082-6 (Hbk) ISBN 978-3-03943-083-3 (PDF) c 2020 by the authors. Articles in this book are Open Access and distributed under the Creative Commons Attribution (CC BY) license, which allows users to download, copy and build upon published articles, as long as the author and publisher are properly credited, which ensures maximum dissemination and a wider impact of our publications. The book as a whole is distributed by MDPI under the terms and conditions of the Creative Commons license CC BY-NC-ND. -
Comparative European Party Systems
COMPARATIVE EUROPEAN PARTY SYSTEMS Comparative European Party Systems, Second Edition, provides a comprehensive analysis across 48 party systems of party competition, electoral systems and their effects, and the classification of party systems and governments from 1945 through late-2018. The book consists of three parts. Part I provides a comparative and quantitative overview of party systems according to party families, patterns of party competition, electoral systems and their effects, and classification of party systems and governments. Part II consists of 38 detailed country profiles of longstanding democracies and of the European Union (plus nine profiles on regions such as in Spain and the UK), providing essential detail on the electoral systems, parties, party patterns and systems, dimensions of political competition, and governments. Part III provides an analysis of 10 additional country profiles of oscillating regimes such as Russia, Ukraine, and Balkan and Transcaucasus states. Comparative European Party Systems provides an excellent overview of topical issues in comparative election and party system research and presents a wealth of information and quantitative data. It is a crucial reference for scholars and students of European and comparative politics, elections, electoral systems, and parties and party systems. Alan Siaroff is Professor of Political Science at the University of Lethbridge, Canada. COMPARATIVE EUROPEAN PARTY SYSTEMS An Analysis of Parliamentary Elections Since 1945 Second Edition Alan Siaroff Second edition published 2019 by Routledge 2 Park Square, Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon OX14 4RN and by Routledge 52 Vanderbilt Avenue, New York, NY 10017 Routledge is an imprint of the Taylor & Francis Group, an informa business © 2019 Alan Siaroff The right of Alan Siaroff to be identified as author of this work has been asserted by him in accordance with sections 77 and 78 of the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988.