Isaac Watts and the Rhetoric of Dissent

ISAAC WATTS AND THE RHETORIC OF DISSENT

ROBERT G. WITTY

A DISSERTATION PRESENTED TO THE GRADUATE COUNCIL OF THE UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY

UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA

June, 1959 ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

The completion of this study is the result of co-operative effort. Grateful appreciation is acknowledged to each contributor.

First, thanks be to God! Only as He has given strength, wisdom, and grace has each step been possible.

Then, a special measure of gratitude is due Dr. Douglas W.

Ehninger, chairman of the supervisory committee, for his untiring patience, his easy availability, and his constant guidance. A portion of credit for whatever merit may be found in this work should also be assigned to each member of the committee : Dr. L. L. Zimmerman, Dr.

W. Me. Buck, Dr. D. L. Scudder, Dr. C. S. McCoy. Special thanks are due Professor H. P. Constans, Head of the Department of Speech, for his unfailing encouragement both in course work and during the preparation of this study.

Finally, there is deep gratitude in my heart for the loyal support of the Central Baptist Church, Jacksonville, Florida, for the faithful and efficient assistance of my secretary, Mrs. Nell Morgan, and, most of all, for the understanding love of my wife, Katherine Witty.

ii TABLE OF CONTENTS

Chapter Page

latTyHai

I DR. ISAAC WATTS: DISSENTER PASTOR 1

Introduction • 1

Watts: Pastor, Scholar, Author, Saint . 4 Watts's Writings 22 Conclusion ..«•••• •••••••• 32

II WATTS'S TREACHUG VIEWPOINT 37

Sociological 37 Government and Religion 38 Social Ills and Religion 41 Personal Sins and Religion 44 Philosophical. 47 Ecclesiastical 52 The Basic Differences 52 The Spirit of Charity 54 Purposeful 56 The Ideal Layman 57 The Function of the Church 59 A Pastor's Personal Goals 63 Man of God 64 A Man of Virtues 65 Pastor Preacher 66 Theology 67 Conclusion ...... 68

III SEJMON SOURCES J1

Biblical 72 The Focus of Revelation 73 The Nature of Inspiration 74 The Method of Interpretation. 75 The Area of Authority 77 The Basis of Apologetics 76 Experimental 8l Cultural 86 Study Program 87 Benefits 88 To Improve the Reasoning Facility. 88 To Trace God's Work ..... 89 To Improve Preaching Skills 90

iii TABLE OF CONTENTS (Continued)

Chapter Page

To Prove Christianity Divine . . 93 To Understand the Bible 94 To Embellish Preaching 96 Conclusion. 97

IV MEMORY : THE STOREHOUSE OF THE MIND 99

Tie Nature of Memory 99 Memory Related to the Faculties 100 The Physical Basis of Memory 102 Memory Related to Religion. 105 The Improvement of Memory's Powers 105 The Standard of Good Memory 105 Rules for Improving Memory 106 Memory and Preaching Ill Memory and the Hearer 113 The Ultimate Purpose of Preaching ...... 114 Conclusion . H5

V METHOD: THE STRUCTURE OF SERMONS 119

Ontology: The Philosophy of Method 120 The Art of Method 121 Tie Nature of Method 122 The Rules of Method 124 Safe. 124 Plain and Easy. Distinct Pull. * 126 Short 126 Propriety 127 Connected 127 General Rhetorical Application of Method 128 Definition 128 Division...... 129 Specific Homiletical Application of Method. . . . 130 Tyro and Ergates...... 131 Polyramus and Fluvio I33 Our Fathers and Our Contemporaries...... 136 Conclusion I37

iv TABLE OF CONTENTS (Continued)

Chapter Page

VI STYLE: THE MEDIUM OF WORDS 140

Introduction. 14-0 The Basis of Style...... 142 Types of Styles 144 The Instructional Style 14-4-

Poetic Style. . 148 Preaching Combination 152 The Balance of Figures 152 The Balance of Politeness 155 The Balance of Erudition...... 156 The Balance of Scriptural Terms 157 Conclusion 15@

VII DELIVERY: EFFECTIVE COMMUNICATION l6l v t '. «. v t 1 Introduction l6l Eighteenth Century Preaching 162 The Waning Pulpit ...... 162 The Varieties of Preaching. 163 The Critics of Preaching. 165 The Read Sermon 165

Contemporary Evaluations of the Read Sermon . . . 166 The Art of Reading. 167 The Extempore Sermon...... 170 The Personal Elements 170 The Functional Elements 175 Conclusion 179

VIII ELEMENTS IN PERSUASION 182

Introduction ...... 182 Reason: A Reliable Judge ...... 183 Viewed as a Human Facility 183 Viewed as a Logical Function...... 184- Reason Primary in Persuasion...... 186 Rhetoric in General ...... 186 Preaching in Particular 187 The Passions 189 Viewed as a Human Power 190 Viewed as Dynamic Forces 191 Viewed as Essential to Persuasion ...... 193

v TABLE OF CONTENTS (Continued)

Chapter Page

Rhetoric in General ... 193 Preaching in Particular ...... 194 Factors in Persuasive Preaching 197 The Hindrance of Prejudice 197 The Force of Personality. 198 Conclusion 200

IX ISAAC WATTS: DISSENTER PREACHER 202

Introduction...... 202 Watts*s Sermon Material ...... 202 Doctrinal Position...... 202 Sermon Subjects 204 General Character 206 Specific Character...... 208 Organisation 208 Style 209 Delivery 211 Persuasive Appeals ...... 213 Sermon Methods...... 215 Ample Time. 216 Prayer Guidance ...... 216 Thorough Study...... 217 Careful Form 220 Material from Inspiration 223 A Typical Sermon. . 223 Conclusion 232

X SUMMARY AND EVALUATION 235

Introduction. 235 Surmary 235 The Authority of the Bible 235 The Function of Education 236 Experience as a Source of Knowledge 238 Analysis. 239 Rhetorical Factors... 240 Puritan Factors ...... 245 Environmental Factors 247 Evaluation 251 Contemporary Influence...... 251 Continuing Influence. 254 Present Day Value 256

BIBLIOGRAPHY 262

vi CHAPTER I

DR. ISAAC WATTS: DISSENTER PASTOR

Introduction

"It is not enough for the Christian minister, that he be instructed

in the science of theology," declared George Campbell, "unless he has the

skill to apply his knowledge, to answer the different purposes of the

pastoral charge." 1

This problem of understanding and communicating the truths of

religion has challenged preachers in all Christian history. One of the

first to present a formal solution was St. Augustine (354-430). His De Doctrine Christiana , setting a pattern followed even by the ingenious

Campbell, treated first how to understand the Scriptures, and second how 2 to communicate their truths effectively. From the sixteenth century to the present an ever-growing number of books have been printed in Eng-

lish treating this persistent problem. 3 All of these have historical

interest; some have intrinsic merit. Yet none was written in a more dedicated spirit, from a broader background, by a brighter genius, or with a more practical design than the homiletical works of Dr. Isaac

Watts (1674-1748).

George Campbell, "Lectures on Pulpit Eloquence," Campbellc nnfl Fenelon (Boston, 1832), p. 93,

L. Clarke, Rhetoric at Rome (London, 1953), pp. 148-154. 3 Harry Caplan and Henry H. King, "Pulpit Eloquence: A List of Doctrinal and Historical Studies in English," Speech Monographs (Special Issue), XXII (1955)# Wo. 4.

1 The stimulus to compose a body of preaching theory may result

either from the positive arousal of a great religious awakening or from

the challenge to halt a spiritual decline. In Watts's case it was the

latter.

In seventeenth-century England civil persecution threatened the

life and property of the so-called "dissenters"—those persons who did

not conform to the Established Church. Relief came to such dissenters

only when the Toleration Act of May 24, 1689, granted freedom of worship

to all who affirmed allegiance to William and Mary, and rejecting basic

Catholic doctrine, subscribed to the doctrinal portions of the Thirty-

nine Articles. ^ But tolerance did not develop spiritual vigor. Instead

spiritual laxity increased in the following half-century. Challenging

such leaders as Watts, therefore, was the disturbing realization that

decay was working greater harm to the churches than had all the former perils of outward physical danger.

In the early eighteenth century, Christianity was threatened on all sides. Rationalism dominated religious thought. Form replaced reality.

Contemporary Christianity was little more than a code of morals supported by religious sanctions. The tide of evangelism was out. The lower classes were spiritually destitute; the upper, licentious. Coarse amusements, epidemic drunkenness, savage laws, widespread illiteracy, social irresponsibility—these evil conditions, which characterized Watts's generation, challenged him to produce a method for preaching equal to

4 tfilliston Walker, A History of the Christian Church— (New York. 1937), p. 476. 3

the needs of his age.

Today, Watts's hcmiletical writings are virtually unknown. While

many recognize Isaac Watts as a hymn writer or poet, few know that he

was a celebrated dissenter preacher; fewer still that he wrote instruc-

tions for preaching. The generality of such ignorance is, however, no

excuse for its continuance. The fact should be known that Watts did pro-

duce, though he never assembled as a separate treatise, a complete theory

for effective, evangelical, pastoral preaching.

A study of Watts's preaching theory has three justifications.

Historically, it is a sample of dissenter homiletics in the Age of

Reason. Personally, it is an important segment of the thought of a mw-n

of enduring renown. Intrinsically, it is an instructive body of doc-

trine, still of value to the preacher today.

In his instructions concerning preaching. Watts discussed the

sources, style, delivery, organization, and memorization of sermons.

He related the reason, the passions, and the preacher's character to the pastoral ministry. With great earnestness, he exhorted his fellow minis-

ters to adopt his teachings. To him, preaching was an essential weapon

in the struggle of the church to evangelize the world.

Alfred Ernest Garvie has defined preaching as "divine truth through human personality for eternal life. Because of the inescapable personal factor in all preaching, an evaluation of Watts's preach-

ing theory calls for some knowledge of the man himself, of the forces

e 'Alfred Ernest Garvie, The Christian Preacher (New York, 1921), p. 9. 8

which moulded his thinking, of the books he wrote, of the ideas he held,

and of the way he himself actually preached. These form the living back-

ground against which he wove his theory of effective evangelical

preaching.

Watts: Pastor, Scholar, Author, Saint

In old Southampton, England, back from French Street, stood the

plain but substantial house where Isaac Watts was born on July 17, 167**.^

The little known of his heredity indicates people of virtue and religion.

One grandfather, Thomas Watts, in "considerable esteem among his contemporaries” for his "acquaintance with mathematics, painting, music, poesy, etc. ... was commander of a ship of war in 1656, and by blowing

7 up of the ship in the Dutch war . . . was drowned in his youth." Nearly forty years later, Thomas* wife, "groaning and panting on the bed, with ghastly air, and languished head," died on July 13, 1693, after eighty years of

Virtue that lives conceal*d below. And to the breast confined.

Isaac’s maternal grandfather, whose ancestors fled from France because of persecution as Huguenots, was "an affluent and distinguished

^Paxton E. Hood, Isaac Watts: His Life and Writings (London, 1785), p. 11. n 'Taken from a footnote to a poem written in 1693 by Isaac Watts, The Works of the Reverend and Learned Isaac Watts, D.D. (6 vols.; London, 1810), IV, 494. All further quotations from Watts, unless otherwise specified, are taken from this edition, hereafter cited as Watts, Works. Citations give title of work, internal title if needed, and volume and page number.

8Ibid. 5

citizen of Southampton. ! '^ Watts % father, for whom he was named as first-

born son, is variously reported to have been a clothier, teacher, or

both. There is, however, complete agreement that for forty years he was

a faithful deacon of the Above Bar Congregational Church. ^ In 1674

and 1683 he was imprisoned in St. Michael’s Prison because of his faith- 11 fulness as a dissenter. Tradition points to an old stone before the

jail’s entrance where his young wife, waiting to visit her husband,

suckled her infant son.

12 Little other information remains about the Watts family. We have only glimpses of Isaac’s boyhood. Watts himself is the source of

information revealing his early language studies: Latin begun at four;

Greek at six; French at eleven; and Hebrew at thirteen. ^ To demonstrate his poetic ability all his major biographers include a pious acrostic written by the seven year-old Isaac for his mother.

I am a vile polluted lump of earth S o I’ve continu'd ever since my birth; A lthough Jehovah grace does daily give me, A s sure this monster Satan will deceive me, C ome, therefore. Lord, from Satan’s claws relieve me.

q A. P. Davis, Isaac Watts, His Life and Works (London, 1948), p. 1. lQ Ibid . , p. 2.

11 Hood, Watts, p. 9.

^Davis, Watts, p. 5. 1 ^A manuscript written in Watts % hand was discovered in the nineteenth century. It records dated events which he considered significant in his life. This valuable biographical material is divided into two columns. One is entitled "Coincidents"; the other, "Memorable Affairs in My Life." The record terminates with 1711. The entire contents of the manuscript are included in Edwin Paxton Hood’s biography of Watts. Cited hereafter as Watts, "Memorable Affairs," in Hood, Watts. .

W ash me in Thy blood, 0 Christ, A nd grace divine impart, T hen search and try the corners of my heart, T hat I in all things may be fit to do S ervice to thee, and sing thy praises too. 1^

Watts's elementary education, save for the important influence of

his home, was received in Edward VI Southampton Free-School, tinder Head-

master Reverend John Pinhorne. This teacher, "held in high repute for

learning," was rector of All Saints, the parish in which the nine Witts

children were bom and reared, and Prebendary of Leckford of FTHwg in

the New-Forest, Hants. He was a moulding influence on the life of the

young poet. 1^

When Watts had completed his course with Pinhorne, a group of

Southampton citizens, headed by a Dr. John Speed and attracted by Isaac's

character and scholarly promise, offered to send him to Oxford. But

knowing that the University required conformity, the young lad, as

Gibbons relates, replied without hesitation that "he was determined to

make his lot among the Dissenters. m1^

It is regrettable that so little is known of the sixteen formative years during which Watts wandered through the "lofty rooms and rambling nooks and passages" of the family home on French Street, or played with his brothers and sisters in the quiet back garden. 1?

Ik. Thomas Milner, The Life, Times, and Correspondence of the Rev. Isaac Watts, D.D. (London, I034), p. 50.

15 walter Wilson, The History and Antiquities of Dissenting Churches (3 vols.; London, lbo8), I, 293. lo Thonas Gibbons, Memoirs of the Rev. Isaac Watts. D.D. 1 (London.' 1780), p. 20. 1? Hood, Watts p. 11. 7

Having cast his lot with the dissenters, Watts % only opportunity

for further schooling was in a dissenter academy. By external standards

these schools could only be contrasted with the Universities. They were

In student body, conducted on a domestic basis, and usually taught

by one lone but dedicated teacher. Many were compelled to migrate as

the tutor faced persecution or accepted the call to a different church.

By standards of practical effectiveness, however, as McLachlan concludes,

the "work of the [dissenter] academies in the seventeenth and eighteenth

centuries was of great if not equal moment to the cause of nonconformity

and to that of higher education generally in England."^

The school Watts entered, called Newington Green Academy, bad been

founded by Theophilus Gale about 1666. ^ Three times it migrated about

London: to Newington Green, Clapham, and Little Britain. In 1690, the

year Watts enrolled, the tutor was the Reverend Thomas Rowe. He assumed

its leadership in 1678 at the age of twenty-one, serving both as tutor of

the Academy and as pastor of the congregation meeting in Girdler's Hall,

Basinghall Street. The course he offered lasted four years.

Rowe's ability attracted not only Watts but, at the same period,

such students as Daniel Neal, John Evans, Jeremiah Hunt, Samuel Say,

John Wilson, Henry Rowe, Josiah Hort, and John Hughes. Doctrinally,

^H. McLachlan, English Education Under the Test Acts (Manchester, 1931)# P« 44 • This study presents not only a scholarly overview of the work of these academies but also an individual treatment of the most important ones. 19 Ibid., pp. 49-52. See also p. 76 for the details of the other Newington Green Academy founded by Charles Morton in 1675. ~ .

Rovre was a Calvinist. , but , says Wilson,; he possessed "a noble and generous

mind, free from the shackles of party; and utterly adverse to <*n imposi-

tions in the concerns of religion." Thus , though his nonconformity was

decided, the freedom of inquiry he allowed his students was great. J

Through his own ministry and the influence of certain of his students

who later became famous, Rowe is regarded by McLachlan as "one of the

most potent forces in shaping the thought of eighteenth-century 21 nonconformity . "

Information concerning this period in Watts*s development is charac-

teristically meager. The books he studied can be known only by inference

The end result, however, so apparent in his works, is expressed by

Bernard Lord Manning:

... Dr. Watts possessed an enclyclopaedic sort of scholarship, less fine and nice, it might be, in the classics than the most polished Oxford man of his time might have, but vastly wider in scope and more liberal in tendency. I do not mean that Dr. Watts knew little Greek and Latin. He was accomplished in both; but he knew other things too. ^3

Southey believed that as a result of the rigorous schedule Watts

followed at the Academy "his constitution . . . received irreparable in-

1124 jury. Concerning his deportment, Dr. David Jennings, who preached

^°Wilson, History of Dissenting Churches. Ill, 170-171. 2 "*McLachlan, English Education , p. 52. 22 Davis, Watts, pp. 11-14. 23 Bernard Lord Manning, The Hymns of Wesley and Watts (London, 1942), pp. 79-80.

24” Robert Southey, "The Life of Dr. Watts," in The Poetical Works of Isaac Watts and Henry Kirke White (Boston, 1864 ), p. xiii. 9

Watts's funeral sermon, declared, "I have been credibly informed that while he resided in this college of learning, his behaviour was not only so inoffensive, that the tutor declared he never gave him any occasion of reproof, but so exemplary that he often proposed him as a pattern to

nis other pupils ^ for Imitation." When Samuel Johnson read two papers written by Watts during the period, he said they revealed "a degree of knowledge both philosophical and theological, such as very few attain by a much longer course 26 of study.” Moreover, it was while a student at Newington Green that Watts, at the age of nineteen, made his open confes- sion 2 of Christ and "was admitted into Mr. Rowe's church." ^

After four years at the academy. Watts returned to Southampton and the refuge of his father's house for two and a half additional years spent "in reading, 26 meditation, and prayers." Gibbons, who knew fetts as a friend, related the purpose of this spiritual retreat to his preparation for the ministry: reading for enlarged knowledge, meditation for deeper understanding, prayer for spiritual development.

These years at heme were among the most productive of Watts b entire life. Here he first undertook hymn writing with serious intent. The story is told that the hymns sung in the Above Bar Congregational

Church, which he and his family attended, were so displeasing to Watts

2 %ilner, Watts , p. 92.

°f ** B’ffUeh 080186 Hill

2/ Watts, "Memorable Affairs,” in Hood, Watts , n .p. 28 Gibbons, Watts , p, 92. 10

that he openly complained, against them. Either his father or another

deacon, or perhaps the pastor, the Reverend Nathaniel Robinson—for the

story varies here—answered his criticism by challenging him to produce better. Accepting the opportunity to exercise his poetic muse, young

Watts took a traditional melody and added word6 of his own. The following Sunday the assembled Christians sang his first great hymn;

Behold the glories of the Lamb Amidst His Father's throne; Prepare new honours for His Name, And song before unknown.

Let elders worship at His feet. The church adore around. With vials full of odours sweet. And harps of sweeter sound.

Those are the prayers of the saints. And these the hymns they raise; Jesus is kind to our complaints He loves to hear our praise.

Eternal Father, who shall look Into Thy secret will? Who but the Son shall take the book. And open every seal?

He shall fulfil Thy great decrees, The Son deserves it well; Lo! in His hand the sovereign keys Of heaven, and death, and hell.

Now to the Lonb that once was slain. Be endless blessings paid; Salvation, glory, Joy, remain For ever on Thy head.

Thou hast redeemed our souls with blood. Hast set the prisoners free; Hast made vis kings and priests to God And we shall reign with Thee. 11

The worlds of nature and of grace Are put beneath Thy power; Then shorten these delaying days. And bring the promised hour. 2^

The young poet was encouraged, even entreated, to produce another hymn,

and another. The series extended from Sabbath to Sabbath, until they

made a volume. Their publication was, however, long delayed.

Lest any biographical sketch of Watts be judged dull in the tell-

ing, an inescapable fact concerning the man must be clarified; he was

always a scholar. This accounts for the outward uneventfulness of his

biography. Watts’s scholarly life flowed tranquilly through a troubled

world. From the corruption of the reign of Charles II to the new order

established by the House of Hanover, the turbulence of English revolu-

tion swirled past his ministry. During the three score and ten years

of his fragile life the British finpire was bora abroad and the seeds of

social reformation planted at home. Violence lurked on country roads,

and war was the constant curse of nations. In spite of all. Watts % per-

sonal life was undisturbed, untroubled, uneventful. Milner very cor-

rectly admitted that "the lover of extraordinary incident strange

adventure" must be disappointed in Watts, for such a scholarly life as

his could only interest one "who delights ... to trace the operations

of a mind devoting its energies to the best interests of the human race, to behold an individual abstracted from earthly concerns, pursuing in the silent retirement of his closet designs of a purely spiritual and intellectual character. ,oCl

^Hood, Watts, pp. 30-31. 3u Milner, Watts, p. 29. s

On October 15 , 1696, at the age of twenty-two. Watts left his

spiritual retreat in Southampton to enter the heme of Sir John Hartopp.

This great red brick mansion, situated near the road on the north side

of Church Street in Stoke-Newington , was a fitting and impressive symbol

of a family representative of the highest nonconformist leadership of

r . ' y 1 v the time. Sir John Hartopp, intimate friend of the revered Dr. John

Owen, had thrice been elected to Parliament for Leicestershire, and

once to the office of high sheriff of the county. His wife was Eliza-

beth, daughter of lord General Fleetwood. In this family, as tutor to

1 Hartopp 1 s son, John, Watts entered into a sphere of living from which he •*1 never departed.

It was in this home that several important aspects of Watts'

life pattern were permanently established. Here he enjoyed "intimacy

with ... gentlemen of great abilities and extraordinary piety ...

conversing with people of real worth, and taking a large survey of the

varieties of mankind from the numerous company that at one time, and on

one occasion or another resided in Sir John's family or made visits to him. Here he learned to schedule his duties to allow time for additional study, and to discipline his mind by composing for young John the material later published as his famous textbook on logic. At this time, too, on his twenty-fourth birthday, July 17, 1698, he preached

3%ood, Watts, pp. 48-51. 32 Ibid ., p. 111. 13

his first sermon to the congregation at Mark Lane where the Hartopps

were members. 33

The remaining fifty years of Watts *s life and ministry gravitated

around this distinguished congregation. Historically, the Mark Lane

church resulted from a union of two congregations: that assembled by

the ejected Joseph Caryl from his hearers at St. Magnus, and that of the

celebrated Dr. John Owen. Shortly after Caryl's death the union was

1 consummated on June 5> 1673 > under Owen's leadership, with 171 members.3*

From the beginning , the membership of the church included such eminent

names as Lord Charles Fleetwood, Sir John Hartopp, Colonel Desborough,

Colonel Berry, Lady Abney, Lady Vere Wilkinson, and the eccentric Mrs.

Bendish, granddaughter of Oliver Cromwell. 35

At the time of Watts's maiden sermon, Dr. Isaac Chauncy, the

scholarly but stubborn and unpopular pastor of the church, needed an

assistant. Shortly thereafter Watts was chosen. In April, 1701, Dr.

Chauncy resigned. Immediately the church turned to Watts. But, as a

result of "fever and weakness" contracted in 1698, hope of his acceptance was abandoned. Both the elderly William Bearman and the young and fiery Thomas Bradbury were called. Each refused. Only then, and after much prayer, did Watts accept the call on March 8, 1702.

Ten days later he was solemnly ordained to the office of pastor.

The five ministers participating on this occasion were Thomas Rowe,

3°Watts, "Memorable Affairs," in Hood, Watts .

3\filson, History of Dissenting Churches, I, 253, 273.

35Ibid. Matthew Clark, Thomas Collins, Thomas Ridgley, and Benoni Rowe. Thomas

Rowe, Watts's old teacher, who was chosen to preach the ordination sermon,

took as his text Jeremiah 3< 15, "And I will give you pastors according to

my heart, which shall feed you with knowledge and understanding.

The influence of the new paBtor soon made itself felt. The Mark

Lane congregation, depleted by Dr. Chauncy's unpopularity, so increased

in size that by mid-summer 1704, larger quarters had to be found. For

four years services were held in famous Pinner's Hall. From there, in

1700, the congregation again moved to a newly constructed meeting house

on Bury Street in White Horse-Yard, Duke's Place, St. Mary Axe. 37 Con-

tinued growth of the congregation and poor health necessitated the choice

of Samuel Price as assistant pastor in July, 1703. Ten years later, with

Watts's full approval he was named co-pastor. Rarticipating in the ordi-

nation was a select group of London pastors, including Nesbitt, Bragge,

Collins, Ridgley and Foxon. In a spirit exemplifying Christian brother-

hood, Watts and Price served the Bury Street congregation as co-pastors 38 until Watts's death in 1748.

As he became more and more immersed in his pastorate, Watts's ties with the Hartopp home gradually loosened. "By slow degrees he removed from Newington to Mr. Tho: Hollis's in the minories. " Paul Ramsey

suggests that the eight years Watts spent with the Hollis family may

^Wilson, History of Dissenting Churches. Ill, l69j I, 295. 37 Ibid . , I, 134.

^Paul Ramsey, "Editor's Introduction,” in Jonathon Edwards, Freedom of the Will (New Haven, 1957), p. 90. "

have increased his interest in America. It was Hollis who "founded the

iirst professorship of mathematics and natural philosophy at Harvard ,

and, with the advice of Watts, picked Isaac Greenwood as the first oc-

cupant of the chair.

During the early years of his pastorate Watts's first two books

appeared, Horae Lyricae in 1706, and Hymns and Spiritual Songs in 1707.

These established his position as poet and hymn writer. In 1707 he also

published an Essay Against Uncharitableness and A Sermon Pre

Salter's Hall . Except for these publications, however, it must be ad-

mitted with Davis, "We do not know very much concerning Watts's activi-

ties during these years.

One chain of related events beginning in 1712, however, so affected

the remainder of Watts's life that no biographer may overlook their in-

fluence. In September of that year Watts "was seized with a violent

fever which left his nerves permanently affected." "Amidst all the violence of my distemper, and the tiresome months of it ... I had

ado," says Watts, "to preserve the machine of animal nature in such order

as regularly to exercise either the man or the Christian." Fran the experience, however, he achieved a faith and dedication which, lending

saintliness to his life, are revealed in his prayer!

Jesus, great Advocate, whose pitying eye Saw my long anguish, and with melting heart And powerful intercession spread 'st my woes With all my groans before the Father -God Bear up my praises now; thy holy incense Shall hallow all my sacrifice of joy.

39 Davis, Watts, p. 29. 16

And bring these accents grateful to his ear. My heart and life, my lips and every power Snatch*d from the grasp of death, I here devote By thy bless*d hands an offering to his name. Amen, HaHelu.1ah ffi

Watts never forgot the hard lessons of sickness. Years later he

said, "When the nerves are unbraced, and the tabernacle of the body

tottering, the soul partakes of the infirmities of this poor fleshly ^ engine.’ Seeking not escape, but rather "victory over the complaints

and groanings of nature," he believed that "diseases are the servants of our lord Christ; [who] can bid pains and anguish of body go or come as

he pleases; nor can they seize you without his commission, nor tarry hp with you beyond his appointed moment."

Life-long illness made such a doctrine no empty speculation for

Watts. Though he recovered sufficiently to partially perform his duties in 1716, intermittent attacks followed. On February 21, 1721, in

dedicating his first volume of sermons to his church he admitted his

complete incapacity. In 1729, sickness prevented him from delivering

the charge to the candidate at John Oakes's ordination. By 1736, re-

current illness had left Watts with "attenuated frame" and"trenailous hand." In 1739, he was "ill, depressed, and suffering from extreme

I4.3 physical debility." Four years later he suffered "a paralytic disorder,"

^°Watts, "Hymn of Praise for Recovery," in "Reliquiae Juveniles,"* Works, IV, 571.

^Watts, "Holy Fortitude or Remedies Against Fear," in "Sermons on Various Subjects, Divine and Moral," in Works , I, 33k. 42 Ibid ., I, 3^3.

^Milner, Watts, p. 525. " i

though the effects of this mild stroke were temporary. Through «i

these years the old nervous disorder caused extreme insomnia, so that

. * even opiates were ineffective to produce sleep. Moreover, he suffered

"nervous paroxysms which were severe and distressing, but short in their

duration and infrequent in occurrence." In spite of his faith, his in- 44 firmities resulted in "extreme hypochondriacism. Strangely enough,

all the disorders of disease appeared to leave his frail body during

his latter years. He suffered only the gradual dissolution of age.

In contrast with this dark shadow of life-long illness, Watts's

great sickness in 1712 resulted in the greatest blessing of his life—

his entrance into the Abney household, where he came to be nursed back

to health. Like Hartopp, Sir Thomas Abney was a dissenter aristocrat,

a member of the congregation of John Howe. At various times he had

served as alderman, sheriff, and lord mayor of London. Knighted for

services to King William, he was director of "the Bank" and president of

St. Thomas' Hospital. In 1700 he married Mary Gunston, a member of

Watts's Bury Street church, and sister of Thomas Gunston, with whom

Watts had struck up a close friendship during the time he was tutor to young John Hartopp.

Into this household Watts entered as a sick man invited to stay for a week. Perhaps sympathy for his illness, perhaps admiration for his saintliness, perhaps the memory of his warm friendship with Thomas

Gunston, perhaps reasons lost with time, kept him sheltered there as an

44 Ibid., pp. 515, 629,679, 681. :

honored member of the home until his death thirty-six years later.

Watts testified, "I ewe my life under God to their care and kindness.

Because of his personal acquaintance with all concerned. Gibbons best summarises the values of this long and unusual friendship between

Watts and the members of the Abney household

Here he dwelt in a family, which for piety, order, harmony, and every virtue, was an house of God. Here he had the privilege of a country recess, the fragrant bower, the spreading lawn, the flowery garden, and other advantages, to sooth his mind and aid his restoration to health; to yield him, whenever he chose them, most grateful intervals from his laborious studies, and enable him to return to them with re- doubled vigour and delight. Had it not been for this happy event, he might, as to outward view, have feebly, it may be painfully, dragged on through many more years of languor, and inability for publick service, and even more profitable study, or perhaps might have sunk into his grave under the overwhelming load of infirmities in the midst of his days; and thus the church and the world would have been deprived of those many excellent sermons and works, which he drew up and published during his long residence in this family. In a few years after his coming hither Sir Thomas Abney dies; but his amiable consort survives, and shows the Doctor the same respect and friendship as before, and most happily for him and great numbers besides; for, as her riches were great, her generosity and munificence were in full proportion; her thread of life was drawn out to a great age, e/on bev-?nd that of the Doctor's; and thus this excellent man, through her kindness, and that of her daughter, the present Mrs. Elizabeth Abney, who in a like degree esteemed and honored him, enjoyed all the benefits and felicities he experienced at his first entrance into this family, till his days were numbered and finished, and like a shock of corn in its season, he as- cended into the regions of perfect and imnortal life and joy.

Since the remainder of Watts's life centered in the Abney home, sane description of the environment in which he lived becomes important.

^^Davis, Watts, p. 35.

Gibbons, Watts , pp. 113-114. 19

The Abneys owned three houses—the country estates of Theobalds

and Stoke -Newington , and a London town house on Lime Street. Theobalds

was no less than a palace, and was situated a mile from Chestnut in

scenic Hertfordshire. Memories hung heavy about the place. Here

Queen Elizabeth had rested, and James I witnessed masques written by

Ben Johnson. In nearby Chestnut the gentler Cromwell, Richard, died

in the year of Watts's great sickness. On the tombs in the Chestnut

churchyard were epitaphs composed by Watts for deceased friends. Here

among the shades and gardens of Theobalds was "everything that could

excite the memory, or stir or sooth and lull the imagination." Evi-

dently, it was here that the earlier years of Watts's stay with the

Abney family were spent.

The dearest home to Watts, however, was the Abney mansion in

rural Stoke-Newington. It was peaceful, and productive of security and

study. Such serenity was important to Watts. The little rural village of no more than a hundred hemes was surrounded by woodlands. The laneB, the old bridge, the river flowing to the Thames and out to sea, the garden, aid the lanes of yew trees quieted his frayed nerves. Here, too, were rich and tender memories—memories both of his own school days and his tutoring of young John Ilartopp. Here he had walked and talked with Thomas Gunston in the closest friendship of his life.

Even without such memories, however, the Abney mansion was a source ol security and beauty. From Church Street the property was

1 ^See Herbert W. Tompkins, Highways and Byways in Hertfordshire (London, 1926), pp. 1-2. 20

entered by iron gates that swung back to admit the carriage to a cir-

cular drive. From this point the house , which stood considerably farther

back than the neighboring Fleetwood House, presented an imposing s ight.

The great red brick dwelling with stone quoins, rose, softened here and there with ivy, square, substantial, and secure. The expansive flat

roof was broken by five friendly cupolas in front, and the promise of

warmth from six tall chimneys. Just beyond the roof line was a wide

balustrade, and in the very center a large turret surrounded by gi windows. Beyond the house and the well-kept garden, stretched the park where cedar groves and avenues of yew trees blended into the woodlands beyond.

Where the carriage stopped wide steps awaited the visitor, and

a great gracious arched door opened on a spacious entrance hall. The first door to the right led to a small library used by Watts as a study. Just opposite was a small parlor. Lady Abney's sitting-room; and to the side, a "painted” parlour, the panels of which were filled with land-

scaper. and figures from Ovid. There, too, were painted the four characters of Youth, Age, Mirth, and Grief done by Watts himself. Farther down the hall stately stairs led to the bedrooms above, and promised a way to the expansive view and quiet seclusion of the turret so often used by Watts as a retreat for meditation and writing.

Watts's study was a room of particular character. At its entrance hung in a neat frame were printed lines from Horace. When translated, they read: 21

He who against an absent friend inveighs, or, when attack'd will not protect his praise He in whose converse biting jests abound, at other's cost who feuds the life around. He who with impudence deals out his lies. And says he saw what never met his eyes. He who still talks and cares not right or wrong And glories in his flippancy of tongue. He who betrays through levity of mind Th' important secrets to his breast consign'd. This man is black indeed; avoid the pest. 0 Nor let your doors admit him for your guest .

Within, the paneled walls , save where they were covered with rows of

well-used books, were adorned with paintings from Watts's own brush and

portraits of eminent persons he knew or admired. In the center of the

far wall was a large Elizabethan fireplace, where burned a fire of

glowing coals* On the panels on either side of the fireplace were quo-

tations from Horace* On the one side, " locus est pluribus iimT-irls" ; on the " other Quid me dolorum propria dignabitor umbra ." At the center of the

room was a small round table. Beside it stood a footstool on which lay

an open book, and close by Watts's cane and hat. On the table were a

vase of flowers, a telescope, the Bible, and, of course, writing materi-

als. And seated there in a black silk coat and white wig was the

stooped fragile figure of Isaac Watts.^

The events which transpired in the Abney household are no longer discernible, unless some biographer can discover hidden meanings in the writings of Watts his^o.if. Certainly, within the limits of our interest, it is enough to repeat with Mrs. S. C. Hall, "The history of [Watts's]

48 Gibbons, Watts , pp. 162-163. 49 Hood, Watts, pp. 32, 82; 230-236. 22

life, from the time of his entering the Abney house, is merely a history

of his works." It is in his writings rather than in deeds that his

life centered.

Watts's Writings

It was Watts's wish that he should be remembered for his books.

Jeremy Belknap writes:

It was his choice that his character appear from his printed works, and not from any private papers. His friends, to whom he committed the care of publishing his books, were expressly prohibited from making a collection of his letters, which might easily have been done soon after his death. The material, from which an account of his life can be composed are therefore few; they exhibit a vigorous mind and weak body; a character amiable and worthy of imitation. 51

He was always fundamentally a writer. In boyhood he wrote childish verses; in school he wrote and preserved themes. In Manhood he wrote

and published poems, hymns, sermons, essays, and textbooks; in old age he continued to write and to revise his earlier writings. Almost everything he wrote, he published. To him writing was an extension of his ministry.

As has already been stated, Watts's first book, Horae Lyricae

(1706) established his reputation as a poet. The excellence of these poems not only won for them a place in Samuel Johnson's Anthology of

English Poetry , but, before that, wide popular acclaim. A modern scholar.

50 Mrs. S. C. Hall, Pilgrimages to English Shrines (London, 1835), pp. 230-236.

^Jeremy Belknap, Memoirs of the Lives, Character, and Writings of • • • Dr. Isaac Watts and Dr. Philip Doddridge (Boston, 1793)* PP. 5-6. 23

V. de Sola Pinto, has credited Watts with keeping alive the spirit of

freedom and adventure in an age stifling for imaginative literature.

Says Pinto, Watts "rediscovered things that English poets [had] for-

gotten for a long time, the magic of innocence and tenderness, the

beauty of small and humble things, the divine quality of childhood."

Then he adds:

It is high time that attention should be called to Isaac Watts's very remarkable and interesting achievements in poetry. It is time that his poems were rated at their true worth, and no longer dismissed with the productions of Yalden, Blackmore, Pomfret and other small fry of Dr. Johnson's famous aquarium, or lost in a rosy mist of pious conventional adultation.52

To this critic, Watts's poetry "belongs at best to the literature of power," whose agelessness he emphasizes by declaring that by a strange paradox it is "more truly alive after the lapse of centuries than it was in the year it was written.

Watts, on the other hand, was strongly critical of his own poetry.

Asserting that "poesy is not the business of my life, but rather a form of relaxation," he admitted that "many a line needs the file to polish the roughness of it, and many a thought needs richer language to adorn and make it shine." Yet, he confessed, "I have at present neither inclination nor leisure to correct. His purpose, he said, was to return poetry to its original service in "its proper station in the temple

'' 2 V. de Sola Pinto, "Isaac Watts and the Adventurous Muse,"

Essays and Studies by Members of the English Association , collected by

George Cookson (Southampton, 1935), p. 87 . 53 Ibid., p. 92 . 5k Watts, "Horae lyricae," Works, IV, 417. 24

of God. " For this purpose, finish was unimportant.

The publication of Watts's second book, gymns and Spiritual ooxy-s

(1707 ), required more than public demand. The Preface to this work suggests that his reason for printing it was to extend the usefulness of

"compositions already found helpful to the comfbrt and edification of 55 societies, and of private persons. Moreover, this was exactly the

56 argument of his brother, Enoch, in advocating its publication.

And Watts's hymns did revolutionize psalmody amnng the churches.

Only recently Louis F. Benson declared, "Watts unde the model for Eng- lish hymns Just as Ambrose did for Latin. Pinto, likewise, claims that "it was Watts's conception of the hymn that became the standard of 58 English hymnody. " While Watts saw need for improvement in «.n avenues of religious instruction, he declared that "of all our religious solemnities, psalmody is the most unhappily managed. " Being convinced "that one great occasion of this evil arises from the matter and words to which we confine our songs, " he wrote his hymns to correct this defect. 59

Watts's third major publication, entitled A Guide to Prayer, appeared in 1715. A few years earlier, while in good health. Watts had formed a "private society of younger men, who were desirous to learn to

55watts, "Horae Iyricae, " Works, IV, 417.

356 George Burder, Memoirs of the Rev. Isaac Watts. D.D. (6 vols.; London, 1810), liii-lv. 57 Louis F. Benson, The HymnocLv of the Christian Church (Richmond. 1956), p. 114. 58 Pinto, "Adventurous Muse, " p. 95 . 59 Watts, "Ifymns, " Works, IV, p. 254. 25

«6o pray. " To teach them how to pray he sought a textbook, later admitting.

M Had I found any treatise that had answered my design, I had never given

quate text, he prepared his own material for use in such classes. In

his preface to the book he excused its lack of polish and justified its

publication by saying that sickness had cut him off from other forms of

public service.

From these first three books —Horae Lyricae , Hymns and Spiritual

Songs, and A Guide to Prayer —a pattern of reasons for all Watts’s writ-

ings may be formulated. They are: (l) the useful employment of leisure;

(2) the creation of a supply where a need existed; and (3) the substitu- tion of published materials for personal preaching made impossible by

sickness. These three purposes, linked with great natural genius and

Intense personal dedication, were to account for the amazing volume and variety of Watts’s writings.

It was the first purpose—the useful employment of leisure—which, as he indicated in the following passage, explains his books on astronomy and geography.

It was chiefly in the younger part of my life, indeed,

that these studies were my entertainment ; and being desired, both at that time, as well as since, upon some occasions, to lead some young friends into the knowledge of the first principles of geography and astronomy, I found no treatise on those subjects written in so very

^°Watts, "A Guide to Prayer," Works, III, 109.

Ibid. , pp. 109-110.

^Watts, "A Caveat Against Infidelity," Works, IV, 107-110. —

plain and comprehensive a manner as to answer my wishes: Upon this account I drew up the following papers, and set everything in that light in which it appeared most obvious and easy to me.°2

An instance of his desire to furnish a supply where a need existed is

found in the Preface to his work on reading:

For when I had surveyed grammars, and spelling-books, for this service, I found none of them perfectly answered my design, that is, to lead English readers into an easy acquaintance with their mother-tongue, without constraining them to acquire the knowledge of other languages. And though I did not set myself at first to write these directions for the public, yet, since they are written, surely I may offer them to the world without offence.°3

And no clearer, or more sadly courageous example of the last principle

to substitute books for a personal ministry made impossible by illness may be found than Watts* s own words to his congregation at Bury Street:

As fast as my health increases, you may assure yourselves it is devoted to your edification. It often grieves me to think how poor, feeble, and short are my present labours among you; and yet what days of faintness I generally feel

after every such attempt : So that I am continually prevented in my design of successive visits to you, by the want of active spirits while I tarry in the city; and if I attempt to stay but a week or ten days there, I find a sensible return of weakness; so that I am constrained to retire to the country air, in order to recruit and maintain this little capacity of service. I bless God heartily, and you are my witnesses, that in my better seasons of health heretofore, and in the intervals of my studies, I was not a stranger of your private families, nor thoughtless of your souls' improvement. What shall I do now to make up these defects? What can I do more pleasing and profitable to you, than to seize the advantages of my retirement, to review some of those discourses which have assisted, your faith and joy in my former ministry.

°*Watt8, "The Knowledge of the Heavens and the Earth Made Easy," Works, V, 410-411.

^Watts, "Art of Reading and Writing English," Works, IV, 679. . ,

and to put them into your hands: Thus something of me shall abide with you in your several houses, while I am so incapable of much public labour, and of personal visits. This, my friends, is the true design of sealing this volume to the press. °4

Because of their relationship to an exposition of his preaching

theory, several other of Watts’s many other books must also be mentioned.

Of primary importance in this connection are his Logick (1724) and The

Improvement of the Mind (1741). Though widely separated in time, these

were companions in content and purpose.

In the Logick Watts recognized as natural logic "the good judgment

and prudence that any man exerts in his conmon concerns of life, without

the advantages of learning." Thus his treatise, he considered "a higher

advancement, and a further assistance of our rational powers." ? He divided logic into four principal operations: perception, judgment

argumentation, and disposition. Condemning scholastic logic as "that noisy thing that deals all in dispute and wrangling," he sought to present a way of right reasoning practical both for secular and religious concerns

The influence of Watts’s Logick may be inferred from its exclusive 66 use in dissenter Academies and its long use in the Universities. James

Burgh, the eighteenth-century elocutionist, in suggesting a proper course

, ^Watts "Sermons," Works , I, lxxxiii-lxxxiv.

^Watts, "Logick," Works , V, 7*

^McLachlan, English Education Under the Test Acts, p.306. See u also Job Orton, "The Idfe of the Author . in Phillip iltoddriige. The Family Expositor (4 vols.; Bungay, l8l8), IV, xxi. ^

of study, stated, "For the purpose of putting young persons in the way of reasoning justly, Dr. Watts's Logick may with success be read gr and commented on to them.” ' Some fifty years later Richard Whately praised Watts for "perceiving the inadequacy of the syllogistic theory to the vast purposes to which others had attempted to apply it.” He

criticized Watts , however, for a basic misconception:

Watts still craved after the attainment of same equally comprehensive and all-powerful system; which he accordingly attempted to construct under the title of THE RIGHT USE OF REASON- -which was to be a method of invigorating and properly directing all the powers of the mind: a most magnificent object indeed, but one which not only does not fall under the province of Logic, and cannot be accomplished by any one science or system that can even be conceived to exist. The attempt to comprehend so wide a field, is no extension of science, but a mere verbal generalization, which leads only to vague and barren declamation. 66

The Improvement of the Mind , long in the writing and drawn slowly from meditation and experience, was "made up of a variety of remarks and directions for the improvement of the mind in useful knowledge. "^9

Originally intended for one volume, it gradually grew to two. "The first," as Watts says, "lays down remarks and rules how we may attain knowledge ourselves, and the second, how we may best coranunicate it to others."

Whole chapters are devoted to preaching problems. Among these are "Of inquiring into the Sense and Meaning of any Writer or Speaker, and especially the Sense of the Sacred Writing," and "Of Instruction by Preach- ing." Dr. Johnson traced many of the principles advanced in the work to

“'James Burgh, The Dignity of Human Nature (New York, 1812), p. 162. 63 Richard Whately, Elements of Logic (New York, 1852), p. 38. ^ 'Watts, "The Improvement of the Mind," Works, V, 182. 7Q Ibid. , p. I83. .

John Locke, hut added that "they were so expanded and ramified by Watts,

as to confer upon him the merit of a work in the highest degree useful

and pleasing."' Johnson* s evaluation of this: "Whoever has the care

of instructing others, may be charged with deficiency in his duty if this „72 work is not recommended. Davis praises the work for making reason practical by transforming it into a working instrument." "In the Logic, " he says, "Watts made reason understandable; in the Improvement he made

it usable." Davis concludes that "many sections could still be used to 73 advantage by modern students."

Of special importance in a study of Watts * s preaching theory is his Humble Attempt Towards the Revival of Practical Religion among

Christians, and. Particularly the Protestant Dissenters, by a Serious

Address to Ministers and People, in Some Occasional Discourses (1731).

This work not only exemplifies the intense fervor of his Christian life and ministry, but epitomizes his theory of effective sermon building and delivery. Thus it affords a frame work about which his scattered

instructions concerning preaching may be gathered. Unfortunately , most studies of Watts* s writings have neglected this aspect of the Humble At- tempt, and interpreted it, as Davis does, as nothing more than an answer 74 to a criticism Strickland Gough directed against dissent. No other single work by Watts, however, is more important in the exposition of his homiletics

71 Johnson, Lives of the English Poets , III, 308 . 72 Ibid.

^Dsvis, Watts, pp. 88-89 . 74 Ibid. , p. 40. 30

Many other books by Watts could be mentioned as containing rich nuggets of preaching theory. Among these, five, whose scattered homiletical references will be analyzed later in this study, demand particular recognition. These are The Doctrine of the Passions Explained Improved; or, a Brief and Comprehensive Scheme of the Natural Affections

ofMankind, and an Account of Their Hemes, Nature, Appearance, Effects , Different Uses in Human Life; to Which are Subjoined Moral and Divine Rules for the Regulation of Government of Them (1729); Essay on the Free-

of Will in God and in Creatures J and on Various Subjects Connected

Therewith —viz, the Ideas of : Liberty and Necessity; the Causes of the

Determination of the Will ; the Use of the Understanding to Direct, Kot

...Determine it; the Liberty of God as a Creator, a Governor, and a

Benefactor; the Doctrine of Fatality; the Spring of Moral Good Evil ;

the Difference between Moral and Positive Laws ; the Sin and Fall of Man,

end. .the Free Grace of God; the Rewardableness of Faith in the Gospel, and

the Criminal Nature of Infidelity (1732).

Among his essays Watts published in 1733, "A Brief Scheme of On- tology, offering a philosophical basis for his concept of method, a controlling principle in his doctrine of sermon composition. Then in 173^, he published Reliquiae Juvenilis which, with a similar posthumous publication, presente d Miscellaneous Thoughts in Prose and Verse, on natural. Moral, and Divine Subjects. Herein were anecdotes and personal meditations by which valuable facets of his preaching theory were preserved.

While Watts wrote many other books not so pertinent to our study. 31

some of these contain references to his preaching theory. ^ These in-

clude textbooks on reading, geography, and astronomy; essays on politics,

philosophy, and education; catechisms and the theory of catechisms;

voluminous writings on theology; varied sermons; and religious specula-

tions. Samuel Johnson was no more than fair when he declared:

Few men have left behind such purity of character or such monuments of laborious piety. [Watts] has provided instruction for all ages, from those who are lisping their first lessons, to the enlightened readers of Malebranche and Locke; he has left neither corporeal nor spiritual nature unexamined; he has taught the art of reasoning, and the science of the stars. His character, therefore, must be formed from the multiplicity and diversity of his attainments, rather than from any single performance; for it would not be safe to claim for him the highest rank in any single denomination of literary dignity: yet perhaps there was nothing in which he would not have excelled, if he had not divided his powers to different pursuits. 7°

In his published works was the real fruit of Watts's wind and the

- standard by which he wished his life to be judged. And here also, com-

plete, though never collected into a separate treatise, is a theory of

effective preaching by "the most notable dissenting minister of the

age." Here is Watts's contribution to the pastor's quest for "skill

to apply his knowledge, to answer the different purposes of the pastoral

charge."

75 See Bibliography for a complete list of all Watts's writings.

7^Samuel Johnson, Lives of the English Poets, III, 307-310. 77 'L. Tyerman, The Life of Rev. George Whitfield (2 vols.; 1, 70. London, 1890). 32

Conclusion

In evaluating Watts as a person, his biographers show a common

characteristic --the tendency to eulogize. It began with Thomas Gib-

bons writings

He was pious without ostentation; devout without enthusiasm; humble without disguise; patient without fainting or complaint; faithful without morosity; firm without rigour; zealous without fury; and studious without gloom or stiff- ness. With equal truth, and in the same manner of description I might add that he was pleasant without levity; mild without meanness; learned without pride; polite without dissimulation; bountiful without vanity or imprudence; and pure and temperate without the least shadow of contrary vices.

Such praise on the part of Gibbons is understandable, for he and Watts were respected friends and fellow-pastors. Samuel Johnson*s biographi-

cal sketch, based upon information received through his own friendship with Gibbons, naturally follows the same pattern. But why the tendency to eulogize in the accounts written by Milner, Hood, Southey, and Belknap?

Why does the recent biography by A. P. Davis begin with great objectivity but end, like all others, in virtual eulogy? At the first Davis asserts,

"My ultimate purpose has been to present Watts as a typical and significant minor transitional figure whose works transmitted to the eighteenth century the evangelical tendencies inherent in seventeenth-century

Puritanism. At the end, however, he finds only two criticisms of

Watts: occasional "waspishness" due to ill health, and over-humility.

On the positive side, he accepts Watts as "the perfect pattern of the

Gibbons , Watts, p. 524.

??Davis, "Preface," Watts, p. xi. ,

minister of God” to the dissenters; as exemplifying "a spirit of

Christianity that was far too rare among the eighteenth- century sects”; as characterized by "a healthy intellectual curiosity, a generous charitable disposition, a cheerful attractive friendliness, and even good business ability"; as possessing "an excellent memory, inde- fatigable industry, and inexhaustible energy"; as being "a facile writer, 0 a quick thinker, a shrewd observer, and an apt learner."^

His final statement is this:

I conclude this review of Watts's character feeling that in spite of the few failings which he possessed, he was essentially an admirable person. Charitable, pious, gentle— his saintliness was tinged with just enough worldliness to make him human. Very few figures in his century have been so universally beloved, and few have been so worthy of such

Actually, Davis speaks only fact when he asserts, "From his day down to ours, the character of Isaac Watts has received its full share of praise."®2

In the face of this long-established reputation, how i we estimate Watts? One thing is certain: he was an unusually successful pastor. Success as a pastor has its own criteria. Chief among these are saintliness of character, personal dedication to the work, loving acceptance by the people, and recognition of achievement. In each area Watts excelled.

® °Ibid . , pp. 216-223. 8l Ibid . , p. 223. 82 Ibid . p. 216. Watts* s saintliness is attested to "by his writings, his holy liv-

ing, and the impression he made on others. Such a hymn as "When I Survey

the Wondrous Cross," is a saintly conception. As Albert Edvard Bailey

declares, "In this combination of Imagery, insight, and passion. Watts

reaches the height of devotional poetry."^ Watts's personal conduct

followed a pattern of Puritan righteousness. Not only is there no

record of sinful deviation in his life, but his writings are often

deliberate quests for methods by which the emotions may be made to

serve God, humility achieved, or ethics applied to daily life. The im-

pression Watts made upon others caused it to be said, "Wherever he goes,

. . 84 he is regarded with veneration and love."

Watts's dedication to his work as a pastor is attested to by his

achievements. The long and varied list of his writings, confined with

his many sermons, superimposed upon the equally long chronicle of his

sickness, remains the unanswerable demonstration both of his brave spirit

and his dedication to the service of God and man. It is on the basis of

Watts's writing ministry that Davis asserts, "Watts has a place of some

significance as a secular educator in the eighteenth century; as a religious educator, he is without an equal.

Nor can there be any doubt that people loved Watts. His co-pastor,

Samuel Price, desired to be buried as near him as possible and directed

go ’Albert Edward Bailey, The Gospel in Hymns (New York, 1950), P. 50. 84 Helen C. Knight, Lady Huntington and Her Friends (New York, 1853)* p. 21. gc ^Davis, Watts, p. 73. .

that these lines he written upon his tombstone:

Here lies the body of Mr. Samuel Price, who served with the truly Rev. Dr. Watts in the gospel, under the character of his assistant and co-pastor forty-five years, to whose interrupted goodness and candor he has been highly obliged so great a part of his life. He died in hopes of being together with the Lord, the twenty-first of April, 1756.°°

Watts's friends cared for him as a privilege. When after thirty

years of residence in Lady Abney's household, he apologized to her for

the length of his stay, she is said to have replied, "Sir, what you term

a long thirty years visit, I consider as the shortest visit my family

ever received . " ^ When sickness rendered Watts incapable of performing

his pastoral duties, the members of his congregation loyally and lovingly

continued their support and relationship.

Finally, it is apparent that Watts's achievements were recognized.

Both Edinburgh and Aberdeen bestowed, unsolicited, the Doctor of Divinity

degree on Watts in 1728. Tyerman states that Watts was "the most notable 88 dissenting minister of the age." A. S. Turberville declares that Watts

"had a great reputation in his own day, not only as a most eloquent

preacher, but as a philosopher."^ Following his quiet release to "the

world to come" on November 25 , 1748, the Gentlemans Magazine carried

^Walter Wilson, The History and Antiquities of Dissenting Churches (3 vols.j London, 1808), I, 319.

^Augustus Toplady, "Some Outlines of the Life of Dr. Isaac Watts," The Works of Augustus Toplady (6 vols.; London, 1794), IV, 117

^Tyerman, The Life of Whitefield, I, 70. An A. S. Turberville, English Men and Manners in the Eighteenth Century (Oxford, 1926), p. 3I6. i

this simple hut appropriate eulogy:

Isaac Watts, D. D. a truly ingenious and accomplished person, as well in polite literature as divinity and the sciences, of which his writings as well poetical as prosaic abundantly testify, and no less exemplary for candor, piety, and solid virtue. -- He was a dissenting minister, hut honor*d hy all parties. 90

Later a marble monument was erected to his memory in Westminster Abbey.

Watts* s body was carried by six ministers—two Independents, two

Presbyterians, two Baptists—to rest in Bunhill Fields, the burial ground for dissenters. Above the grave Sir John Hartopp and Lady Abney raised a monument to the memory of their dear friend and pastor. Upon this memorial was inscribed the epitaph composed by Watts in which he counted not the length of his life but the years he was pastor.

ISAAC WATTS, D.D.

Pastor of a Church of Christ in London, Successor of the Rev. Mr. Joseph Caryl, Dr. John Owen, Mr. David Clarkson, and Dr. Isaac Chauncey, after Fifty Years of feeble Labours in the Gospel, interrupted by Four Years of tiresome Sickness, was at last dismissed to Rest.

November XXV. A.D. MDCCXLVII. AST. LXXV.

2 Cor. v 8. Absent from the body, present with the Lord Col. iii, 4. When Christ, who is our life, sbai appear with him in glory.

IN VNO IESV OMNIA91

90 Gentlemans Magazine. XVIII (Nov., 1748), 525. 91 Burder, Memoirs, Watts , I, xlix. —

CHAPTER II

WATTS’S PREACHING VIEWPOINT

Having narrated Watts’s life and reviewed his writings, let us

now seek to discover the intellectual position from which he viewed the

work of preaching. It was this perspective which, of course, principally

determined his homiletics. His decisions about what truths should be

preached, what applications should be made, what manners and methods

should be used for effectiveness were nil based more or less directly

upon this point of reference.

Watts’s intellectual perspective--in fact, that of any preacher may be discovered by seeking his answers to five questions. The first

is sociological: What is his conception of the relationship of organized religion to government, the ills of society, and the sins of the

individual? Hie second is philosophical: What is his conception of an intellectually acceptable criterion for religious certainty? The third is ecclesiastical: What doctrines or polities of organized religion does he recognize? The fourth, purposeful: What are his notions of the ideal layman, church, and pastor? The fifth, theological: What doctrine 1 does he believe should be preached?

Sociological

The degree to which pastors center their preaching in themes of

^In this connection see Andrew W. Blackwood, Preaching from the ( New York, 19^1), p. ^7j Lewis 0. Brastow, Representative Modern Preachers (New York, 1904),pp.viii-ix.

37 38

social responsibility varies with the importance they place on the rela-

tionship between religion and government, on social problems, and cm

personal ethics. Watts's writings show a varying sensitivity to these

problems.

Government and Religion

During his lifetime Watts witnessed a revolution in the relation

between religion and government. In 1688, when he was fourteen, the

Glorious Revolution brought security to the Established Church

toleration to the dissenters. The end of the Stuarts and the establish-

ment of the House of Hanover came in his middle life. Before his death

Watts saw in 1745 the collapse of the Young Pretender. By these events

England was saved from religious persecution, and the Constitution from

2 divine right. Religious and political toleration were victorious.

In several of his writings Watts indicated his interest in these

affairs of government. At the death of William in, his patriotism was

expressed by an eulogistic poem ending:

Fair Liberty in sables drest. Write his lov'd name upon his urn, "William, the scourge of tyrants ^past, "The awe of princes yet unborn."3

At the crowning of Anne, he described in lyric style the pomp of the

Church of England.

2 See D. B. Horn and Mary Ransame (eds. ), English Historical Docu- ments, 1714-1783 (12 vols; London, 1957)# X, 341.

-‘Watts, "An Epitaph on King William III," in "Horae Lyricae," Works, IV, 490. 39

Here at thy side, and In thy kindest smiles Blazing in ornament of gold she stands. To bless thy counsels, and assist thy hands. And crowds wait round her to receive commands.

It is evident from the same poem, however, that Watts expected

the rights of nonconforming churches to be protected. He poetically

pictured dissenter churches as a humble but secure attendant under the

Queen's guardian care:

There at a humble distance from the throne Beauteous she lies: Her lustre all her own.

Ungarnished j yet not blushing, nor afraid. Nor knows suspicion, nor affects the shade: Cheerful and pleas'd she not presumes to share In thy parental gifts, but owns thy guardian care.^

At the sudden death of George I (June 10-11, 1727), Watts expressed

his fervent patriotism, urging his congregation to pray "that the heirs

of the crown descended from this illustrious house may set on the throne

of Great Britain in a long and perpetual succession."^ Characteristic of

his political attitude in general was his statement, "Blessed be my God

forever that he has appointed me to act my part in Great Britain, while 7 it is a land of divine li^rt."

The orderly presentation of Watts's views on the relation between government and religion is to be found in A New Essay on Civil Power in

Things Sacred, published in March, 1739. This essay clearly stated the

Stotts, "To Her Majesty," in "Horae Lyricae," Works. IV, 459.

5Ibid.

Stotts, "The Religious Improvement of Public Events," Works , I, 6l6.

Stotts, "The Thankful Philosopher, in "Reliquiae Juveniles," Works, IV, 517. 1*0

case for the dissenters* unsuccessful bill to repeal the Test and Cor- 8 poration Acts.. It was, moreover, a reasoned exposition of the principles

and practices of religious liberty.

England, Watts said in this essay, was an Ideal mixture of monarchy,

J aristocracy, and democracy. Thus the nation was secured from internal aid

external dangers, and also guarded "from any dangerous inroads that might 9 be made upon it by any one of these three powers themselves.” No par- 1j ticular form of government could claim divine right . Government arises

out of a compact: the governors assume the responsibility of protecting

the rights of the citizens; the governed assume the responsibility of as- I sisting the ends of government with necessary "homage, honour, and taxes."

Watts emphasized the limited nature of this compact, however. "The

governed," he said, "do not consent to part with any liberties of human

nature, but only so far as is necessary for civil government and their 12 common protection, security, and peace."

On the basis of this democratic principle. Watts advocated a high

degree of religious freedom. "Civil government," he declared, "in its

proper aims and designs . . . hath no direct reach or authority beyond

the benefit of men in this world." Neither "the things of religion, nor the affairs of a future state, come within its cognizance, any further than they have a most evident reference to the natural and civil welfare

S Davis, Watts, pp. 144-146, 9 Watts, "A New Essay on Civil Power in Things Sacred" Works , VI, 6. 1Q n Ibid . , p. 7. Ibid. ^Ibid. «13 of man in the present life. So long as no public rigats axe endangered

Watts felt that civil government has no right to prohibit the formation of voluntary religious societies or to compel their conformity in church

Tli practices. Except In the case of papists, religious affiliation was 15 held to be no obstacle to preferment in public office. Because of their allegiance to a foreign power and their history of persecution,

. 16 however, papists should be excluded from all public offices. Watts sided with the Quakers' refusal to swear an oath, but he objected on 17 principle to taxation for church support. In short, while Watts recognized that national and individual advantages accrued from the rule of

Christian governors, he advocated virtual separation of church and state.

Giving John Locke the major credit for his commitment to religious

toleration , Watts testified, "His admirable Letter of Toleration . . . triumphed over all the remnant of my prejudices on the side of bigotry, and taught me to allow all men the same freedom to choose their religion, l8 as I claim to choose ray own." From the number of Bible quotations both in the Essay and in his sermons, however, it is obvious that his belief in toleration was also rooted in the Bible.

Social His and Religion

Watts's concern with social problems did not equal the progres- siveness of his political philosophy. Yet the needs of early eighteenth- century English society were appalling. Poverty, menacing the national

15 •*•3 Ibid. ^Ibid. IMd,

l6 17 l8 Ibid. Ibid. Ibid. 42

economy, resulted in the Work-house Act of 1722. Uncontrolled disease

so increased the London death rate among the poor that only constant

recruiting from the country maintained the population.^ Many pauper

children survived but a year or two of the heartless parish nursing 20 system. Gin drinking was a national disgrace. Amusements were

brutal: fox-hunting, prize fighting, bull baiting, and cock fighting.

It has been said, "The eighteenth- century Englishman could not even 21 amuse himself without causing pain." The level of education was low.

Laws were savage, jailfever an almost universal malady among prisoners. 22 Even in the naval service, consumption and smallpox were epidemic. 23 Social evils cried aloud for rectification.

Watts's lack of concern for social reformation probably was

rooted in two beliefs: first, social evils were demonstrations of man's

depravity; second, existing class inequalities were normal in the provi-

dence of God. His attitude toward war illustrated the first principle;

that toward poverty the second.

The wars which dominated the historical narrative from 1650-1815 oh excited a vivid picture in Watts's Imagination. He described "unknown

multitudes . . . bred up in this bloody trade, . . . driven by their princes against their will, ... put under a necessity of killing their

19 Horn and Ransome, Historical Documents , X, 31. 2Q 21 22 Ibld . , p. 32. Ibid . Ibid ., pp. 42-43. 23 T. Wallbank and Alastair M. Taylor, Civilization—Past and Present (2 vols.; Chicago, 1942), II, 28-32, £9! 24 Ibid ., II, 79-80 ^3

2 '' fellow-creatures , or being killed by them." Yet, instead of pronounc-

ing a moral judgment against war, he merely asked: "Would this have been

the fate of mankind, if they had stood in perfect innocence or if all 26 nations were new bora in their original purity?" War was only another

argument to be added to sickness, sin, and death, by which man was proved

a degenerate creature. Such social ills were considered beyond the voli-

tion of the individual. While not blind to such evils. Watts felt no

challenge to action against them.

Again, Watts was aware of the poverty about him. He wrote of the

"millions of human creatures, in all the nations of the earth, . . . 27 forced to support a wretched life by hard labour of the body." He was aware of ten thousand lower class families in Britain making hard 28 shift to "keep out of famine, and support life." But the misery of lanes of crowded tenements where whole families existed in a single windowless room; the stench of the common privy at the basement stair above the over-full cesspool; the darkness and fetid odors of the sun- less enclosures; the thirst and unwashed filth of those who must buy their water—in short, the social evils of poverty—provoked only his 29 *1 mild sympathy. "For . . . economic ills," Watts, like other divines of the time, admits Schlatter, "could only prescribe, not a reorganization

25watts, "Is Man a Degenerate Creature?" in "Ruin and Recovery of

Mankind," Works , VI, ?8.

26 27 28 Ibid . Ibid ., p. 67 . Ibid .

2 ^Vvilmorth Sheldon Lewis, Three Tours Through London (New Haven, 19^1), pp. 3-39. -' 0 of society, but charity." After all. Watts asserted, "the great God

had wisely ordained, in the course of his providence in all ages, that

. 31 among mankind there should be some rich and some poor " To the poor

were assigned the meaner services and consequent burdens; to the rich the

ministry of charity. "The distinctive note of Puritan teaching," de-

clares R. H. Tawney, "was individual responsibility, not social obliga-

tion."-^ Watts shared in this blindness of his age.

In addition to the benefits of charity Watts did advocate two further aids which should be extended to the poor. First, he contended, their children should receive some education. "Let them at least be 33 taught their letters," he pleaded. Then, of course, he believed the poor should hear the gospel. He specified, "Nor let the servant be utterly neglected, where Providence may afford you an opportunity to speak 34 a word to their souls." Beyond these alleviations, however. Watts felt no social responsibility.

Personal Sins and Religion

In the area of personal sins, on the other hand. Watts showed

3'-'Richard B. Schlatter, The Social Ideas of Religious Leaders, l660-l666 (London, 19^0), p. 1G5.

^Hiatts, "An Essay Towards the Encouragement of Charity Schools," Works, II, 718. 32 R. H. Tawney, Religion and the Rise of Capitalism (New York, 1926), p. 272.

33 Ibid ., II, 720.

34Watts, "An Humble Attempt Towards the Revival of Practical Religion," Works, III, 35. narked sensitivity. His attitude was that of "pastor" in the original

meaning of the word—"shepherd." In spite of sickness and forced ab-

sence , he stayed near his people. Watts and his congregation carried

one another in their hearts. This "shepherd heart" also affected Watts*

attitude toward the individual and his sins. On the one hand. Watts op-

posed sin more strongly because he loved his people. Seeing sin as

their enemy, he was more aroused. On the other hand. Watts* s pastoral

heart motivated him to attempt to understand and assist the sinner. His

attitude reflected his conception of God*s mercy:

Like as a father pitieth his children, so the Lord Pitieth them that fear him. For he knoweth our frame; he remembereth that we are dust. 35

Watts *s condemnation of drunkenness offers a concrete example

of his position. Deploring the drunkard's "odious figure," he reminded

his people that "there is a great degree of likeness between our fore-

fathers' intemperance, and their children of late posterity." But

instead of a bitter tirade, such as Thomas Bradbury might have poured

out, he appealed to their better nature by continuing, "One would +.Mr>v such a spectacle as this ... should be enough to forbid our lips the excess of liquor, and to set a guard upon ourselves in the hour of temptation. "5°

A second example, his condemnation of gambling, demonstrated

Watts's use of reason rather than invective in remonstrating against

3 5psalms 103:13-14.

3 %atts, "Christian Morality," in "Sermons," Works, I, 281. ,

sinful practices. Watts was keenly aware of such establishments as

Almack's Club in Pall Mall. Here, it is said, "they played on for

rouleaus of 40 each rouleau; and generally there was 10,000 specie on 37 the table." After discussing the evil with Daniel Neal, Watts warned

his people of this "fatal snare." "If they win they are allured still

onward, while ... luck runs on their side; if they lose, they are

1 tempted to another and another cast of the die."” But Watts *s condem-

nation was an appeal to reason. He pointed out that gambling develops

extravagance, destroys thrift, excites a fever for living beyond one's

means, and results in despising honesty and work. "The soul," he said,

"is quite beaten off its guard, and virtue and reason have no manner of

command. Honest industry is discouraged, and trade, which is the poli- 39 tical life of our nation, lies groaning and expiring."

Watts's criticism of the theatre offers a third example of his

condemnation of sinful practices. He frankly admired the style of Racine

and Corneille, and praised Collier's View of the Stage d The contemporary English theatre, however, he strongly condemned for its lewdness, violence, and ridicule of virtue and religion. By such means, he warned,

37-’’ Last Journal of Horace Walpole, ed. Francis Stewart (2 vols.; New York, 1910), I, 7-12. See also Jay B. Botsford, English Society in the Eighteenth Century (New York, 1924), pp. 24-5-246. 3Q Watts, "A Discourse on the Education of Children and Youth,"

Works , V, 389.

-^ Ibid .; "Christian Morality," in" Sermons ," Works I, 275. 40 Watts, "Horae Lyricae," Works,~ IV, 402; "A Discourse on the Tr Education of Children and Youth, Works , V, 403. 47

the fancy is all over defiled# the vain images rise uppermost in the soul# and pollute the feeble attempts of devotion; till, by degrees#

secret 1* 1 religion is lost and forgotten ." Yet in spite of this strong denunciation. Watts sought to rescue the gold from the dross. Admitting that evil is not inherent in the drama# he declared that he was "inclined to think that valuable compositions might be made of this kind# such as might profit a virtuous audience with innocent delight, and even with 42 some real profit.” In short# only with reluctance did Watts relin- quish this or any human activity to the sole service of evil.

Philosophical

The second major element in understanding Watts* s perspective is his criterion of religious truth. In the early eighteenth century this issue was paramount. On the one hand, Locke’s Essay Concerning Human

Understanding established empiricism as the basis for knowledge

truth, (to the other. Bishop Butler, challenged by deism, vindicated the Christian revelation, and Whitefield and Wesley, aroused by the

secularism and deistical indifference of clergy and people, preached an enthusiastic gospel. From this complex the eighteenth-century pastor had to draw his criterion for the "truth" of what he preached.

First, it must be admitted that Watts was deeply influenced by

Locke. He described the great philosopher in verse:

hi Watts, A Discourse on the Education of Children and Youth." Works . V, 403. 42 Ibid ., V, 386 . 48

Locke has a soul vide as the sea. Calm as the night, bright as the day There may his vast ideas play, Nor feel a thought confin'd. 3

As has already been stated, he also accepted Locke's view of religious

toleration. Giving high value to human reason, he stopped, as we shall

see, just short of Locke's final position.

Locke's opposition to intolerance carried Watts to a philosophi-

cal position that had critical implications for religion. In Locke's

view, the great enemy to tolerance was dogmatism. Seeking a means to

undermine intolerance by assigning certainty to reason alone, he initi-

ated a systematic inquiry into the nature of human knowledge.^ Locke's

position, briefly stated, was this: All our knowledge comes from sense

experience; the mind is a blank tablet; there are no innate ideas; images

impress themselves upon the mind from external objects; such Images are

1 the basis of our knowledge. ^ In reference to religion, Locke, admit-

ting the inability of reason to discover all truth, nevertheless insisted

that revelation mist be tested by reason. Revelation could not contradict

reason.

Locke himself was in. sympathy with revealed religion and averse

^^Watts, "Horae Iyricae," Works , IV, 460.

^E. A. Burtt, The English Philosophers from Bacnn to Mill (New York, 1939), p. xviii.

45. -Arthur Kenyon Rogers, A Student's History of Fhilosonhv (New York, 1935), p. 290. 46 R. I. Aaron, John Locke (London, 1937), p. 300. to being associated with the deists. ^ But Locke's personal allegiance

did not alter the effect of his doctrines. Deism built upon his submis- sion to 48 reason. Modern liberalism was initiated. The theological significance of Iocke's position is summed up by C. R. Cragg:

He and his contemporaries agreed that the Scriptures ac- corded with the canons of sound reason; but the fact remains that the Bible was no longer the final and absolute standard. However it might stand the test, it had been brought to the bar of another court. 50

In short, Locke accepted the revelation of the Bible, but only because

he considered it in accord with reason.

While Watts differed from Locke in several respects, the one pertinent distinction lies in the limitation Watts placed upon the authority of reason. To him, reason was subordinate to revelation. Reason interpreted rather than authenticated. Reason only judged the meaning of reve-

lation. Watts explained reason's office in these words!

It is reason must judge whether such a doctrine or such a duty be contained in this gospel, or may be justly deduced from it: It is the work of human reason to compare one scripture with another and to find out the true sense of any particular text by this means: And it is reason also must give its sentence whether a doctrine, which is pretended to be contained in scripture, be contrary to the eternal and un- changeable relations and reasons of things; and if so, then

C. Sheldon, „ *2*“* History of Christian Doctrine (2 vols.; New York,, 1886), II, 21. 4 °K. R. Hagenback, A Textbook „ „ of the History of Doctrines (2 vols.: New York, 1862), II, 223.

Poland N. Stromberg, Religious Liberalism in Eighteenth^ Centurv^ England (Oxford, 1954), p. 174T v 50 From ^2°^' Craes> Puritanism to the Age of Reason (Cambridge, 1950) ' "

reason may pronounce that this doctrine is not from God nor can be given us by divine revelation. Reason, therefore, hath its office and proper province, even in matters of revelation; yet it must always be confessed, that some propositions may be revealed to us from heaven, which may be so far superior to the limits and sphere of our reasoning powers in the present state , that human reason ought not to reflect them, because it cannot fully understand them, nor clearly and perfectly reconcile them, unless it plainly sees a natural absurdity in them, a real impossi- bility, or a plain inconsistence with other parts of divine revelation ,51

The second contemporary influence on Watts's conception of religious certainty was so-called "enthusiasm." According to Locke, the "en-

thusiasts" substituted inward impulses for reason to the extent that

"Whatever groundless opinion comes to settle itself strongly upon their

fancies, is an illumination from the spirit of God, and presently of "^2 divine authority . To Locke's criticism, Watts added the objection

that such "enthusiasm" substitutes personal impressions for the revela-

>J tions of Scripture .

In one respect, therefore, "enthusiasm" and "rationalism" were

similar. Both rejected the authority of the revelation of the Bible.

But while rationalism made reason the final judge, "enthusiasm" gave

individual intuition the same honor . 5^

^\’atts, "Humble Attempt," Works , III, 23. 52 John Locke, "An Essay Concerning Human Understanding," The English Philosophers from Bacon to Mill , ed. Edwin A. Burtt (New~York, 1939J, IV, 398.

^Watts, "A Rational Foundation of a Christian Church the Terms of Christian Communion, Works , V, 751. 54 Charles Hodge Systematic ' Theology (3 vols.; New York, I876), I, 61-63. 51

As Watts had gone part way with Locke* s rationalism, so he went part way with "enthusiasm." He accepted the fact that the Christian

has an "inward witness of the spirit of God to the truth of the gospel." In his estimation, however, "it [was] not vain, fanciful, and enthusiastic business . . . because it '.£as based upon the teachings of the Bible rather than unfounded personal impressions."^ It is this belief in the "inward witness" which caused Davis to declare that Watts "spent a lifetime trying to infuse it ["enthusiasm"] into the religion 56 of his day." On the other hand. Watts rejected the essential of "enthusiasm," by insisting on the supremacy of Scriptural teaching above individual intuitions. For this reason Staomberg correctly describes Watts as "abhorring 7 enthusiasm."^ For this reason, too, Davis de-

clares that Watts "had the usual neo-classic horror of enthusiasm."^

Davis, thereby, wrongly accuses Watts of inconsistency."

Watts's seeming inconsistency came from a belief in the value of both reason and intuition, but not as final authorities. The criterion of truth, Watts found neither in rationalism nor in "enthusiasm." He declared, "The Bible alone . . . must be our guide . . . Here our faith and conscience may rest safely, in all our inquiries about matters of

"watts, "The Inward Witness," in "Sermons," Works. I, 23.

^^Davis, Watts, p. 222. 57 ^'Strcnriberg, Religious Liberalism , p. 95. 58 Davis, Watts, p. 222.

59Ibid. 52

belief or practice," On this point. Watts was neither uncertain nor confused. To him, the test of truth was neither in reason nor in intu-

ition; it was in the Bible. He used reason and "inward witness," but only to understand and corroborate God's truth. The real solution to the problem of authority lay. Watts believed, in the Bible, where he

found reason satisfied and the heart inspired.

Ecclesiastical

The third factor determining a man's preaching perspective is revealed by his answer to this question: What are the variants in

doctrine, polity, and fellowship in organized religion? When Bishop

Matthew Simpson presented the Lyman Beecher lectures on preaching at Yale College, he asserted that one reason he accepted the lectureship

was "to aid in showing to the world that Protestant Christendom is essentially one —that while we do not wholly agree, we know at the same time how 61 to differ and yet how to love." This notion of differing, and yet loving, characterized Isaac Watts.

The Basic Differences

the In early eighteenth century organized Christianity presented less clearly marked divisions than it does today. The rigid and separate twentieth -century denominational organizations, directing promotional and missionary activities, are later developments of the "free church" — — ' — Watts, "arable Attempt, " Works. HI, 10. ol Matthew Simpson, Lectures on Preaching (New York, 1879 ), p . 9. 53

concept. The few and simple differences among churches in Watts* s age are illustrated by an analysis of than which he made for his brother 62 Enoch,

In his classification according to doctrine Watts listed twelve variations: Atheists, Deists, Arians, Socinians, Quakers, Papists, Arminians, Sabbatarians, Anabaptists, Calvinists, Baxterians, and Antinomians.63 Since atheists and deists were viewed as opponents of Christianity the number of Protestant divisions was reduced to ten. Obviously, with the possible exception of Quakers and Anabaptists, these divisions referred more to schools of interpretation than to

denominational cleavages. Doctrinal divisions at this period were internal differences of interpretation rather than separated denominations. In his classification according to polity Watts listed only three variations: episcopacy, presbytery, and independency. ^ The first, episcopacy, was distinguished by the fact that "they own that

a bishop is an officer appointed by Christ to oversee churches and

their pastors, and in his hands are placed the keys of admission and excommunication of 63 every particular church." The essential of the second, presbytery. Watts saw in the belief "that God hath appointed a synod, or class, or assembly of ministers, or elders, to be superior in power and 66 government to any particular church or officers thereof.” Rigidly viewed, the essential of the third class, the independents,

62This analysis, evidently made early in his life, was sent by Isaac Watts to his brother Enoch in an undated letter. It is included in Watts, Works, I, lxxv-lxxx.

63 a 6 Ibid. ibid. 5ibid. ^Ibid. .

was the belief "that every church hath all the power of governing itself

«" in itself* . . Of course, it is obvious that the first type of

polity expressed, because of established national religion, a strongly

separate denomination, the Church of England, On the other hand, the

other concepts of polity represented local congregational methods far

more than separate denominations. In fact, of the twelve major twenti-

eth-century Protestant denominations, only five were in existence at the

time of Watts's classification: Church of England, Presbyterian, Con- 6^ gregational, Baptist, and c&taker.

The Spirit of Charity

Ralph Waldo Emerson in discussing ministerial attitudes asserted,

"What is essential to the theologian is, that whilst he is select in his

opinions, severe in his search for truth, he shall be broad in his sympa-

thies, —not to allow himself to be excluded from any church."^ Such a

spirit of loyalty to conviction, but of love for those of contrary opinion,

characterized Watts* Watts's tolerance stopped only with "those who be-

lieve not the necessary, fundamental and essential doctrines of the

Christian religion." Though not to be persecuted or compelled, such

persons, he said, should not be received into church membership

°^ Ibid . * p. lxxx.

68» "The Church of England," Encyclopaedia Brltannlca. 14th ed.. Vol. VIII.

6 %alph Waldo Emerson, "The Preacher," The Complete Works of Ralph Waldo Emerson (12 vols.j Cambridge, 1903^64)^

1 °Watts , "The Rational Foundation of a Christian Church gnfl the Terms of Christian Canmunion," Works * V, 744. 55

Watts defined "uncharitableness" as "aversion to such persons

who differ with vis in little punctilios of doctrine or duty which are 71 not expressly and plainly written in the New Testament." Such a

"poisonous" plant he would uproot. Charity, on the other hand, he

praised as "the very picture of the god-head," and the evidence of our

To assist in uprooting uncharitahleness Watts detailed ten sources

of this attitude: " a malicious constitution of nature," "vain conceit

of our own opinions," "an avoidance of hooks disagreeing with our ideas," reading the Bible "with a whole set of notions established beforehand,"

"failure to reflect" on the grounds of our own opinions, carrying the

ideas of others to "a terrible absurdity" of importance in their effect, magnification of the importance of being different, the "applause of a party and self-interest," affixing value to the idea of apartness, the tendency to make one's head "the chief seat of religion and scarcely ever suffering it to descend and warm the heart.

Watts's emphasis on charity does not imply that he saw no place for religious differences. Differences of interpretation, he thought, possessed value. By them one's sincerity in holding "fast [to] the 74 substantials" was tested. Moreover, charity, "the very livery of the the disciples of Christ," was thereby put on trial. Of even greater

7-Hte.tts , "Orthodoxy and Charity United, in Several Reconciling

Essays on the Law and Gospel, Faith and Works," Works , III, 679.

72 7J Ibid . , p. 678. Ibid . , pp. 679-688

7^ Ibid . , p. 712. 75ibid. ^

importance was the challenge to study and make personal decisions concerning the content of 76 one's own faith. If study should produce more differences of opinion Watts felt a counter benefit was "that our souls are hereby drawn out to long for heaven, and pant after the state where

there is no contention, no dispute." 77 in addition to such possible ra- tionalizations, Watts considered theological disagreements as the normal

results of such factors as the depravity of man, educational and cultural biases, limited opportunities and capacities for study, and the

obscurity of some portions of Scripture.

On one occasion Watts declared that because of his skill in painting, he was asked how he would draw a figure to represent uncharitableness. His answer reveals that his charity actually extended far beyond orthodoxy, for his reply dealt with all Christianity:

I will attempt it, ... if you will furnish me with a sheet of arge paper, and that of the fairest kind, to represent the Christian church in this world. First, I will pare it round, and reduce it to a very small compass; then with much ink wiil I stain the whiteness of it, and deform it with many a o ot; at the next sitting I will stab it through rudely with an iron pen; and when I put the last hand to complete the likeness, it shall be smeared over with blood . **

Purposeful

Probably the most critical factor in determining a man's preaching perspective is his conception of the goals of the ministry. What is his ideal for the Christian layman? What are the functions of the

?6Ibid. . p. 71k. 77 Ibid. 7® Ibid. , pp. 721-722. 7 ^Ibid . , pp. 698-699. 57

church? What personal alms does he set as a pastor? To these questions

Watts gave clear and revealing answers.

The Ideal Layman

When John Hartopp died. Watts accepted the sad occasion as an opportunity to present his conception of a "dissenter saint." For the first time in thirty years he concluded a "funeral sermon with a distinct and particular 80 character of the deceased." Watts saw in Hartopp

not the average but the ideal dissenter. He specified the qualities he admired by declaring, "When I name Sir John Hartopp, all that knew him agree that 81 I name a scholar, a gentleman, and a Christian."

First, Watts saw in this man the particulars of what dissent

meant by "Christian." For, rejecting his own righteousness, Hartopp had "trusted in Christ's righteousness as the great Mediator, and beheld him as his crucified Saviour." This was initial salvation. Such believers are born again, Watts declared, "and made new creatures by the grace of the Holy 83 Spirit." By this spiritual regeneration "their understandings are enlightened. . . their wills turned from folly . . . to the faith and 8^ love of Christ, and a zealous pursuit of holiness." Moreover, this initial inward step was manifested in Christian conduct. The just man makes it the business of his life to do works of righteousness, taken in the largest sense; to worship

Watts, "Death and Heaven,, or the LastLa Enemy Conquered and Separate Spirits Made Perfect," Works , II, 4

82. Ibid ., p. 72

Ibid. ”

God, to seek his glory, to obey his will, which is the rule of righteousness; to do him all the service on earth that his station and circumstances admit of, and to deal faithfully and justly among men, and to do them all the good that lies in his power.

Watts referred the sceptical to Hartopp as an example, for "his practice 86 in life was agreeable to his Christian principles." Two

particulars of practical Christianity in Hartopp merited special praise: his service to the nation, and his loyalty to his church. "He employed his time, his spirits, his interest, and his riches," Watts declared, for the defense of this poor nation, when forty years ago it was in 8 the utmost ^ danger of popery and ruin.” Watts boasted not only of Hartopp' s open door, ready carriage, and loyal stewardship in times of toleration, but of his readiness to take his stand and to protect the oppressed "when the spirit of persecution raged highest in the days of 88 King Charles and King James the Second.”

Only less important than his Christian character was the fact that Hartopp was a scholar. Watts delighted in the fact that Hartopp "had a taste for universal learning," including "ingenious arts," "human science," "mathematical speculation," "the motions of heavenly bodies, and light and 8 shade whereby time is measured. ^ But Watts especially gloried in Hartopp's scholarly concern with religion.

But the book of God was his chief study and his divinest delight. His Bible lay before him night and day, and he was well acquainted with the writers that explained it best. He was desirous of seeing what the Spirit of God said to men

85 86 Ibid 87 ., p. 25. Ibid ., p. 72. Ibid.

Ibid 89 . , p. 72. Ibid ., p. 71. "

in the original languages. For this end he commenced some acquaintance with Hebrew when he was more than fifty years old: And that he might be capable of judging of the true sense of any text in the New Testament, he kept his youthful knowledge of the Greek language in some measure even to this period of his life. 90

Hartopp's most lasting service. Watts believed, was his transcriptions of the sermons of Dr. John Owen. Evidently, Hartopp, who had great speed in transcription, made it a practice to take down the sermons of Watts's distinguished predecessor. Later he climaxed his industry 91 by publishing his sermons.

Watts saw Hartopp's Christian character and fruitful scholarship as crowned by a third characteristic: he was a "gentleman.

He shone with eminence among persons of birth and title on earth; while his obligating deportment and affable temper rendered him easy of access to all his inferiors, and made him the delight of all his friends. Though he knew what was due to his quality in this world, yet he affected none of the grandeurs of life, but daily practised condescension and love, and secured the respect of all, without assuming a superior air. 92

On the basis of Hartopp's character Watts urged the members of his congregation to awaken their zeal and exert their efforts so that each one of them might "become an example of shining holiness in a degenerate world ." 93

The Function of the Church

Though Watts found an ideal dissenter saint, he knew no ideal church. Nevertheless, he made clear what he considered the major functions of the church to be.

91 Ibid., p. 73 . QP Ibid., p. 71. 93 Ibid . , p. 3 . 6o

Lilce other dissenters. Watts saw a real and continuing need for reformation. According to his view, nonconformity was such a reform, not a schism. Both the Church of England and the dissenting congregations, he considered as constituting the body of Christ.^ Despite differences in practice and separation in presence, both were bound by the unity of common faith 95 ana functions. Yet Matts considered dissent

necessary , not for the sake of division, but rather so that each might worship "in a more exact conformity to his own appointment," and, consequently, "swifter advances 96 in the Christian life" be made. Thus, the real issue in Watts's view was not, "What do you do different from others?" It was, "What do you do more than others?"

Watts reminded his congregation that their "fathers had an honorable character and a very great reputation ... for strict virtue, for exemplary and sincere godliness beyond the common bulk and multitude of those who called themselves the 1"97 established church . Warning them that the "universal decay" in religion now included the dissenting congregations, he declared, "It is high time to awaken our souls, and

enquire, what do we more than others ?"^

In Watts's day four areas of ministry were considered central in

The Nature of the „ Church , ed. R. Newton (New * ey York. 10 52 } WGr c lled Independents, because they . claimed + ? independence of 00’1 101 ecclesiastical ' control, whether by bishop or presbytery, notnTLless than! secular; but they sought such independence only in order a penaent on ^ Lora,s and sufficiently made known,; tST in their church meetings." P. 172, '"'Hv’atts, MAn Humble Attempt," Works , III, 77-85. qZT P- 69. 91Ibid., p. 64 . ^Ibld.. p. 85. 6l

the function of the church: praying. Binging, catechizing, and preach- 99 ing. watts approached each of these activities with an earnestness

that matched his thoughtful program for reformation. For by failing to take full advantage of the new freedom, Watts warned, "We protestants ma> endanger the loss of our reformation by such impious negligence, and expose ourselves in the providence of God to some dreadful and bloody desolation, whereby we may be given up to idolatry, superstition, 100 and* tyranny."A

Watts's approach to the ministry of prayer was factual and constructive. Gn the one hand, he gloried "that there are a great number of ministers in our day and nation who are happy in the gift of prayer"; on the other, he deplored the arguments over form, and the accusations of "enthusiasm" which brought "the gift, grace, and spirit of prayer . . . into plentiful ridicule." Then, with practical but spiritual helpfulness, he wrote a Guide to Prayer to meet the needs of those "who were desirous _ , 101 to learn to pray.

Of course, it is in the area of singing that Watts made his best remembered contribution. Here, he was strongly critical of contemporary practice. He bluntly declared that English singing was "performed the worst on earth." He deplored that "of all our religious solemnities.

99 Edmund Gibson, "Directions Given to the Clergy of n the Diocese ^ ^ Year c^ersymans Instructor (Oxford, 30Q-322° 1807), pp.

100 Watts, "An Humble Attempt," Works , III, 101.

"H/atts, "A Guide to Prayer," Works , III, 111. 62

psalmody is the most unhappily managed/' and stated further "that the very action which should elevate us to the most delightful and divine sensations, doth not only flatten our devotion, but too often awakens our regret, and touches all the springs of uneasiness within us."^^

But Watts did not stop with accusations. As he saw the problem, so he characteristically sought to contribute to its solution. In numerous and revolutionary compositions, he employed subject matter, meter, and rhyme to improve psalmody, or religious singing, and to encourage the frequent practise of it in public assemblies and private families, 10 with more honour and delight." ^

In the matter of instruction by catechism. Watts saw meager results returned for the effort expended. He strongly criticized the material as ill adapted to the learner's capacity. Yet, believing that

"catechizing is the best and happiest method for the instruction of children in the principles of religion," he sought to make a constructive contribution. He spent many hours not only in composing catechisms, but also in producing sensible rules to guide teachers so that the momen- tous concerns of 10^ religion might be made more intelligible to children.

Finally and this is the least known to our generation of on his contributions—Watts presented a complete theory for effective pastoral

2 Watts , "Hymns and Spiritual Songs," Works , IV, 253. l03 Watts, "Psalms, Hymns, etc.," Works, IV, 123. " A Discourse on the . _ Way of Instruction by Catechisms, and of the Best Manner of Composing Them," Works, II, 201. 63

preaching. Both his and Ifigick his Improvement of the Mind were obviously slanted toward ministerial students. Much of his Humble Attempt was directed toward practicing ministers, and scattered through all his writings were additional directions and suggestions to improve preaching power. These form a body of homiletical theory of such importance that we shall consider its major elements in separate chapters, mention-

ing here only.' that it, too, is characteristic of his constructive at- tests to meet a need in the function of the church.

In summary. Watts not only sought to analyze the practical needs

of the church's ministry; in every major field he made a personal contribution so that more might be done in Christ's work.

A Pastor's Personal GoaIr

As Watts discovered no ideal church, he knew no ideal preacher. Guided by a Bible concept embodied only in Christ, he was compelled by universal human shortcomings to set goals rather than describe any individual. Here were qualities found to perfection in no preacher, but to a degree in every true gospel minister. Nor is this strange, for his ideal included righteous character, holy living, consecrated service, godly wisdom, and divinely empowered preaching. Watts's own words best convey the solemnity and holiness with which he viewed the ministry:

iVinS Shepherd > appoint us under-shepherds of his flock; are we constituted stewards in his house, t.n dispense tne mysteries of his grace, and the good things of his gospel; are we messengers of our risen Lord to a dying world; are we the ministers of our exalted Saviour in his kingdom here below; are we the stars in his right hand; are we tne eartnly angels in his churches ? Oh let us take heed 64

that we do nothing to disgrace the titles of dignity and honour which he has put upon us in his words Let us remember that every dignity brings an equal duty with it; and by fulfilling the various and difficult duties of our holy station, let us make it appear that our office was not conferred upon us in vain. ^

Man of God . To Watts, every pastor must seek first to be a man

of God, for sincere personal religion was "the highest obligation on a

preacher of the gospel." With reasoned insistence he challenged the 106 laxity ox his contemporaries. Does not the pastor *s own conscience,

does not his position in the world, does not his leadership before the

church, Watts argued, demand that he excell in personal devotion and pi-

ous life. For these high reasons, he continued, a preacher must have

an internal heart-evidence of his personal religion, a "liveliness and power" in his spirituality, and a "growth and increase" in his Christian 107 experience and service. Such characteristics improve the pastor's spiritual understanding, increase his power with God in prayer, sustain him in hardship, establish his reputation as a man of God, and add to the force and influence of his preaching. By these means, declared

Watts, ministers reveal that they "are the sons of God," that their

"souls are changed from what they were by nature, . . . and thereby give 106 honour to the gospel that is preached."

105 Watts, "An Humble Attempt," Works , III, 38. 106 Joseph Belcher, George Whitfield (New York, 1857), pp. 14-23. 107 'Watts, "An Humble Attempt," Works , III, 5-8. 108 Watts, "A Rational Foundation," Works , V, 784. 65

A Man of Virtues . If godliness was the initial requirement for

a pastor, practical virtues were also a necessity. High among these

Watts ranked humility. Perhaps his own inward conflict with pride em-

phasized its importance in his mind. At any rate, taking Paul as his

example and Christ as the perfect pattern, he exhorted that "we sink our

idea of self rather below what seems to us to be our due, and . . .

raise the idea of our neighbors' a little above what appears to belong i°9 to them. Such Christian humility, he claimed, bestowed marked ad-

vantages on all men, but was indispensable for an effective ministry.

Traits improving a pastor's ministry included dependence upon the grace

of God for provision, thankfulness for daily providential favors,

patience in affliction, conformity to the character of Christ, and ad- 110 vancement in the reception and practice of the gospel preached.

Watts also suggested other concrete virtues to increase the

pastor's personal effectiveness and persuasive power: temperance, zeal,

dignity, and disposition. Temperance was necessary in order to retain

respect from the church and the world. "Guard against a love of pleasure,"

he cautioned, "a sensual temper, and indulgence of appetite, an excessive 111 relish of wines or dainties." To temperance Watts urged the addition of zeal: "Be forward and ready to engage in every good word and work, 112 that you may be a pattern and leader of the flock." A proper

109 Watts, "Humility Represented in the Character of St. Paul," Works, II, U32. 110 Watts, "An Humble Attempt," Works m , III, 31. ibid., p. 32. ^Ibid. 66

dignity, “grave and manly, yet pleasant and engaging," Watts felt, involved

both conversation and deportment . He warned against either excessive 11 humor or morose silence. -’ The purpose of a pastor. Watts held, is to win men, not to alienate them. "Study to make the whole of your carriage

and discourse among men so engaging," he urged, "as may invite strangers 114 to love you, and allure them to love religion for your sake." Such deportment should be only the natural demonstration of a disposition

characterized by patience, controlled emotion, gentleness, and forgive- ness. Believing "character should be all of one piece," Watts also emphasized that preaching effectiveness is directly dependent upon pastoral character and conduct.

Pastor Preacher . Watts balanced the twin activities of pastor and preacher. A preacher must remember his pastoral office "of particular watchfulness over the flock of Christ, where he has made you a 115 shepherd and overseer." A pastor, however, must also remember that 1^ his "business and known employment is to speak of the things of God."

Nor did Watts forget the children. "Make the lambs of the flock love you," he exhorted the adult -minded ministry.

In addition. Watts urged that ministers learn the particular

"spiritual circumstances of the family"; develop ease and gentleness to remove "that shy and bashful tincture" from the peoples* attitude; develop "the happy talent of parlour preaching"; and, to assist in main-

113 114 Ibid., pp. 32-33 Ibid . , p» 33 n6 Ibid., p. 35 . .

taining personal contact with their congregations, "keep a catalogue of their names, and now and then review them with a pastoral eye and affec- 117 tion." In short. Watts declared that "It is the business of each of us, when we are well satisfied in our call to the ministry, to imitate llQ the glorious preacher Christ Jesus."

Theology

The final element by which a preacher's perspective is determined is his theology. Watts followed the pattern of his ministry in an era 119 of theological ferment. The widely accepted Thirty-nine Articles were Calvinistic. The theologies of Richard Baxter, John Owen, John

Howe, Theophilus Gale, Thomas Ridgeley, and Matthew Henry, set the main 120 pattern of Puritan thinking. Dei an "was the chief enemy of Christian vitality, and the most important doctrinal controversy was the Trinitari-

, 191 an. The great Awakening in America was claiming attention in Eng- 122 land. The Wesley-Whitefield revivalism was challenging the dead 123 formality both of the Church of England and of the dissenters.

^Ibld. ll8 Watts, "A Rational Foundation," Works , V, 782. 119 'Sheldon, History of Doctrines , II, 223.

120 _ _ Hagenback, History of Doctrines , II, 182-183 121 Ibid ., II, 223, I83. 122 Jonathan Edwards, Thoughts on the Revival of Religion in New England, 17^0. To Which I Prefixed a Narrative of the Surprising Work of God in Northampton, Mass., 1739 (New York, n.d. ), p. 7. 12 -^Alfred Ernest Garvie, The Christian Preacher (New York, 1921), pp. 211-212. 68

Against such a background, what doctrine does Watts believe

should be preached? Garvie states Watts represented "the quiet and

sober evangelicalism, which had not yet caught the glow of the Evangeli- 124 cal Revival." Davis declares Watts "hated Deism intensely," and

sums up his doctrinal position by saying, "We see Watts . . . clinging

to the forms of Calvinistic dogmas but explaining away their harshness.

Since a more complete analysis of his doctrinal position will be made in

the chapter dealing with his preaching practice, this statement will for

the present be sufficient to clarify Watts's theological viewpoint as a

warmly evangelical modification of Calvinism.

Conclusion

It was in the light of the beliefs and doctrines described above

that Watts viewed the work of preaching and constructed his homiletics.

The strengths and weaknesses of his viewpoint were egressions both of

eighteenth-century Puritanism and of his own individuality. His view

of the social structure was characteristic. Like his fellow dissenters

Watts was a loyal Englishman. Yet his concept of the separation of

church and state was advanced beyond his time. He confined the sphere

of government to the secular; that of religion to the spiritual. Her- bert S. Skeats and Charles S. Miall, the English church historians,

claim that Watts's Essay on Civil Power "was the first formal statement 126 of the principles of religious liberty by a Congregational minister."

^Ibid., p. 166. 125_ Davis, Watts , pp. 105, 109. 126 Herbert S. Skeats and Charles S. Miall, History of the Free Churches of England, I688-I89I (London, 1891), pp. 333-334. 69

They express doubt, however, whether "Watts would have been sustained in his condemnation of Church Establishments by the majority of the dis- 127 senters of his time." Again, his unconcern about social reorganization was only an example of the philosophy of the wealthy dissenter

JOfi aristocracy among whom he lived. Evangelicalism had not awakened 129 to social reform. Contemporary Christianity saw only dimly the 130 missionary implications of the gospel. Watts escaped these weaknesses only in his poetic insights. Such views of human society centered his sermon interest in the creed, character, and deeds of the individual.

Intellectually, it is apparent that Watts was strongly affected by his environment. Rationalism caused him to honor reason and to fear

"enthusiasm." Yet his personal view was manifested in giving the Bible the place of final authority and in making "the inward witness" the personal test of religious reality. As a result, logic and emotion were balanced in his preaching appeal. The center of his preaching was the Bible and the end of his preaching was experimental religion.

Watts was, obviously, never strongly sectarian. As Toplady declares, "Like the Master he served, he took pleasure in the excellencies,

127 Ibid. 128 Schlatter, Social Ideas, p. 226. 129 John Fletcher Hurst, History of the Christian Church (2 vols.; Hew York, 1900), II, 856-861.

3°Kenneth Scott Latourette, "Three Centuries of Advances, " A History of Expansion of Christianity (6 vols.; Hew York, 1939), HI, ^52, U53. See also Vol. I, xix-xx. ,

1^1 the usefulness, and the prosperity of others." His charitable spirit

sought for unity among Christians. Argumentation was subordinated to

explication and persuasive appeal. Theological conformity, within the

limits of a broad orthodox position, was less important than spiritual

likeness to Christ. While his theology was a clearly state! Calvinism,

the harshness of this doctrine was softened by his charity.

Watts’s viewpoint centered the aims of the ministry in the individual worshipper. The personal rights and powers of individuals controlled his concept of church polity. Praying, catechizing, and preach-

ing were directed to the individual. The ends of preaching centered in the needs of the individual. Each must personally accept the persuasion of gospel preaching. Each must be inspired to scholarly study and saintly living.

These were the elements of Watts’s viewpoint. By these factors his preaching theories were formulated and his practice was controlled.

131 Toplady, Works IV, 116. 132 Davis, Watts , p. 163. CHAPTER III

1 SERMON SOURCES

Watts's An Bumble Attempt contains the nucleus of his homiletics.

Around this core may be organized all the instructions for effective preaching which are scattered through his other writings, The immediate occasion for preparing this essay arose out of the ordination of Mr.

John Oakes, "a Worthy friend and brother, " at Chestnut in Hertfordshire on November 12, 1729 * Watts was invited to give the "charge" to the 2 candidate for the ministry. Illness prevented his attendance. Moti- vated by the prevailing religious indifference, however. Watts amplified and published the charge he had prepared in the hope that his "brethren in the ministry [might] be in some measure excited and encouraged hereby 3 to do their part toward the revival of decaying piety. " Davis praises

An Humble Attempt as "one of the best statements of the spiritual function of dissent that the age produced."^

In the second section of this exhortation, entitled "Of a Minis- ter's Private Studies," Watts summarized his views concerning the areas

5 of study "necessary to prepare discourses for the pulpit. His discussion extended beyond religious studies to include all learning helpful to effective preaching. His principal design was to indicate the rela-

^Watts, "An Humble Attempt, " Works, III, 3 .

2 3 Ibid. Ibid. , p. k

^vis, Watts, p. 1*3 .

5watts, "An Humble Attempt, " Works , III, 3.

71 s

tive value and proper use of the various branches of study in the task of preaching.

In this instruction Watts reconsaended three major sources of sermon material: Biblical, "experimental, " and cultural. In the

Biblical source he saw the final authority for arguments, doctrines, and duties. In the "experimental" source he discerned a method for applying Biblical truths to specific needs in individual experience.

In the cultural source he found a profitable use for man’s entire intellectual heritage in the enrichment of the preacher's ministry.

From these three sources Watts believed pastors could obtain material for effective sermons by the aid of genius, industry, and the inspiration of the Holy Spirit.

Biblical

From its beginning Christian preaching has been Biblical.

Christian preachers, though differing in the manner and degree of

Scriptural usage, have agreed that the Bible is a basic source for sermon material. Variations in its use are determined by each pastor' views on five problems concerning the Scripture: (l) the focus of its revelation, (2) the degree of its inspiration, (3) the method of its

interpretation, ( 4 ) the area of its authority, and (5) the basis of its apologetics. Watts expressed his conclusions on each of these.

See, for example, Clarke, Rhetoric at Rome, pp. 1U8-I56. "

The Focus of Revelation

Rejecting "the Jewish apocryphal writers, " Watts affirmed that

"the protestant takes nothing for the ground of his faith but the books

of the Old and New Testament. Nothing, therefore, not written in

these books or "derived thence by most obvious and evident consequences"

was a necessary part of Christian revelation. On this basis. Watts

strongly criticized both the papists for "shameful additions of men to

the gospel of Christ" and the deistic rationalists for "renouncing al- Q most everything that reason doth not discover.

While Watts accepted the entire canon of sixty-six books as the

Word of God, he assigned greater importance to the New Testament. "learn

your religion from this book, " he urged, for it "is more eminently the 9 rule of our holy religion. " But the supreme focus of revelation, in

Watts’s view, was the gospel, which he defined thus:

Hie gospel of Christ is a gracious constitution of God, for the recovery of sinful man, by sending his own Son, in the flesh, to obey his law, which man had broken, to make a proper atonement for sin by his death, and to procure the favour of God, and eternal happiness, for all that believe and repent, and receive this offered salvation, together with a promise of the Holy Spirit, to work this faith and repentance, in the hearts of men, to renew their sinful natures unto holiness, to form them fit for this happiness, on earth, and to bring them to the full possession of it in heaven.

^Watts, "A Rational Defence of the Gospel, "in "Sermons, " Works, I, 179.

^Watts, "An Humble Attempt, " Works, III, 21-23.

^Watts, "A Caveat Against Infidelity, " Works, IV, 96 .

lc Wfcts, "The Substance, or Matter of the Gospel, " in "Orthodoxy and Charity, " Works, III, 583-584. "

Believing that no other message, even though enforced by talent, learning and oratorical skill, could effect salvation. Watts warned his fellow-ministers, "I am fully persuaded you would never reconcile one soul, 11 . . . without this blessed gospel which is committed to your hands.

Therefore, he urged them to "preach this gospel with faithfulness, and ip be instant in the sacred work. " To ministers who preached as Bishop

Ryle described, "senaons . . . little better than miserable moral essays, utterly devoid of anything to awaken, convert, or save souls, " Watts urged a return to the focal center of revelation, the content of the 15 gospel. J

The Hature of Inspiration

As a result of this gospel emphasis Watts encountered the problem of the nature of the Bible's inspiration. Deistic rationalism denied any

114- special revelation. Watts rejected such scepticism as contrary to 1 reason and the needs of man. '’ The learned Baptist theologian and London pastor, John Gill, held for a strict verbal interpretation. ^ Though

Watts declared that the Holy Spirit "dictated [the] divine truths of the

•^Watts, "An Bumble Attempt," Works, III, 15.

^Ibid . , p. 36.

^J. C. Ityle, The Christian Leaders of Lhglaud in the Eighteenth Century (London, 1852), p. lk.

^Sheldon, History of Christian Doctrine, II, 29k.

^^Watts, "Strength and Weakness of Season, " Works , II, k03.

^Sheldon, History of Christian Doctrine, II, 28k. " ^

gospel, " he repudiated a plenary verbal inspiration. To him, revelation

was in the sense rather than in the words of the Bible. Stating that

"words are but the shell in which the divine ideas are conveyed in the

mind, " Watts claimed that "we do not in the least derogate from the

honour of the Bible, while we declare, that it is the sense of Scripture,

and not the mere words of it, that must be our rule of duty and practise.

On this basis, the verbal accuracy of the text of the Bible was not con- IQ sidered of critical importance. Watts's theory of inspiration was

dynamic and substantive rather than verbal.

The Method of Interpretation

Watts's belief that revelation was in the "sense" rather than in the exact words influenced his method of interpreting the Scriptures.

Adaptation for use by the individual Christian, conformity to principle s

of reason, and fidelity to the emphasis made in the Bible—these constituted Watts's requirements for a satisfactory method of interpretation.

The Reformers had long contended for the right of the individual

Christian to interpret the Bible independent of religious councils.

Watts emphasized not only thi3 right but the responsibility of "every man to use his Bible, and to judge for himself the sense ^ rm*»ri-iT>g of pA it, using the best helps that he can obtain for this end.

17 Watts, "Rational Foundation, " Works. V, 757.

*Afatte, "Inward Witness, " in "Sermons, " Works. I, 26.

•^Bagenback, History of Doctrines. II, 234. 2Q Watts, "A Rational Defence of the Gospel, " in "Sermons, " Works. I, 179. "

With this individual need in mind. Watts suggested twelve principles especially suited to help one understand the sense of the 21 sacred writings. " He began by advocating an idiomatic knowledge of the original languages, with special attention to word usage in the 22 period generally, as well as by the particular author. Knowledge of the nature of the subject, the design of the author, and the character of the people addressed were considered important in this connection. 23

Watts also explained that both the inferences drawn from, and the objections brought against, any writing often assisted in understanding its true meaning. Urging that "you treat every author, writer, or speaker, just as you yourselves would be willing to be treated by others, who are searching out the meaning of what you write or speak, " Watts cautioned against the warping influences of emotion in the writer or the reader. 2^

In interpreting Scripture Watts specified two essentials: the aid of 25 the Holy Spirit and the comparison of Scripture with Scripture. While he admitted obscurity in the Bible, he contended "that whoever puts off prejudices, and is piously sincere in his search of the word of God, 27 shall certainly find, through divine assistance, all needful truth.

Here was the key to the meaning of Scripture.

2 \/atts, "Improvement of the Mind," Works, V, 228 .

23 gij ^Ibid. , pp. 228-229. Ibid. . p. 229 . lbid. , p. 230.

25 Ibid. ^Ibid. , p. 229 -

^Watts, "A Rational Defence of the Gospel, in "Sermons," Works,

I, 180 , 77

In addition to these principles. Watts held that a major aid

to interpretation was the internal emphasis placed by the Scripture

on a particular "doctrine’' or "duty. " According to Ms analysis,

"importance or necessity to salvation" was indicated by strength of 2 evidence, but "usefulness" by frequency of repetition. ® For example,

he ruled "that where a doctrine or duty is mentioned but in one single place of the Scripture, it cannot be of absolute necessity to salva-

tion. On the basis of this principle. Watts urged that the indi-

vidual's faith and the pastor's semens follow this internal pattern 0 of emphasis set by the Scripture itself.® Here was the key to the

necessity and importance of "doctrines” or "duties."

The Area of Authority

The early eighteenth-century controversy witMn Christianity 31 was essentially intellectual. It is natural, therefore, that Watts

felt no problem concerning the Bible's authority, except in the con- 2 ventional areas of doctrine and duty.® His cMef concern in these

respects was to limit the requirements of obedience to those contained

in the teacMngs of the Hew Testament. He cautioned most against add-

ing other authorities in those areas where only the Bible should rule.®®

28 Watts, "Orthodoxy and Charity United, " Works, III, 701*

® ^Ibid., p. 703. °Ibid. , pp. 701-707.

®1 Walker, History of the Christian Church, pp. U87-495.

®2 Watts, "An Humble Attempt," Works , III, 20.

®®Ibid. "

It should be noted here, though leaving a complete discussion to later chapters, that Watts also advocated the Bible as an authoritative pat-

qIi tern for logical forms and moving style.

The Basis of Apologetics

The sceptical challenge of rationalism impelled Watts to find an adequate apologetic for the Bible. "The distinguishing note of rationalism, " declares George P. Fisher, "is the rejection of authoritative teaching, the disbelief in supernatural revelation. "33 So eighteenth- century deism struck powerful blows against the Scriptures. Collins attacked prophecy, Woolston the miracles, Morgan and Bolingbroke the

Old Testament, and Chubb the New Testament. Watts had to give his people an answer "when the deists of our age shall object and say, . . .

•Blow can the Bible be the word of God?* "37 Kfrtle he was convinced that sound scholarship vindicated the claims of Scripture, lie knew common 38 men could not master learned arguments. Be sought, therefore, and believed that he had discovered, an apologetic adequate for the ordinary

Christian.

3** 1bid. , pp. 26-27.

35(3eorge p. Fisher, Discussions in History and Theology (New York, 1880), p. 1*1.

^Sheldon, History of Christian Doctrine, II, 2

37watts, "The Inward Witness to Christianity, " in "Sermons, Works, I, 26.

38 Ibid# y p# 22# 79

The basis of Watts's apologetic lay in Ms conception of the gospel and its effects. First, the nature of the gospel was unique.

He likened the gospel to "a seal or signet, of such inimitable and divine graving, that no created power can counterfeit it. Second, the effect of the gospel was also unique. Watts believed that when "the

Spirit of God has stamped this gospel on the soul there are so many holy and happy lines impressed thereby . . * that give certain evidence both 40 of a heavenly signet, and a heavenly operator. " Watts ruled oat the possibility that any other religion or doctrine could produce this ef-

)ii feet. The unique internal effect, therefore, became a personal proof of the divine nature of the cause. Watts's logical conclusion followed:

"It is then a convincing, an infallible witness; such a new and heavenly life wrought in the heart, is a sure proof that the doctrine comes from kQ God. " Then, by a process of extension, he applied the same inward witness beyond the gospel to include the Bible as a whole:

And though there are many and sufficient arguments drawn from criticism, history, and human learning, to prove the sacred authority of the Bible, and such as may give abundant evidence to an honest inquirer, and full satisfaction that it is the word of God; yet this the cMef evidence that the greatest part of Christians can ever attain of the divine original of the holy scripture itself, as well as the truth of the doctrines contained in it, viz. That they have found such a holy and heavenly change passed upon them by reading or hearing the propositions, the histories, the preanises, the precepts, and the threatenings of this book: and thence they are wont to infer, that the God of truth would not attend a book, which was not agreeable to Ms mind, with such glorious instances of Ms own power and grace. ^3

3S> 4o 4l Ibid. Ibid. Ibid , p. 25. ^3 ^Ibid. Ibld. "

It is within this context that Watts's advocacy of the Bible as a sermon source must be understood.

First, therefore, while extolling the benefits of all learning, he praised knowledge of the Bible as "the brightest and noblest part Uh of the knowledge of a minister. " Bible study was the first ministerial requirement; "here our faith and conscience may rest safely, in all our enquiries about matters of belief or practise. He repudiated the

"popish doctrine of the insufficiency of the holy scriptures ... for the grand doctrines and duties which are necessary to salvation are k6 plain and unmistakeable.

Second, sermons pregnant with Scripture had greater effectiveness both to convict the sinner and to instruct the believer. Watts declared:

A preacher whose mind is well stored and enriched with the divine sense and sentiments, the reasoning and the language of scripture, (and especially if these are wrought

into his heart by Christian experience ) supposing his other talents are equal to those of his brethren, will always have a considerable advantage over them in composing such discourses as shall be most popular and most useful in Christian assemblies; and he may better expect the blessing of God, to make his word triumph over the souls of men, and will generally speak to their hearts with more power for their eternal salvation. W

Watts suggested two causes for the power of Scriptural sermons: the Holy Spirit's blessing upon its own words, and the people's prior

^ibid . U6 Watts, "Orthodoxy and Charity United, " Works, III, 705 . h7 'Watts, "An Huiable Attempt, " Works, III, 27-28. "

knowledge of Bible quotations.

Always, however. Watts considered the Bible as a means, not an

end. He exhorted his fellow ministers, "in handling the text, divide,

explain, illustrate, prove, convince, infer, and apply in such a manner,

as to do real service to men, and honour to our Lord Jesus Christ. . . .

Let not your chief design be to work up a sheet, or to hold out an hour,

’ but to save a soul . * Watts’s goal was not to impart Bible knowledge, but to effect in a congregation a personal and saving faith in Christ.

It was on this basis that he declared to ministers: "Our chief business

1*9 will be to understand this Bible.

50 Experimental_

As Watts saw it, the second major source of preaching material lay in man’s religious experiences. Three influences contributed to

Watts’s commendation of "experimental" preaching: the nature of the

Christian ministry, the character of Puritan sermons, and the emphasis of eighteenth-century philosophy.

Believing that preaching began in the inner experience of the preacher himself, he explained that "the lips of the preacher seem to speak light and life at once, and he helps to communicate the holy pas- 51 sion all around him, by feeling it first himself. In like manner,

^Ibld. , p. 11. ^Ibid . , p. 3. 50 "Experimental" is here used in its primary meaning: "Relating to, or based on experience, especially personal experience, as distinct from theory. " See Watts, "An Humble Attempt, " Works, III, 64; Brastow, The Modem Pulpit, pp. 92-101.

^^Watts, "The Doctrine of the Passions," Works, II, 674. 82

he affirmed that preaching oust touch the hearer* s experience. "The

noble principles of the Christian faith," he said, "animate all the powers of nature, and make us live as become the followers and worshipers 52 of the holy Jesus. Anything less than the sharing of life situations was not truly Christian preaching.

Brastow has declared that this experimental quality "was a dis- 53 tinctive note of Puritan and other forms of English dissent." Watts, too, was conscious of this link with an honored heritage. In extolling the advantages of experimental preaching, he asserted, "Surely this was the fashion and practice of our fathers amongst the puritans and protes- 5k taut dissenters in their ministry.

Finally, the emphasis which contemporary philosophy placed on experience influenced Watts* s leaning toward the experimental. Recall that

Locke claimed that images, impressed upon the mind from external objects, 55 form the basis of all our knowledge. Accepting Locke's arguments,

Berkeley concluded "that if all the properties attributed to the objec- 56 tive are only in the mind, there can be no object apart from the mind.

Such a conclusion centered the emphasis squarely upon the subjective experience of the individual. In this age of epistemological ferment Watts

5g Ibia . , p. 675.

53]3rastav, The Modern Pulpit, p. 93. 5k Watts, "An Humble Attempt, " Works, III, 6k. 55 "Rogers, History of Philosophy, p. 291. 56 Skeats and I-IiaU, History of Free Churches of England, p. 3k2. 83

vas a participating -writer. His own works evidence the extent of his interest. Skeats and Mall judge that "as a mental philosopher he 57 ranked next to Locke. " They add that Watts was renowned among his 58 contemporaries as a philosopher. So modem a writer as John W. Yolton could not ignore Watts in his discussion of Locke, and remarks that 59 "Watts followed Berkeley* s elimination of substance. " Without attempt- * ing to explain the content of Watts's philosophy, these facts should he sufficient evidence that eighteenth-century empiricism probably had an effect on his theory of preaching.

Experimental preaching as a method may be summarized in four in- terpretative statements based on Watts's own writings.

First, men must be classified on the basis of their religious experience. Emphasizing "this distinction as great and necessary,” Watts instructed the preacher as follows.

Let your hearers know that there is a vast and unspeak- able difference betwixt a saint and a sinner, one in Christ, and one out ocf Christ; between one whose heart is in a state of corrupt nature or unrenewed, and one that is in a state of grace, and renewed to faith and holiness; between one who is only bom of the flesh and is a child of wrath, and one

who is bom again, or bom of the Spirit, and is become 3, child of God, a member of Christ, and an heir of heaven. 60

Obviously, only two classes were recognized: the saint and the sinner.

'^Skeats and Mall, History of Free Churches of England, p. 3I2.

"ibid. , p. 204.

"jobn W. Yolton, John Locke and the Way of Ideas (Oxford, 1956), p. 201.

^°Watts, "An Humble Attempt, ” Works, III, 18.

6l. Ibid. "

Second, these classes must he subdivided on the basis of the indi- 62 victual’s internal condition. Watt3 advocated "a particular search

enquiry into souls and consciences” to determine spiritual "states and

,.63 cases. He listed these conditions as typical: conceited, indolent,

jealous, doubting, tempted, afflicted, feeble, humble, fearful, convinced, 64 awakened, irresolute, wavering.

Third, the teachings of the Bible must be divided on the basis of

these classifications. These form the foundation, he told his fellow- ministers, upon which "you will divide the word of God aright, and give 65 to everyone their portion; 2 Tim. ii, 15.

Fourth, having made this division of men and of the Scriptures, the preacher must seek to compose and deliver his sermons so that the divine spiritual supply is adapted to the individual’s need. Watts pro- claimed, 'I wish with all my soul, this sort of ministration, this manner of dividing the word of God, and giving to each their due, may never 66 grow out of fashion in our places of worship." In short, in Watts’s view, experimental preaching was distinguished by a spiritual classification of men and Scripture so as to meet practical needs.

How, then, did this experimental emphasis become a sermon source?

The answer is twofold: first by means of it the preacher’s objective was redirected. In subject centered Biblical preaching, the preacher's purpose was to expound the Scriptural text. Experimental preaching, in

Ibid., 64-65. pp. ^Ibid. . p. 63. 66 ^Ibid., 64. 6g p. Ibid. . p. 18. Ibid. . p. 64. 85

contrast, was audience centered. Such preaching, asserted Watts, was

designed "if possible, to reach the hearts of the assembly, and to save the souls of men from hell by the concurrent influence of the grace of

God. " Man' s condition, as well as the Scripture, furnished subject matter for sermons. This redirected purpose became the guide for fram-

ing the "whole sermon both as to matter and manner.

Second, Watts's experimental emphasis furnished a new inventional resource. Any Bible truth applied to an actual need would, he believed, furnish adequate sermon material. The preacher had a ready-made list of stereotyped spiritual states, derived both from a study of the Bible and from introspection. By focusing on these the sermon text might be ri chly amplified and concretely applied. Watts urged ministers to follow this method in sermon composition:

In choosing your texts, or themes of discourse, see such as are most suited to do good to souls, according to the present wants, dangers, and circumstances of the people; whether for the instruction of the ignorant; for the conviction of the stupid and senseless; for the melting and softening of the obstinate; for the conversion of the wicked; for the edification of converts; for the comfort of the timorous and mournful; for gentle admonition of backsliders, or more severe reproof. °9

This inventional method, declared Watts, produced preaching "most suited to bring souls onward from a state of sin and nature to a state 70 of grace, and advancing toward glory. It brought conviction to the hearers by revealing in specific language their exact spiritual needs and supplies.

67 Ibid . ^Ibid. , p. 11. 69 7 Ibid. °Ibid. . p. 64. "

Cultural

The third major sermon source Watts recommended was a broad

general culture. While there were exceptions—such as John Gill and

Matthew Henry, the celebrated Bible commentators —as a general rule,

those who preached in dissenter chapels were not men of much learning.

Watts deplored this condition. Indeed, he ranked divinity with law and 71 medicine as a learned profession. He suggested, therefore, a broad

program of study "as necessary to furnish the mind with knowledge for 72 the office of the ministry." "Though [these studies] are learned in

the academy," he reasoned, "yet I can by no means think it proper they

should be left there and forgotten." ^ In An Humble Attempt and also

in The Improvement of the Mind Watts undertook to explain why he advocated this program of study, as well as to point out its benefits in 7k the preparation and delivery of sermons. While he recommended that study be continued "even through the whole course of life," he also cautioned that "a minister should remember, that himself, with all his

7^ studies, is consecrated to the service of the sanctuary.

" (1 Watts , "The Improvement of the Mind," Works , V, 301. 72 Watts, "An Humble Attempt,” Works, III, 8.

73 ibid . , p. 11.

7k n Ibid., pp. 8-11. See also Works , V, 300-316, 392-404. Cf. John Newton, "A Plan of Academical Preparation for the Ministry in a Letter to a Friend," The Works of Rev. John Newton (5 vols.; New York. 1810), V, 82. ^ Ibld . , pp. 10-11. 87

Study Program

Watts recognized six preaching requirements, and suggested

specific studies to supply each of these needs:

1. To improve the reasoning faculty, logic and mathematics.

2. To trace and evaluate the work of God in his creations,

physical philosophy and human nature.

3. To improve skill in the techniques of sermon composition

and delivery, "method" and oratory.

4. To prove the divine nature of Christianity, the theory and

practices of natural religion.

5. To understand the Bible, philology, geography, and history.

6. To embellish preaching, science, and the various branches of

polite learning.

To assist the student in his personal program of continued edu-

cation, Watts suggested sixteen principles by which "diligence and

study" might property be applied to any discipline: judge upon nothing

less than the best evidence available; distinguish between words and

•tilings; do not overstep antecedent learning; approach the difficult

gradually; understand each step before taking the next more advanced one; limit the number of studies; keep the entire course in view; exert effort in proportion to a matter's importance; beware of preconceptions; do not belittle disciplines of which you know nothing; draw up a schedule; do not over fatigue the mind; seek true knowledge rather than early ^ ,

answers; do not expect certainty in every subject; apply speculative

studies to practical uses; continue in accustomed and proved methods

of study .

Benefits

Watts presented definite judgments concerning the benefits to be

derived from each area of study.

To Improve the Reasoning Faculty . Watts believed that the study

of mathematics and logic tended "to fix a wandering mind* to beget a

habit of attention, and to improve the faculty of reason."^ He quoted

Dr. George Cheyne’s assertion that mathematics "quicken and sharpen the

reasoning faculty." On the other hand, Watts cautioned that "launch-

ing into the depth of these studies ... is apt to beget a secret and

refined pride . . . the most opposite temper to the true spirit of the 80 gospel."

Watts * s consnendation of logic was equally strong, but here his

caution concerned the nature rather than the use of the discipline. He

repudiated that sort of logic which is only a scholastic "art of wrangling,"

in which "an unknown heap of trifles and impertinences have been inter-

Ojl mingled." True logic. Watts defined as "the art of using Reason well 62 in our inquires after truth, and the communication of it to others."

77 Watts, "The Improvement of the Mind," Works, V, 255-262. rjQ Bald., ^ p. 303. Ibid . , p. 304. °u 8l Ibid . , pp. 303-304. Ibld ., p. 305.

°%atts , "Logick," Works V, 7. -

By such a definition he reflected the scope ordinarily assigned to logic

in his day. The study, he thought, improved perception, judgment, reason-

ing, and disposition, and assisted specifically in sermon composition.

How completely Watts considered this discipline an aid to religion may

be concluded from his claim that “one great part of the design of

Iogick is to guard us against the delusive influences of our meaner

powers, to cure the mistakes of immature judgment, and to raise us in

some measure from the ruins of our fall."^ To Watts, the study of

logic assisted the pastor to preach and the hearers to evaluate spiritual

truth.

To Trace God*s Work. The second category of profane studies

advocated by Watts as especially useful for the preacher was natural

science. In this area, however, he saw little value in "the old Aristo- 84 telean scheme." The works of contemporary scholars —"especially those who have followed the principles of the wonder of our age and nation. Sir

Isaac Newton" —were, Watts believed, the ones profitable for the preach 85 m er. The findings of science. Watts declared, give the preacher "a wider and more delightful view of the works of God," and in particular,

"furnish him with lively and happy images and metaphors drawn from the large volume of nature, to display and represent the things of God in 86 the most beautiful and affecting colours."

83 Ibid ., p. 6.

^Sfatts, "The Improvement of the Mind," Works , V, 306. 85 88 lbl4. Ibid. 90

As for the science of human nature, Watts declared that "the

knowledge ... of animal nature and of the rational soul of man, and

the mutual influence of these two ingredients of our composition upon 8 each other, is worthy the study of a divine." ^ On the one hand, it

gave the pastor an understanding of the drives, motivations, and re-

actions that influenced his hearers. On the other, it distinguished OQ genuine from spurious religious “demonstrations." Thus, knowledge

of physical science and human nature. Watts believed, assisted the

preacher in tracing, depicting, and evaluating the works of God both

in the world and in the individual.

To Improve Preaching Skills . The third division of secular

studies advocated by Watts was directly concerned with preaching as an

act of communication. It included "method" and oratory.

By "method" Watts meant the usable end-product of ontology.

Ontology, in Watts's view, was true metaphysics. By ontological pro-

cedures one was able to classify being, properties, modes, and attri- butes, so that relations, likenesses, and distinctions might be discovered. This science, therefore, furnished the basis for "the disposition of everything into its proper rank and class of beings, at- 89 tributes, and actions." ^ As such, it lay at the basis of the practical 90 science of "method." In preaching, however, method must vary from the strict ontological, scientific order so as "to range our thoughts

t7 88 Ibid ., p. 307. Ibid.

8 90 %bid ., p. 306. Ibid. 91

and discourses in due order, and to set the things of God before men in

9’*’ the plainest, the most conspicuous and convincing light."

By "oratory," Watts referred to rhetoric in practice. He gave

several definitions of rhetoric. All indicated that his emphasis was

Ciceronian rather than Aristotelean. In An Humble Attempt he referred 2 to rhetoric as "the happy skill of persuasion."^ In his Logick he

9 defined it as "the art of speaking in a manner fit to persuade." ^ In

The Improvement of the Mind he expanded his reference to "the art of

persuading by explaining that this is accomplished by convincing the

mind, moving the will, and raising the passions.

Now rhetoric, in general, is the art of persuading, which may be distinguished into these three parts, viz . 1. Con- veying the sense of the speaker to the understanding of the hearers in the clearest and most intelligent manner, by the plainest expressions and the most lively and striking representations of it. 2. Persuading the will effectually to choose or refuse the thing suggested and represented. 3. Raising the passions in the most vivid and forcible manner, so as to set all the soul and power of nature at work to pursue or avoid the thing in debate. 9&

By this clear statement Watts emphasized the fact that he distinguished, as did the faculty psychologists, among the understanding, the will, and the passions. To each of these faculties a part of the message was to oe directed. Moreover, he believed the appeal must be made in set order: first, the understanding was to be convinced by reason; second,

^"H/atts, "An Humble Attempt," Works , III, 9.

^Ibid., p. 26. 93 Watts, "Logick," Works , V, 60. 04 Watts, "The Improvement of the Mind," Works , V, 312. ,, -

and only in this order , was the emotional arousal of the passions to he undertaken.^

At times Watts was severely critical of rhetoric. He hut echoed

Plato when he declared:

But to give a full and direct answer to the force of the foregoing objection, I would lay down these considerations, which may help to remove those glaring rays of rhetoric that diffuse themselves round the argument, impose upon, and dazzle weaker minds, and prevent them from beholding the question in its true light, which, if once seen in its proper sense, would he determined with much ease.“b

Again, he spoke of "a flourish of wit to teach us to undervalue our

reason, a mere rank of rhetoric, an hyperbole of reproach to our under

standing." On another occasion, he said, "Perpetual rhetoric of the

clamourous kind may at last force the countenance of a Sanson perhaps to

imitate pity, for the sake of his own peace; hut it can never teach his

soul to practice the tender passion."^ Specifically he wondered:

. . .whether pleading in our British courts of justice, before a skilful judge, should admit of any other aid from rhetoric, than that which teaches to open a cause clearly, and spread it in the most perspicuous, complete, and impartial manner before the eyes of him that judges; for impartial justice being the thing which is sought, there should be no artifices used, no eloquence or powers of language employed to persuade the will, or work upon the ^ Ibid . P* 313.

^Watts "Rational Foundation," Works, V, 757.

Watts "Remnants of Time Employed, in Prose and Verse," in "The Harmony of All the Religions Which God Ever Prescribed," Works , IV, 652. 98 Watts, "Miscellaneous Thoughts," in "Reliquiae Juveniles," Works, IV, 561. ,

passions, lest the decisive sentence of the judge should be biassed or warped into injustice. For this reason, Mr. Locke would banish all pleaders in the law for fees, out of his government of Carolina, in his posthumous works } though perhaps that great man might possibly be too severe in so universal a censure of the profession. 99

In the area of preaching, however. Watts defended the use of

rhetoric. The nature of the audience, the value of the subject matter,

the importance of the spiritual and moral issues—these required “that

1 " all the eloquence which a preacher is master of should be employed." 0

Watts prayed, ”0 may such glorious masters of sacred oratory never be 101 wanting in the pulpits of Great Britain!" It was in the firmness

of this conviction and with the earnestness of this prayer that Watts formulated his theory for effective evangelical preaching.

To Prove Christianity Divine . Watts's fourth division was the comparative study of natural and revealed religion. He divided natural religion into two areas corresponding approximately to "doctrines" and

duties." The first, called "speculative or contemplative," dealt with

"the knowledge of God in his various perfections, and in his relations to his rational creatures, so far as may be known by the light of „102 nature. The second, called "ethics," or moral philosophy, dealt with "the knowledge of the several duties that arise from our relation to God, and our relation to our fellow-creatures, and our proper con- 103 duct and government of ourselves." Watts contended that no religion

"^Watts "The Improvement of the Mind," Works , V, 312. 1QQ 10 Ibid . 313. , p. W 102 103 3b id ., p. 307. Ibid. " ,

could dispense with the twin obligations of worship and morality based

upon these universal elements. His criticism of natural religion,

therefore, lay not in its falsity but in its inadequacy. He declared

his belief in the truth of natural religion by claiming that "the whole

_ 10U of natural religion is contained and included in the gospel of Christ."

At the same time, he asserted the belief that "reason is far from being

sufficient in any practical sense ... to lead to virtue, religion, and 105 happiness. As for other religions, none of them, he said, "can com-

pare with the doctrines of the New Testament, either for its own in- 10^ ternal excellency, or the outward proofs that it came from God."

Sermons constructed from this source. Watts claimed, would prove 10 Christianity divine. ^

To Understand the Bible . The fifth category of studies in Watts's

suggested plan for ministers dealt directly with aids to Bible study.

These included "some skill in the tongues; and particularly those where-

in the Scriptures were written, viz . Hebrew and Greek; some knowledge of the customs of the ancients, [and] some acquaintance with geography and l0° chronology .

The importance of Latin, Watts recognized only grudgingly. The

104, Watts, "An Humble Attempt," Works , III, 12.

105, Watts "Strength and Weakness," Works, II, 425. 106 Ibid.

107, Watts "An Humble Attempt," Works , III, 12. 108 Ibid., p. 9. 95

almost universal use it had formerly enjoyed he condemned as "owing to

the craft and policy of the priesthood and church of Rome.” Happily he

thanked God and the British Parliament that "we were delivered from say-

ing our prayers in Latin, from being bound to read the word of God in a 109 tongue unknown to the people," Yet, in fairness Watts admitted that

"such as intend the study of theology should be well acquainted . . .

with Latin, because it has been for many hundred years the language of

the schools of learning.

With no such reserve Watts declared that the ministry "requires

some knowledge of those original languages, Greek and Hebrew, in which

the Scriptures were written." For Hebrew this might be limited to the

11'1' ability "to find out the sense of a text by the help of a dictionary."

But in the case of Greek, Watts urged "a pretty good knowledge . . .

since all the important points of the Christian religion are derived

from the Hew Testament." Scholars, he believed, should also master

Syriac, Arabic, and Chaldean. But in the case of the average minister, he frankly asked, "And after all, since none of these assistances can yield us a sufficient proof of a true interpretation, and give us the certain sense of a text, who would be persuaded to waste any great number of his better hours in such dry studies, and in labours of so 113 little profit?"

109 Watts, "The Improvement of the Mind," Works , V, 309.

110_ . , in Ibid., p. 311. Ibid ., p. 309. 112 11 aid., 310. 3 p. ibid . , p. 311. 96

As additional aids to knowledge of the Bible, Watts recommended

the study of history and geography. Such studies ’’were as necessary to

divines as to gentlemen of any profession, for such knowledge enabled

them to reconcile difficulties in the Scripture and also demonstrated a 114 divine providence." Watts ranked as even more useful, in their in-

spirational insights, the "smaller histories, biography, or the memoirs

,.115 of great and good men.

To Embellish Preaching . The final category in Watts's proposed program of studies for the minister, dealt with "such sort of accomplish- ments of the mind as will embellish the character of a minister, and render his person and his labors more acceptable to the world." These

included, first, a further study of the sciences, and second, belles

lettres . Among the sciences he chose to advocate, but without ex- planatory comment, "some further acquaintance with modem geography, 11 the nations and kingdoms of this world; some general view of astronomy." ^

Concerning secular philological studies, he declared their chief value was cultural. Watts did specify, however, that reading good literature

enriched style, while studying literary criticism improved interpre- tative judgment.

114 115 Ibid ., p. 305. Ibid. ll6 Watts, "An Humble Attempt," Works , III, 10.

n7 Ibid .

•^Watts, "The Improvement of the Mind," Works , V, 313-316. .

Conclusion

Watts's emphasis on the Bible and experience, and on a specific

list of secular studies does not mean that he would exclude other sorts of preaching material. As the earlier George Herbert had said, "It is an ill mason that refuseth any stone: and there is no knowledge, but,

in a skilful hand, serves either positively as it is, or else to il-

,.119 lustrate some other knowledge. Watts welcomed all truth. At the

same time, he recommended a consistent purpose in the choice of sermon materials

First, he held the Bible to be a transcendent instrument of truth available to the preacher. Contemporary criticisms, threatening to level the Bible to the plane of mere literature, only stimulated his faith. Charles Grosvenor Osgood, in a recent description of an ideal preacher, could have been referring to Watts when he said, "To him the

Bible is transcendent literature just because it is more. It could not otherwise be the Bible, distinguished by its intrinsic spiritual author- 120 ity from all other books." Watts, however, was not a Bible worshipper. He preached the Bible because he believed in its content and in the power of that content to do what no other message could. The gospel was not vindicated by being in the Bible, but the Bible was vindicated by the content of its message. Watts accepted and preached the Bible

119 George Herbert, "A Priest to the Temple," The Clergyman's Instructor (Oxford, 1807), p. ^O.

Charles Grosvenor Osgood, Poetry as a Means of Grace (Prince- ton, 19^1)/ p. 7. 98

not as an end in itself, but as an instrument to effect salvation and righteous living.

Second, Watts's preaching theory stressed the importance of personal Christian experience. In his view, life and the Bible were not dissevered. It was in terms of living needs that the Bible must be interpreted. Thus life acted upon the Bible. But even more fundamental, the Bible interpreted the real life of people. The self-knowledge of the congregation and the insight of the preacher were augmented by the

Bible's penetrating analysis of the states of the soul. Moreover, the

Bible offered a remedy for every need. It enabled the preacher to speak to each soul on its own level, and thus to meet the varying needs of individuals.

Third, the preacher's profane studies were viewed as aids to his central purpose. The deepening of his own insights, the extension of his knowledge, the increase of his skills, the enlargement of his powers—

Watts evaluated all of these as they enabled him to reach men effectively with the gospel. The Bible was the transcendent instrument, but these were important aids. To Watts, all science and knowledge, the writings of thinkers and holy men, were vital extensions of the preacher's limited personal experience. Watts accepted them all. Only when they were derived from this total enrichment could sermons effectively express the breadth, depth, length, and height of the revelation of God's redeem- ing love and abounding grace. All knowledge, therefore, converged in this central sermon purpose of making God the vital saving reality in the individual's life CHAPTER IV

1 MEMORY: THE STOREHOUSE OF THE MIND

Watts, unlike most modern rhetoricians, made memory a dominant

element in his homiletics. Concerning the preaching of sermons he said:

"Can you make the arrow wound where it will not stick? Where all the

discourse vanishes from the remembrance, can you suppose the soul to be

profited or enriched?"

But Watts went even farther than this. In his opinion all phases

of the pastor’s work were dependent on memory. As he himself said:

"There can be neither knowledge, nor art, nor science without memory: nor can there be any improvement of mankind in virtue morals, or the practice cf religion without the assistance of this power.

The Nature of Memory

"Memory, " asserted Watts, "is a distinct faculty of the mind of man, very different from perception, judgment and reasoning, and its

v 3 ' other powers. It is "our natural power of retaining what we l earn,

jk and of recalling it on every occasion. " An act of memory. Watts said, occurs "when the same ideas or perceptions which we had before are jn excited in the soul, without the presence of the same object, or the same occasion, . . . supposing that we have a consciousness that we haH

^atts, "The Improvement of the Mind," Works. V, 3^9 . 2 Ibid., 3 p. 275. Ibid. . p. 274. ^Ibid.

99 100

this perception or this idea before.

Memory Related to the Faculties

In Watts's view, memory borrows its subject matter from the facili-

ties of perception, reflection, and abstraction. If "ideas are varied,

enlarged, diminished, multiplied, or Joined and mingled in forms different

from . . . our first perceptions of them, " they are the products of 6 imagination rather than memory. These new "ideas" may themselves, how-

ever, become additional subject matter for retention. Consequently,

imagination as well as perception, reflection, and abstraction contributes

to memory.

On the other hand, these faculties are dependent upon memory. In

a vivid phrase Watts declared that "without memory the soul of man would

be but a poor, distitute [sic], naked being, with an everlasting blank

. 7 spread over it, except in fleeting ideas of the present moment." "All

other abilities of the mind, he said, "borrow from [memory] their beauty

and perfection: for the other capacities of the soul are almost useless 8 without this."

5 Watts, "Philosophical Essays, " Works, V, 538. In his definition, it should be noted. Watts paralleled Locke who declared that memory was the faculty of retention, the "storehouse of our ideas, " and the revival of "perceptions which [the mind] has once had, with this additional perception annexed to than, that it had them before. " Locke, "An Essay Con- cerning Human Understanding, " The English Philosophers from Bacon to Mill, p. 276. 6 Ibid . 7 ‘Watts, "The Improvement of the Mind, " Works, V, 275. 8 ~ Ibid . , pp. 27^-275* On this point also Watts agreed with Locke who said, "Memory, in an intellectual creature, is necessary in the next " " "

101

In what Watts apologetically termed "some loose and unconnected thoughts and remarks with regard to the different powers of wit, memory, and judgment, " he described how memory was related to the other facul- 9 ties. In this connection, he cautioned against two dangerous tendencies.

On the care hand, persons of bright genius, "having riches of their own, depend upon their invention to the neglect of the power of memory «nd the loss of its improvement; on the other, persons of large memory, by over-dependence on this full storehouse, "may prevent, restrain, and cramp the invention itself. Watts held that genius and memory in 11 proper balance "make a wealthy and happy mind.

Though admitting that "a good judgment, and a good memory are different qualifications, Watts claimed that "where a happy memory is found in any person, there is a good foundation laid for a wise and 12 just judgment of things. " True propositions, the very core of sermon composition, result from the action of sound judgment upon the mind's storehouse in order to determine "that such and such ideas are to be 1 joined or disjoined, to be affirmed or denied. ^

Watts summarized his view of memory's relations with the other faculties and of its unique value by saying, "It is memory alone that enriches the mind, by preserving what our labour and industry daily collect.

degree to perception. It is of so great moment, that where it is wanting all the rest of our faculties are in a great measure useless. " Locke, "An Essay Concerning Human Understanding, " The English Philosophers from Bacon to Mill, pp. 278-279-

10 1X 9 . Ibid , pp. 277-288. Ibid. , pp. 276-277* Ibid. , p. 277.

12 ibid., p. 275. x lk |bid. ibi&. "

The Physical Basis of Memory 1 Important aspects of Watts's treatment of memory were derived from his speculations concerning its physiological basis. His native curiosity in this direction was stimulated by an intense interest in

Locke's Essay Concerning Human. Understanding . To order his own thinking and to answer certain theological problems implicit in Locke's work.

Watts wrote twelve philosophical essays. *5 Among other matters, he explained in these his theory of the physiological basis of memory.

In order to follow his reasoning, it must be understood that

1 Watts's basic philosophy was Cartesian dualism. ^ Man he considered as a thinking soul and a physical body interacting with each other. ^

•j Q The soul, believed Watts, was always active, always thinking. The 1 body was constantly receiving sensations. ^ Watts found a solution for soul-body dualism not in philosophy, but in theology. In his view, God

1 ^V/atts, "Philosophical Essays, " Works, V. These Essays are titled "A Pair Inquiry and Debate Concerning Space, Whether I be Some- thing or Nothing, God or a Creature"} "Of Substance: And of Solid Ex- tension and a Thinking Power, as the Two Only Original Substances"; "Of the Original of Our Perceptions and Ideas"; "Of Innate Ideas"; "An In- quiry Whether the Soul Thinks Always"; "Of the Power of Spirits to Move Bodies; Of their Being in a Place, and Removing from it"; "The Departing Soul"; "The Resurrection of the Same Body"; "Of the Production, Nourish- ment, and Operations of Plants and Animals"; "Of Sun-Beams and Star-Beams "On Some Metaphysical Subjects"; "Remarks on Some Chapters of Mr. Locke's Essay on the Human Understanding.

^Leslie Stephen, History of English Thought in the Eighteenth Century (2 vols.; New York, 1927), II, 386.

^Beck, Philosophical Inquiry, p. 308. 1 ®Watts, "Hoilosqphical Essays, " Works, V, 19 Ibid., pp. 532-533. "

103

had ordained (l) that bodily nervous sensations should have spiritual

counterparts, and (2) that spiritual volitions should excite bodily 20 responses. Since the body* s nervous control center was in the brain.

2j Watts reasoned that this organ must be the "palace of the soul. ' In-

deed, he specifically declared, "The soul of man may be said to be in

1,22 his brain.

Operating in the context of this philosophy. Watts asserted that

"sensations" and "cogitations" result in "traces in the brain. ,23 Al-

though these traces have no necessary physical likeness to their origin,

by being stimulated, apart from the presence of the original stimulus. Oh they revive former sensations and reflections in the soul. Such re- 25 vival was memory.

Concerning this physical basis of memory Watts raised three important questions. First, he asked, at what age is memory most ef-

ficient? Believing "that the goodness of the memory depends in a great

degree upon the consistency and temperature of that part of the brain, which is appointed to assist the exercise of all our sensible and intel-

lectual faculties, " he found a specific relationship between memory and age. He ruled against childhood because "the brain is so soft, " and against old age because "the brain is grown so hard. " The age favored

2 gl 22 . . °Ibid Ibid . p. 533- Ibld. . p. 569. 23 24 25 Ibid., pp. 536-538. Ibid.. p. 535* Ibid., pp. 537-538. 26 Watts, "The Improvement of the Mind, " Works. V, 278. ,

io4

"2 was "maturity. 7

Second, he asked, what affects the strength of a memory? By

studying the memory of dreams, he concluded that indefiniteness or a

lack of strength or umber of sensory impressions hindered memory.

As we shall see, his positive rules for improving memory reflected this

conclusion.

Third, Watts asked, what awakens memory? His answer was that memory might be stimulated by volition, by sounds or other sensations,

and, obviously most important to the preacher, by words. Because

"ideas are quickly attached to some words, " when these words are heard,

"the soul has these intellectual ideas which are attached to than, repeated or raised afresh, and they become actually present in the mind.

Watts summarized this important principle as follows:

For though our intellectual ideas themselves cannot be traced, nor drawn, nor painted on the brain, and consequently can have no similar impressions made there, yet they may be closely connected or attached by custom to certain corporeal motions, figures, strokes, or traces, which may be excited or delineated there; which traces or motions were first raised by the reading or hearing words written or spoken, which were designed to signify those incorporeal ideas or objects. 31

Here, Watts declared, was a great potential power for good; but also potential for evil, since words could arouse memories of both 32 virtuous and sinful acts.

27 Ibid . Cf. as a matter of interest, Thomas Wilson, Arte of Rhetorique (1560). ed. G. H. Mair (Oxford, 1909), pp. 209-212. 28 Watts, "Philosophical Essays," Works, V, 551.

3 ^Ibid. , p. 538. 0jbj[d . 3ljbjd.

32watts, "An Humble Attempt, " Workf HI, 24. 105

Memory Related to Religion

Beyond the matter of preaching. Watts laid strong emphasis on memory* s service to religion as a whole. Only, he thought, by the engage- ment of memory through such means as catechisms and poems could religion be engrained in life. So while it is true that Watts defined memory

clearly and related its activities with those of the other faculties, his interest in it was basically functional.

The Improvement of Memory* s Powers

Improvement was a key word in Watts's ministry. In a poem for children, he wrote the following:

How doth the little busy bee Improve each shining hour. And gather honey all the day From every op'ning flower!

In books, or works, or healthful play. Let my first years be past; That I may give for ev'ry day Some good account at last. 33 s

These simple verses explain why it was impossible for Watts to leave memory in the area of exposition. His entire philosophy of life compelled him to make a practical application of memory to the service of

God. For this reason he proposed a standard for a good memory and formulated rules for its attainment.

The Standard of Good Memory

To meet Watts's standard, a memory must have ease of impression,

^^Watts, "Divine Songs . . . for Children, " Works, IV, 389. 106

breadth of capacity, strength of retention, and rapidity of recall.

He detailed these qualifications in the following words:

,1. It is ready to receive and admit with great ease, the various ideas both of words and things which are learned or taught. 2. It is large and copious to treasure up these ideas in great number and variety. 3. It is strong and durable to retain for a considerable time those words or thoughts which are committed to it. 4. It is faithful and active to suggest and recollect upon every proper occasion, all those words or thoughts which have been recommended to its care, or treasured up in it. 3^

Y/atts cautioned that each of these elements in memory might be injured as well as improved.

Rules for Improving Memory

In addition to the general principle of moderate but ever-increasing exercise of memory’s power. Watts formulated ten rules for the improvement of this faculty. like many of his ideas, these rules were derived rather than original. %s sources included both classical and contemporary authors: Aesop, Valerius Maximus, Cato, Lilly, Horace, ^ Locke, Richard Grey, and Solomon Lowe. 3

Watts’s rules may be divided into two groups. First were five psychological principles: focused attention, clear and distinct apprehension, methodical organization of material, adequate repetition.

34 Watts,, "The Improvement of the Mind," Works, V, 279.

35Ibid.

36 Ibid. , pp. 279-287 . See also Locke, "An Essay Concerning Human Understanding, " English Philosophers, from Bacon to Mill, p. 2. 7

and pleasurable reaction. Second, he listed five more or less mechanical methods: versification, word association, page localization,

special marking, and word building.

The first of the psychological principles recommended focused attention for depth of impression. Here Watts criticized, on the one hand, "the slothful and the negligent" who robbed themselves of the

"furniture of their memory, " and, on the other, the "active spirits, who are ever skimming over the surface of things with a volatile temper. A lack of focused attention. Watts warned, "will fix

"3® nothing in the mind. "There must, " he said, "be the labour and diligence of close attention to particular subjects of thought and enquiry." Only this "can impress what we read or think upon the remem- 39 bering faculty in man.

Convinced that the strength of impression depended on the degree of attention given a subject. Watts devoted an entire chapter to the problem of fixing the attention. Here he detailed seven specific instructions:

1. Get a good likeing to the study or knowledge you would pursue.

2. Sometimes . . . may make use of sensible things and corporeal images for the illustrations of those notions which are more abstracted and intellectual. 3. Apply yourself to those studies, and read those authors who draw out their subjects in a perpetual chain of connected reasonings, wherein the following parts of

37 Watts, "The Improvement of the Mind," Works, V, 280.

38 3 Ibid. 9lbid. 108

the discourse are naturally and easily derived from those which go before. 4. Do not choose your constant place of study by the finery of the prospects, or the most various and enter- taining scenes of sensible things. 5. Be not in too much haste to come to the determination of a difficult or important point. Think it worth your waiting to find out truth. 6. Have a care of indulging the more sensual passions and appetites of animal nature: They are great enemies to attention. 7. It is therefore very useful to fix and engage the mind of truth and knowledge, by a sense of our duty to God, by a delight in the exercise of our intellectual faculties, by the hope of future service to our fellow creatures, and glorious advantage to ourselves, both in this world and that which is to came.^

Watts’s second rule emphasized a "clear and distinct apprehension. " He warned that "faint, glimmering and confused ideas will hi vanish like images seen in twilight. " Plain expressions, the removal of ambiguity, emphasis upon sense rather than words were, he said, means of making ideas clear and distinct.

Watts’s third rule concerned the clear and proper disposition of materials. "As much as systematical learning is decried," Watts asserted, "it is certainly the happiest way to furnish the mind with a

Jlp variety of knowledge. For illustrations of effective organization he referred to the arrangement of medicines in the apothecary's shop and to the genealogical order of a family tree. Applying the general principle that "method" aids memory. Watts pointedly concluded that "it would be of great advantage, both to the speaker and hearer, to have

^Ibid . . pp. 262-264. ^Ibid. , p. 38O.

* %bid. , p. 281. "

109

k3 discourse for the pulpit cast into a plain and easy method.

The fourth rule was based upon the values of pre-view and repeti-

tion. Watts advocated a preliminary examination of the material, com-

bined with a thoughtful review. In characteristic style, he presented

this example and its application:

. . . Maemon even from his youth to his old age, never read a book without making some small points, dashes, or hooks in the margin, to mark what parts of the discourse were proper for a review: And when he came to the end of a section or chapter, he always shut his book, and recollected all the sentiments or expressions he had marked, so that he could give a tolerable analysis and abstract of every treatise 1m had read, just after he had finished it. Thence he became so well furnished with a rich variety of knowledge. Even when a person is hearing a sermon or a lecture, he may give his thoughts leave now and then to step back so far as to recollect the several heads of it from the beginning, two or three times before the lecture or sermon is finished. 44

In addition to preview and review. Watts suggested the drawing up of "brief compends. " For this purpose he considered shorthand of great value. Moreover, he warned against plunging into some divert- ing activity immediately after study. Instead, one should, on the first proper opportunity, talk over with others the material to be

In his fifth rule. Watts suggested that the learning process be

. U6 made pleasurable. Watts's prescription was in the spirit of progressive education when he directed: "Whatsoever therefore we desire that a child should commit to his memory, make it as pleasant to him as

43 kb Ibid. Ibid.

^5ibid. ^Ibid. p. 283. no

possible . . . search his genius and his temper . . . let him take in the instructions you give him., or the lessons you appoint him, in a vay suited to his natural inclination. As additional aids to pleasure in learning he suggested the use of visual aids and instruction "in a A8 way of sport and play.

In passing to the sixth rule, Watts left the context of psychological principles to enter that of mechanical devices and aids.

The sixth rule dealt with the relationship between versification and memory. Watts firmly believed that rhythm and rhyme enabled learn- ers to "receive with more ease the things proposed to their observation, and preserve them longer in their remembrance. " For this conviction he found support not only in long-established practice but also in such commonplace jingles as,

Thirty days have September, June, and April, and November:

February twenty-eight alone, . ° And all the rest have thirty-one.

The seventh rule related to word association. Here Watts urged that "when you would remember new things or words, endeavor to associ- ate and connect them with some words or things which you have well 50 known before. " Vindicating this procedure by references to classical practice. Watts suggested such methods as grouping, relating words to circumstances, representing ideas visually to the mind, or considering an opposite.

** 7Ibid. ^Tbid.

5 **%bid., p. 285 . °Ibid., p. 284, Ill

In the eighth rule Watts suggested "a local memory. He immediately clarified this vague phrase by explaining that he referred to a visual memory of where the material to be remembered was located on the page.

The ninth rule related to such visual mechanics as varying the size, type, and color of writing, presenting material in chart form, 52 and the use of visual aids.

The tenth rule was actually a review of current systems of mnemonics. It included such tricks as taking the first letter of a series of words and forming a new word, grouping separate words into 53 a longer unit, and similar artificial devices.

In these ten rules Watts believed he had collected and formulated useful procedures for "improving" the memory. Obviously, they varied widely, ranging from general psychological principles to artificial tricks and devices.

Memory and Preaching

Throughout all of his writings on memory Watts continually related it to the problems of preaching. His examples, allusions, and corollaries frequently dealt with sermons. To him, memory was more than a canon of rhetoric. It was an essential instrument in effecting both the immediate and the ultimate purposes of preaching.

Specifically, Watts believed that the basic psychological requirements of retention must direct the preacher in the preparation

51 5g - 53 Xbid Ibid. , pp. 285 286. Ibld . , pp. 286-287 112

and delivery of sermons. To depart from the course they prescribed would mean the loss of full effectiveness. He recommended to the preacher these six important principles:

1. Depth of impression necessitates focused attention in study. 5^

2. Distinctness of impression requires clear propositions. 55

3. Base of retention is aided by an orderly method of presentation. 56

4. Ease of recall is founded upon summary and review. 5?

5. Clarity of impression demands a simple, plain style. ^

6. Readiness of reception necessitates an effective delivery. 59

Invention, disposition, style delivery—Watts placed all these areas at the service of memory. He believed that if a sermon could not be re- 80 membered, it had not been properly prepared or presented. If persuasion were to result, the requirements of memory must be met.

Such obedience was not mental slavery, but a wise use of inescapable laws and principles of the mind. The results. Watts affirmed, held distinct benefits for preacher and congregation alike. He pointed to the vigor and freshness of the preacher's delivery when his sermon is

'Vrought into head and heart by meditation. " Again, he indicated the preacher's inward satisfaction in meeting his congregation's actual needs: breaking "the bread of life into pieces to feed the children

5 ^Ibid . 262-263. , pp. W, pp. 275-276. 56 57 58 Ibid. , p. 281. Ibid. , p. 282. Ibid. , p. 280.

5 60 9ibid . Ibid.,pp. 3^-350. 113

with it"; giving "the ignorant a plain scheme of any one doctrine, and 62 enabling them to comprehend or retain it. " A preacher, he believed,

lost this regard when he failed to heed memory* s demands. Such a man

he criticized as "without any concern ... to furnish the memory with

any lasting treasure, or to make a knowing and a religious Christian.

Memory and the hearer

Watts suggested six procedures by which the hearer might better

, Q, remember a message. These included fixing the attention, forming a

clear and distinct conception of the subject being treated, increasing

memory's storehouse, ordering ideas under proper heads, adopting a

progressive schedule, and attempting to solve difficult scientific,

mathematical, and theological problems.

A good memory. Watts believed improved judgment. "Ey acquiring

a rich treasure of notions, " he said, "you will have some principles of

truth, some useful axioms and observations always ready at hand to

6*5 direct and assist your judgaent. " ^

In particular. Watts urged the cultivation of memory to increase the capacity of the Christian to receive and to retain sermons. Such training, he believed, enlarged spiritual capacity and enriched character. He enforced this opinion by this personal testimony:

62 Watts, "The Improvement of the Mind, " Works, V, 349. 63 64 Ibid., p. 3^- Ibid. , pp. 264-274. 6 ^Ibid. , pp. 272-273- "

lilt

I have known children, who from their early years have been constantly trained up and taught to remember a few sentences of a sermon besides the text, and by this ^ have grown up by degrees to know all the distinct parts and branches of a discourse, and in time to write down half the sermon after they came home, to their own consolation, and the improvement of their friends: Whereas those who have never been taught to use their memories in their younger parts of life, lose every thing from their thoughts when it is past off from their ears, and come from noble and edifying sermons, pleased, it may be, with the transient sound, and commending the preacher, but uninstructed, unimproved, without any growth in knowledge or piety. °°

In this observation. Watts indicated the two values of an improved

memory, (l) the increase in the mind's power to receive, retain And

recall; and (2) the effect on the character caused by the material

retained.

The Ultimate Purpose of Preaching

By this latter effect, memory's relationship to character. Watts related this faculty to the ultimate purpose of preaching--the growth of

Christian character. Only memory, he believed, afforded a stable and

God-given foundation for building vital religion in the character of the individual and thus of the nation. "The memory ... is to receive divine truths, to be stored with the ideas of God and his grace, he declared. "It is given to furnish and supply the heart and tongue upon all occasions, for worship, for conference, and for holy jqy.

To Watts, a man's character and memory were one. Both by divine purpose and by human physiology, character and memory were organically united. In one passage he declared that materials stored in the memory

^Ibid. . p. 362 . 67 ‘Watts, "Sermons, " Works. I, 86. "

115

formed a character "inlay. In another he called the process of add-

ing to memory's storehouse a method by which character was "instilled by

degrees. in short, to Watts, what a man remembered largely consti-

tuted his character.

This union between character and memory's content not only in-

spired his efforts in songs, catechisms, and sermons, but also influ-

enced many of the elements of his theory of preaching.

Conclusion

Watts's unusual emphasis on memory requires evaluation rather

than summation. How valuable are his rules? Is there support for his

belief in the organic unity between man and his memory? Did he make a

contribution to the pastor's ultimate goal of forming Christian

character?

First, Watts’s rules are of historical as well as practical importance. the completeness of his analysis, he furnished a valuable

survey of eighteenth-century thought on memory aids. The practicality

of his principles and procedures receives favorable judgnent by a comparison with present-day treatments of the subject. Specifically, the

Reverend William Evans's booh. How to Memorize, derives from Watts both material and methods for a minister's use of memory.

1 ^Watts, "A Discourse on the Way of Instruction by Catechisms, Works. Ill, 228.

6 9lbid. . p. 208.

William Evans, How to Memorize (Chicago, 1909), 116

Second, xrithout attempting to judge its correctness, it is evident that Watts's belief in an organic unity between man and his memory has had historical succession. F. W. Colegrove assigns to the eighteenth century the inception of the theory that memory has a physical basis, but admits that the "fuller recognition came late, for until 1870 this element was either rejected or received slight attention. Dur- ing the same late nineteenth-century period, F. W. Eldridge-Green restated Watts's basic theory by declaring that "memory is a definite faculty, and has its seat in the basal ganglia of the brain, separate 72 from, but associated with, all the other faculties of the mind." A half-century later Ernest R. Hilgard declared that "Kbffka believes

some trace theory essential. . . . The trace concept has been further elaborated by Kohler (1938) and by Katona (1940). . • . £57 way of the doctrine of traces the gestalt psychologist is able to represent a past T\ event to the present. In the field of philosophy, Henri Bergson begins his book. Matter and Memory, with this pertinent assertion,

"This book affirms the reality of spirit and the reality of matter, and tries to determine the relation of the one to the other by the study of a definite example, that of memory. Recognizing that judgment upon

Th. w. Colegrove, Memory (New York, 1900), p. 42. 2 ? P. W. Eldridge-Green, Memory and Its Cultivation (Hew York,

1897 ), P. 3 .

^Ernest R. HLlgrsd, Theories of Learning (New York, 1948), pp. 186-187. 74. ' Henri Louis Bergson, Matter and Memory (New York, 1912), p. vii. 117

psychological and philosophical theory is not in the province of this

study, it is necessary, however, to point out that the historical suc-

cession of which Watts is a part lends support to his theory.

Third, Watts’s theory of memory presents an approach to the

fundamental and continuing problem of building character. To demon-

strate the continuance of the problem, a modern statement is presented.

Raymond Bolder Wheeler and Francis Theodore Perkins declare, "Civiliza-

tion has been built largely by an engineering of the forces of external

nature. From now on there must be equally and painstakingly an engineer-

ing of Hiaman Nature, ...” To then, a correct and adequate psychology

is the key. Watts, as lias been stated, accepted the problem as possible

of solution; but only by religion, not by psychology alone. Preaching

and teaching, homiletical and rhetorical expression, formed the core of

Watts’s method. By these he believed memory could be supplied materials

with which to construct permanent character. Each sermon was a part of

the inlay. Each word was a contribution to memory’s storehouse of in-

stilled character.

The life of the Reverend John Newton ( 1725-1807) affords a per-

tinent example of how this spiritual "inlay, " as inculcated by Watts’s material, might develop character and guide conduct. Before the age of

six and at his mother’s knee, Newton recited Watts's hymns and learned his Preservatives from the Sins and Follies of Youth . ^ when Newton apostasized into sin, his very cxasphemies followed a counter-pattern

^Raymond Holder Wheeler and Francis Theodore Perkins, Principles of Mental Development (New York, 1932), p. vlii.

^Bernard Martin, John Newton (London, 1950), p. 6. ^

118

against the pious precepts of Watts's Preservatives . When faced with scepticism, he quoted Watts's reply "almost before he realized what he was doing. His conversion followed the more positive theology of

Watts . After his conversion he called Watts his spiritual "master," 79 and built his educational system around Watts's principles. Indeed,

Ms life was so patterned after the course of the early "inlay" that even in Ms old age he breathed the spirit and purpose wMch had been a implanted in Ms memory and had become the very core of Ms character.

Here in memory, then. Watts saw a faculty of man organically connected with both character and conduct. By adapting preacMng materials and methods to memory's requirements. Watts believed that the pastor forged a tool by wMch he might sculpture the unseen soul. This accounts for the importance of memory in Watts's preacMng theory.

77 Ibid. , p. 35* ?8 Ibid . , Appendix, p. 172.

^Newton, Works, V, 83-96.

^°Ibid. , EP. 300, 307, 322, 347. CHAPTER V

METHOD; THE STRUCTURE OF SERMONS

"By and large, the methodology of a period, " declares Mortimer

J. Adler, "either explicitly stated as logic or as a psychology, or perhaps merely exemplified in its intellectual products, is a sensi-

"1 tive index of the typical intellectuality of the period. When this principle is narrowed, an important corollary results: the methodology of an individual is an index of his personal "intellectuality. " In- tellectuality and methodology cannot be divorced. Recognizing this relationship, whether in invention or arrangement, Genung warned, "But thought does not shape itself spontaneously. Nor will it find its natural order without the trained and vigorous working of the writer* s 2 best calculating powers. " Proper methodology is as necessary as a thought.

Only upon his recognition of this principle can Watts's emphasis upon methodology be understood. To him, proper methodology was essential in achieving truth, in organizing knowledge, in effecting communication.

Warning that "a clear and distinct idea" is not enough, he advocated method as the only means to "secure our thoughts from that confusion.

"'‘Mortimer J. Adler, Dialectic (New York, 1927 ), p. 1. p John F. Genung, The Practical Elements of Rhetoric (Boston, 1886), p. 261.

3lbid.

119 120

darkness, and m stake, which inevitably attend the meditations and discourse even of the brightest genius who despises the rules of it.

For this reason he wrote a treatise on ontology as a philosophical foundation for method, formulated standards and rules for using good method in searching out and communicating knowledge, and advocated appropriate methods for effective sermon composition.

Ontology: The Philosophy of Method

To Watts, method was properly founded on that branch of philosophy known as ontology. Hie considered ontology a useful science "which teaches us to place every being and every thought and idea in its proper order in our minds, and gives us an extensive and regular view of things.

Having looked long, but in vain, for a satisfactory treatise on the subject, he published his own ''brief and compendious sketch of notions that 6 relate to this science. '* He believed this material had wide practical value, especially for a speaker.

Specifically defining ontology as "a discourse of being in general, and the various and most universal modes or affections, as well as the several kinds or divisions of it, " Watts included in this science

"not <»ly whatsoever actually is, but whatsoever can be. " The "affections'' of being he regarded as "all powers, properties, accidents,

^Watts, "Ontology, " Works, V, 633.

^Watts, "A Brief Scheme of Ontology; or. The Science of Being in

General, " Works , V, 634. '

121

relations, actions, passions, dispositions, internal qualities, exter-

nal adjuncts, considerations, or circumstances whatsoever. " Because he thought that being was understood through these "affections, " he laid

down this general scheme as the basis of his analysis:

The most general and extensive distribution of the affections of being is into absolute and relative. Absolute affections belong to each being considered in itself and these are nature or essence and existence, duration, and unity, power and act. Relative affections or relations arise from some respect which distinct beings bear to one another, or, at least, to some part or property of themselves: Now these are real or mental. Real relations are those which arise from the constitution of any being among others in the universe, to which it has a real reference, whether we think of it or no. Such are, whole and part, cause and effect, subject and adjunct, time and place, agreement and difference, number and order; to which may be added truth and goodness, lest the metaphysicians should complain of this omission. Mental relations are such as arise not from things themselves, but only from our manner of conceiving them and referring one thing to another: Such are abstracted or second notions, signs, language, and particularly all extrinsic denominations and terms of art.

The remainder of Watts’s treatise on ontology is, fundamentally,

a further breakdown of each of these categories into a system of parts,

presented with appropriate comments and examples. This system af-

forded, he believed, an orderly pattern by which any subject might

be studied, divided, related, compared, or contrasted.

The Art of Method

Upon the foundation of his philosophical doctrines. Watts built

a very practical art of method. He marked out many uses for method in 122

invention and disposition. Viewed in the most limited sense, method concerned the arrangement and management of the parts of a discourse.

In a broader sense, it included principles of equal importance to the basic art of conception itself.

The Nature of Method

Watts believed that when reality was investigated by ontology the results could be placed "in such order, as is most convenient to attain some end proposed. This, he said, is the work of method.

"Method is the disposition of a variety of thoughts on any subject, in such order as may best serve to find out unknown truths, to explain and confirm truths that are known, or to fix them in the memory.

mva Ramus, Watts placed method under logic, but unlike Ramus he shared 10 method with rhetoric.

Fundamental to Watts’s analysis of method was its division into

H two kinds: "natural" and "arbitrary. "Natural method, " Watts declared,

"is that which observes the order of nature, and proceeds in such a man-

ner, as that the things which follow depend in a great measure on the

1,11 things which go before. He then subdivided natural method into

"synthetic" and "analytic. " By synthetic, he meant that order which

®Watts, "Logick, " Works, V, 166.

9 Ibid .

10 Ramus, Dialectae Libri Duo (Paris, Ibid. , pp. 169-170. See Peter 1555).

13 Tbid., pp. 166-167* , "

123

begins with the parts and proceeds to the study of the whole. He called TO this "the method of composition. Analytic, cm the other hand, begins

with the whole and proceeds toward the study of the parts. He called

this the method of resolution. Ideally speaking, truths are dis-

covered by the analytic method and explained and proved by the syn- lk thetic. In practice, however, as Watts recognized, the methods were

usually mixed.

The only necessary order to nature. Watts held, was that the

"knowledge of things following depend cm the knowledge of the things

which go before. Thus he subordinated method to purpose by declar-

ing that "a wise and judicious prospect of our main end and design must

3-6 regulate all method whatsoever.

No doubt this conviction of the primacy of purpose led Watts to

give the greater importance to Ms second division of method: the

arbitrary. Though nature’s order was ignored by the arbitrary method.

Watts recommended it "to treasure up things and retain them in memory;

to harangue and persuade mankind to any practice in the religious or 17 civil life; or to delight, amuse, or entertain the mind. " Watts did

not divorce the "arbitrary" method from logic, though he admitted its

3.8 chief use was in poetry and oratory. In addition to detailing several

specific examples of the arbitrary method. Watts explained that some

13 •^Ibid. p. 167. ibia. 15 ^Ibid. p. 168. Ibid. p. 169.

xt> 17 18 Ibid. Ibld. Ibid., p. 171. 124

speakers by the skilful use of omissions, insertions, digressions, or inversions "place everything in the most affecting light. " He asserted, however, "that knowledge of natural method enabled than to better judge what to choose and what to refuse; and how to dress and manage the whole scene before them, so as to attain their own ends with greater glory and „19 success. By this means Watts related the natural and the arbitrary methods to the field of rhetoric.

The Rules of Method

For the effective use of method. Watts suggested seven standards, and formulated rules for their attainment: "It must be, 1. Safe. 2.

Plain and easy. 3. Distinct. 4. Full, or without defect. 5. Short, or without superfluity. 6. Proper to the subject and the design. 7. „20 Connected.

Safe . To secure method from error Watts gave four suggestions.

He emphasized the necessity of laying a careful foundation for any discourse in accurate propositions, exact definitions, correct divisions, and the proportioned distribution of material. Familiarity with these fundamentals was viewed as a necessity for forming sound proofs and meeting objections. Comparing proof to a chain, he urged, "See that every link of your chain of reasoning be strong and good. " By these procedures objections might be, to some degree, precluded or antici- pated. Simplicity and clarity, however, must not be sacrificed for the 125

sake of refutation. Failure to follow these directions. Watts explained,

. op results in a weak structure.

so that your Plain and Easy . To render method "plain and easy, hearers, or readers, as veil as yourself, may run through it without embarrassment, and may take a clear and comprehensive view of the whole scheme" was Watts's second aim. Factors in attaining this goal included rhetorical procedures and personal attitudes. In the area of procedures he advised graduated progress, lucid style, and simple division.

1. Begin always with those things which are best known, and most obvious, whereby the mind may have no difficulty or fatigue, and proceed by regular and easy steps to things that are more difficult. And as far as possible, let not the understanding, or the proof of any of your positions, depend on the positions that follow, but always on those which go before.

2. Be not fond of crowding too many thoughts and reasonings into one sentence or paragraph, beyond the apprehension or capacity of your readers or hearers.

Con- 3. For the same reason, avoid too many subdivisions. trive your scheme of thoughts in such a manner as may finish your whole argument with as few inferior branchings as reason will admit: And let them be such as are obvious and open to the understanding, that they may come within one single view of the mind. ^3

progres In the realm of attitudes he advocated unhurried, understanding

sion in study and the early establishment of the habit of exact con-

ception.

Distinct. Watts indicated his third standard positively by

23 Ibld. , p. 172. , " '

126

advising, "Let your method be distinct. " Negatively, he cautioned zh against "the perplexing mixture of things that ought to be separate.

To achieve the goal of distinctness he proposed four directions. First, the material in a discourse should be homogeneous. Second, complicated ideas should be divided into single, simple parts. Third, each part should be treated in proper relationship but without intermixture.

Fourth, distinctness of ideas, as veil as of expression, should be 25 preserved.

which Full . For method to be full. Watts specified, "nothing is 26 necessary or proper should be omitted. He cautioned against skipping the difficult, failing to support the disputable, and omitting icportant

2*^ circumstances. He urged complete comprehensiveness, varied applications, and accurate divisions. Of particular value to preachers was his admonition to proportion "the amplitude of your matter, and the fulness of your great design, to the length of your tine, and to the conven- or ienee, delight, and profit of your hearers.

Short . This principle of proportion suggested brevity, Watts's fifth standard. To escape redundancy he cautioned against needless

repetition, tiresome amplification, explanation where there is already

understanding, and proof where there is no doubt. He saw special danger 29 in the display of "learned forms" and parenthetical digressions.

24 25 Ibid. Ibid., P- 173. 26 Ibid. ^Ibid. pp. 173-174, 28 Ibid., p. 175- ^Ibid. pp. 174-175 Believing that the "man who walks directly hut slowly toward his

Journey's end" will arrive soonest. Watts summarized the relationship between the "full" and the "short":

To sum up all: There is a happy medium to be observed in our method, so that the brevity may not render the sense obscure, nor the argument feeble, nor our knowledge merely superficial: And on the other hand, thcfc the fulness and copiousness of our method may not waste the time, tire the learner, or fill the mind with trifles and impertinences. 30

Propriety. To attain propriety required, in Watts’s view, three adaptations of method: (l) to the subject, (2) to the speaker's de- 31 sign, and (3) to the age and locality. The nature of the subject determined whether exposition, proof, or exhortation was required.

Moreover it regulated the degree of development each part of the discourse should receive. Watts cautioned against "certain and precise rules of method. " He declared that study of the subject and survey of the design would produce proper method "provided that we are moderately 32 skilled in the general laws of method and order. " Thus he spoke in behalf of liberty and variety of the treatment of speech or essay material. To be successful as a speaker or writer, however, one must also make the third adjustment mentioned above— "some little deference at least paid to the custom of the age wherein we live, and to the humor 33 and genius of our readers or hearers.

Connected. To render discourses well connected. Watts advocated

30. 31 Ibid., p. 175 Ibid . , pp. 176-177

32. 33 Ibid. , p. 177 Ibid. 128

unity, coherence, and easy transitions of thought.

1. Keep your main end and design ever in view, and let all the parts of your discourse have a tendency towards it, and as far as possible make that tendency visible all the way. 2. Let the mutual relation and dependence of the several branches of your discourse be so Just and evident, that every part may naturally lead onward to the next, without any huge chasms or breaks, which interrupt and deform the scheme. 3. Acquaint yourself with all the proper and decent forms scourse to another, and

The seven requisites thus outlined met. Watts believed, the standards necessary for sound and effective method. "Though they belong chiefly to the communication of knowledge," he declared, "yet an early and thorough acquaintance with them will be of considerable use toward the pursuit and attainment of it.

General Rhetorical Application of Method

The influence which Watts's doctrine of method exerted over his entire theory of communication is demonstrated by his prescriptions for definition and division.

Definition. Watts's theory of definition was the result of applied ontology. First, the essence or genus was to be determined.

To this was added the essential or specific difference. This union completed the definition. John Dewey characterized this process by saying,

"The classic theory of genus and fixed included species furnished an

^Ifcid. , p. 5^. 129

ontological ground for definition. The latter consisted of statement of genus and the differentia which together marked off and identified the species in question. While adhering to this classic pattern,

Watts emphasized what he believed to he his break with the obscurity 30 of the "peripateteck philosophers." The influence of Locke's philosophy by which the concept of pure substance was abandoned made even more 39 necessary the definition of substance by its properties.

Division. Watts viewed division and abstraction, its comprehensive corollary, as necessities growing out of the limitations of man's mental capacity.

Since our minds are narrow in their capacity, and cannot survey the several parts of any complex being with one single view, as God sees all things at once; therefore we must, as it were, take it to pieces, and consider of the parts separately that we may have a more complete conception of the whole.

Division, Watts believed, produced "complete knowledge of an idea in all its parts, " while abstraction produced "a comprehensive conception 4l of a thing in its several properties and relations. ” His descriptions kp of both processes followed his ontological concept of method. He cautioned against slavery to all the parts of ontological analysis, however, by asserting that a "Judicious mind may choose what are those circumstances, relations, and properties of any subject, which are most necessary to the present design of him that speaks or writes, either to

^John Dewey, Logic , the Theory of Inquiry (New York, 1938), p.3^2.

^Watts, "Logick," Works, V, 56. 39 ^ Ibid . , p. 59- °Ibid . , p. 62. ^Ibid. , p. 66. ^Ibid. "

130

’* explain, to illustrate, or to prove the point. !°

To assist in the process of division Watts suggested six rules:

Rule I. Each part singly taken must contain less than the whole, hut all the parts taken collectively, or together, must contain neither more nor less than the whole. Rule II. In all divisions we should first consider the larger and more immediate parts of the subject, and not divide it at once into the more minute and remote parts. Rule III. The several parts of a division ought to he opposite; that is, one part ought not to contain another. Rule IV. Let not subdivisions he too numerous without necessity: For it is better many times to distinguish more parts at once, if the subject will bear it, than to mince the discourse by excessive dividing and subdividing. Rule V. Divide every subject according to the special design you have in view. Rule VI. In all your divisions observe with greatest exactness the nature of things. And here I am constrained to make a subdivision of this rule into two very necessary particulars. 1. Let the parts of your division be such as are properly distinguished in nature. 2. Let the nature of the subject, considered together with the design which you have in view always determine the number of parts into which you divide.^

Watts deliberately rejected the affectation of "duplicities or triplicities, " or of any forced artificiality. ^ Acquainted with the multiple divisions characteristic of seventeenth-century discourse, he rejected these on the grounds that they were ill suited for "ready and U6 effectual communication.

Specific Borailetical Application of Method

Watts applied all these principles and procedures of method to

sermon composition. Three contrasts which he drew show not only his

^ ); )| Ibid . , p. 66 Ibid ., pp. 62-64 46 ^Ibid. , p. 64 Ibid., p. 177* .

131

theory of sermon method hut also an anecdotal element characteristic of

Watts's writing. The first contrasted the young Tyro with the seasoned k7 Ergates. The second contrast was drawn between Polyramus and Fluvio.

In the third Watts contrasted contemporary preachers with the Puritan fathers

Tyro and Ergates . The contrast between Tyro and Ergates detailed the difference in method between preaching that aimed at the display of personal erudition and preaching that aimed at the edification of the hearers. Referring to this same period and distinction Haller declares:

The temptation of the preacher as an intellectual and a technician was to spend most of his time dividing and subdividing his text and spinning doctrines out in hairbreadth distinctions. If he were bent upon dazzling his audience or avoiding anything that might give personal offense, this was the safe course. On the other hand, the tendency of the preacher who sought to search hearts and stir emotions was to dwell upon the "uses"of a few general doctrines and to drive these home in direct application to the experience of the audience.*4^

Watts was more imaginative and specific in his contract.

Tyro, in Watts's delineation, was "a young preacher, just from

^See Gibbons, Watts , pp. 251, 291, 292. Also Watts, "Miscel- laneous Thoughts," Works , IV, p. 508. Such imaginative names were frequently used by Watts. In some cases the person to whom he referred is known; in others it is not. Gibbons explains that Watts referred to his sister Sarah as Saraffa, to Elizabeth Rowe as Philomela, to the Countess of Hertford as Eusebia. There is good reason to believe that by Poly- ramus he meant Peter Ramus, the sixteenth- century philosopher ana educational reformer. He vindicated his use of such names by the belief that where faults were demonstrated in a general character, they were more apt to awaken reformation. In the specific references to the preachers mentioned in these examples, the key to identification is unknown.

^\illiam Haller, The Rise of Puritanism (Hew York, 1938), p. 13^* 3

132

the schools of logic and divinity . . . full, even to the brim, with the

1 terms of his art and learning." '^ Watts’s condemnation, however, was not against youth or learning, but against the method of display.

Tyro's method. Watts explained, began with learned exegesis, continued with classical quotations, needless exposition, unnecessary refutations, and confusing distinctions. It concluded ineffectually by neglecting doctrine, appeal to conscience, and exhortation to God. M In short, he 50 has finished his work," Watts accused, "and he has done nothing." 51 Ergates, as Watts declared,was another sort of preacher. His

text was direct, appropriate, and understandable . Immaterial elements were ignored. Logic was used as a tool rather than as an ornament. -The theme, plainly and quickly proposed, was illustrated "till the truth

[became] evident and intelligible to the weakest of his hearers." His arguments were uniformly short and pointed. His major emphasis was upon application- -"turning the doctrine into use and improvement." Etootional 52 appeal was fully intermingled with each division. In short, Watts concluded that Ergates made "the nature of his subject, and the necessity of his hearers, the great rule to direct him what method he shall choose in every sermon, that he may better enlighten, convince and per- 53 suade." This kept Ergates from being a "slave to forms and methods of any kind," and, at the same time, charted "the usual course and manner of

^Watts, "The Improvement of the Mind," Works , V, 3kk.

5 51 °lbid ., pp. 3^-3^5. Ibid., p. 3^5 .

52 5 Ibid., pp. 345-346. Ibid., p. 3k6. 133

his ministry" into a method "natural, plain, and easy."^ The contrast-

ing results gained by Ergates' method Watts detailed as follows:

Thus the ignorant are instructed, and the growing Christians are established and improved: The stupid sinner is loudly awakened, and the mourning soul receives consolation: The unbeliever is led to trust in Christ and his gospel; and the impenitent and immoral are convinced and softened, are melted and reformed. The inward voice of the Holy Spirit joins with the voice of the minister; the good man and the hypocrite have their proper portions assigned them, and the work of the Lord prospers in his hand. 55

Polyrarrtus and Fluvio . Watts's second contrast dealt with the

number and distinctness of a sermon's divisions. Preachers of "the many-

branched discourse" were typified by Bolyramus: preachers of "the loose

harangue" by Fluvio. Watts advocated a median between these extremes.

The name Bolyramus —which was probably a veiled reference to

Peter Ramus—fittingly described the excessive and formal sub-divisions

so popular among Puritan preachers of the period, Gerald R. Cragg

presents an explanation, if not a real defense of this procedure. Af-

firming that this method had descended in unbroken succession from

medieval times, he claims that the intricacies arose both from the

scholastic training of the preachers and from the cumbersome mass of material which they attempted to crowd into each sermon. 5° "Strict

order," says Cragg, "was the only alternative to utter chaos.

Watts showed little sympathy for this sort of "branching sermon."

54 55 Ibid. Ibid., pp. 345-346.

^Gerald R. Cragg, Puritanism in the Period of the Great Persecu - tion 1660-1688 (Cambridge, 1957), pp. 207-206.

57 Ibid., p. 207. 134

By this method, he said, matter often was divided into "general, less

general, special, and more particular heads," with a long series of sub-

divisions to "run the number of them to eighteenthly, or seven-and-

. 5® twentiethly " "When I sit under such preaching," he declared, "I

fancy myself brought into the valley of Ezekiel's vision; it is full of

bones, and behold, there were very many in the valley, and low, they were

"59 very dry; Ezek. xxxvii, 1, 2 . Watts wondered whether such method

proceeded "from a mere barrenness of thought and native dryness of soul 0 ... or whether it arose from affection of such a way of talking."^

At any rate, he likened the result to a dead oak tree that "may spread

1 its limbs far and wide, but they are naked, withered, and sapless."^

The name Fluvio typified the "smooth" divisionless harangues for

which Watts had even greater criticism. Dargan assigns lack of a defi-

nite theology as a cause for this type of preaching. Watts, however,

considered the "loose harangue" to be a reaction against the "many- branched" sermon. He said that Fluvio "having taken a disgust hereto-

fore at one of Polyramus's lectures, . . . resolved his own lectures

should have no distinction of particulars in them." ~ In Watts's view

it was untenable to assert that such sermons had an "invisible and artificial method" with a "train of well connected reasonings," or that

^^Watts, "The Improvement of the Mind," Works , V, 247.

59 60 6l Ibid . Ibid. Ibid., p. 348.

62t "Edwin C. Dargan, A History of Preaching (2 vols; Grand Rapids, Mich., 1954), II, 293. 63 Watts, "The Improvement of the Mind," Works, V, 348. 135

all parts "in their long order, prove and support each other. Inves-

tigation, he said, affirmed that when sermons were preached in this way

listeners soon forgot the whole. ^ Believing that this type of preach-

ing "injured our pulpits," Watts condemned such sermons as "soft

harangues," "continued threads of golden eloquence," "indolent and move-

less species of oratory."^

Watts summarized the results of these two unacceptable methods

by saying, "In short, Polyramus 1 s auditors have some confusion in their

87 knowledge, but Fluvio's hearers have scarcely any knowledge at all."

Watts then asked this question, "Is there no medium between a

sermon made up of sixty dry particulars , and a long loose declamation 68 without any distinction of parts in it?" The answer was presented in

his instruction to preachers occasioned by the previously mentioned

ordination of John Oakes. Here Watts recommended that method follow

the principles of division outlined above. The method should be clear, 69 distinct, and apparent. Proper and natural divisions should be indi- 70 cated by numbers. There should be a small number of general heads

71 no2 with appropriate subdivisions. All parts should be closely connected.'

Such a method. Watts asserted, assisted both the speaker and the hearer.

64 65 Ibid., p. 3^9. Ibid. ^Ibid., p. 348. 67 68 Ibid ., p. 3^9. Ibid ., p. 348. 69 Watts, "Humble Attempt," Works, III, 24-25. 1 7°Ibid 7 72 ., p. 25. Ibld . Ibid . , p. 27. ^ Ibid ., pp. 24-25. 136

It aided the speaker by making composition and delivery easier. The hearer was benefitted in immediate tinderstanding and future recollection. This method was Watts's "happy medium." In addition to its practical usefulness, such a method. Watts said, saved a sermon from looking "like a tree full of branches in the winter, without the beau- 74 tiful and profitable appearance of leaves and fruit."

Our Fathers «nd Our Contemporaries . Watts's final contrast was between the rugged effectiveness of the Puritan "fathers" and the polite elegance of contemporary preachers. That the methodology of the earlier Puritans "made too great account of the sciences of logick and metaphysics, and the formalities of definition and division" was con-

7 ceded by Watts. ^ He contended strongly, however, for their fundamental method of forming "their sermons much upon the model of doctrine, reason, and use."' To him, this procedure was the foundation for 77 "direct and distinct address to the consciences of saints and sinners."

For the contemporary pattern of "polite" sermons Watts had only disgust. He felt such methodology arose from "a humorous and wanton „78 „ contempt of the customs and preaching of our forefathers. He condemned the prevailing fashion of producing a sort of sermon in which pastors "talk a whole hour without order and without edification, [rather] 79 than be suspected of using logick or method in [their] discourses."

7 Sbid . , p. 25 . 75 Watts, "The Improvement of the Mind, Works, V, 350*

76 77 78 79 Ibld. Ibid . Ibid . Ibid . . —

137

In these three contrasts Watts vindicated the use of a plain and

distinct method. The preacher's subject—the gospel—and his design

salvation—combined with the spiritual needs of the hearers to recom-

mend a "natural, plain, and easy" method for sermon structure

Conclusion

By way of summary let us consider three questions. First, what

controlling influences shaped Watts's doctrine of method? The answer

to this question depends upon how one approaches it. If judged by on-

tology, his theory of method was subject -controlled. For ontologically

viewed, it was based on an orderly analysis of the properties and rela-

tions of the subject studied. If judged by logic, however, Watts's

method was controlled most by the speaker's design. For logically

viewed, it was guided by the requirements of systematic investigation,

clear explanation, and convincing argumentation. If judged functionally,

Watts's method was most influenced by the audience. For, as a preacher

seeks the conversion and edification of his hearers, he recognized

that method must be shaped by the limitations of memory, the human

variables of time and custom, and the spiritual conditions present in

the audience.

Second, what kinships with other theories of method axe revealed

in Watts's writings? Here it should be noted that Watts himself admitted

a strong scholastic influence, claiming only to have rejected scholas- ticism's complications and obscurities. Moreover, though never explicitly recognized by him, Watts's doctrine of method is similar to those set 138

forth by Ramus and Bacon. As Ramus and Bacon had done. Watts made method a part of logic from which rhetoric borrowed what principles

and rules it might need. Unlike Bacc , however, Watts made no sharp distinction between logic and rhetoric on the basis that the first be- longed to the world of learning and the second to that of practical affairs. Likewise in the area of relationships, Watts prided himself upon a strong Puritan influence, although he rejected the traditionally intricate method and followed the simplifications introduced by Richard 81 Baxter. Watts commended, however, the basic Puritan method of doctrine, reason, and use.

Undoubtedly, the pressures of his environment had influences upon

Watts's doctrine. Howell explains how seventeenth-century social pressures caused rhetorical theory "to become simpler and less ritualistic 82 in all respects, the doctrine of arrangement being no exception." As a specific example, Howell quotes from Joseph Glanvil, "Method is necessary both for the understandings, and manories of the hearers; and when a discourse hath an order, and connexion, one part gives light to Oq 0,3 another." The method Glanvil advocated, declares Howell, was natural

®°WiIbur Samuel Howell, "English Backgrounds of Rhetoric," His- tory of Speech Education in America , ed. Karl R. Wallace (New York, 195 BP. 29, 3a. 8 \. Fraser Mitchell, English Pulpit Oratory from Andrews to Til- lotson (London, 1932), p. 371* 82 Wilbur Samuel Howell, Logic and Rhetoric in England, 1500-1700 (Princeton, 1956), p. 383. See also Joseph Glanvil, A Seasonable De- fense of Preaching (London, 1678).

833 Ibid ., p. 395. 139

84 clear, simple. This bare statement indicates that Watts was a follower of what Howell calls the "new rhetoric."

Baird, could Watts* s method be used today? Certain elements of his method have enduring value. The emphasis upon naturalness, simplicity, clarity, and order has abiding merit. On the other hand, though Watts believed he had escaped the complexities of the early

Puritans, much of what he retained would be judged as heavy, cumbersome, and mechanical by present-day standards. This does not condemn

Watts. It must be admitted that if much of his method could not be used with present day preaching material, Ms material could not be presented without employing his method. Undoubtedly, the adoption of Watts’s methodology would seriously affect the materials of contemporary preaching.

84 Ibid. CHAPTER VI

STILE: THE MEDIUM OF WORDS

Introduction

Watte often used an anecdote to provide insight into a profound truth. Thus, to explain the relationship between style and substance in Christian preaching, he related a parable concerning the urbane

Critillo and the wise Placentia.

According to Watts’s story, these two friends attended a service in one of the local churches. The preacher spoke substantial truth.

His applications were pertinent. His manner was fervent. In spite of these merits, however, Critillo had only criticism. The pastor's words were at times so mean and vulgar and at other times so affected, Critillo complained, that all appetite for profit from the sermon was lost. The gentle Placentia made no defense, but instead invited her critical friend to dinner the following Wednesday. He accepted with pleasant anticipa- tion.

As Critillo expected, Placentia's food was delicious, wholesome, and delightfully varied. To his surprise, however, the dinner was served in a most unfashionable manner, here on antiquated dishes and there with gaudy array. After partaking heartily of the mean, Critillo questioned his hostess about the unusual service. But to catch the flavor as well as the point of the story, the conclusion is best related in Watts’s own words:

IhO l4l

I meant, said Placentia, to try whether your stomach was not in a more healthy state than your soul and conscience. You complained last Sunday, that the sermon was so dished and dressed that you could not relish it; and though you confessed there was much truth and duty contained in it, yet you were so disgusted with the style of the preacher and his awkward manner, that you went away fretting at the discourse and received no profit at all; but you own you fed heartily upon the provisions of my table to-day, nor was your stomach so squemish as to keep your fast, though the dishes and garniture were inelegant enough, and very much akin to the sermon you described. Critillo took the hint, and was convinced of his folly, begged pardon of Placentia, and learnt for the future to attend with a better spirit on public worship: "For you have now taught me," says he, "to make this observation, that if the soul of a Christian be found in a healthy state, it will not grow peevish and refuse all spiritual food because it is not surrounded with very proper and modish elegance in the dispensing of it. "1

The moral of Watts’s story, obviously, was that truth should be received in spite of its platter. This, however, emphasizes only one side of the balance which he felt should be maintained between style and substance in preaching. On the other side. Watts recognized the inescapable effects of style. Therefore, he investigated its basis, classified its various types, and proposed rules and principles for its effective use in the service of religion. He exhorted his fellow ministers to join him in disciplining their sermon composition so as to meet high stylistic requirements. The importance of the substance in Christian sermons required that the hearer receive truth in spite of style, but equally demanded that the preacher understand and utilize all the powerful influences of a style appropriate to his subject, his audience, and his purpose.

^Watts, "Reliquiae Juveniles, " Works, IV, 604-605 " -

142

The Basis of Style

During Watts's lifetime prose style attained preeminence In the vailed and influential writings of Bolingbroke, Addison, Berkeley,

Fielding, Butler, Walpole, Swift, and Defoe. Great emphasis was also placed upon the analysis of style by these and other writers. While

Watts admittedly was influenced by this literary environment, his 2 theory of style was chiefly shaped by the ends of rhetoric. Even in 3 his poetic writings this emphasis was dominant.

Watts* s discussion of style was a mixture of grammar, psychology, logic, and rhetoric. To him, the fundamental problem in style arose out of the "poverty of language, " which made it impossible for a speaker or writer to reserve a particular word or expression for each idea he 4 wished to express. " Single words were required to perform manifold duties. This, along with the fact that nany words express complex ab- stractions, opened the way for equivocation, figurativeness, indefinite ness, misunderstanding, and various psychological reactions. ^ The fact

that "words, whether . . . spoken or written, have no natural connection with the ideas they are designated to signify, or with the things which 6 are represented in those ideas was another source of confusion. As a

2 - Watts, "The Improvement of the Mind, Works, V, 313 316 .

3watts, "Qymns and Spiritual Songs,” Works, IV, 256 . 4 Watts, "Logick, ” Works, V, 28.

5Ibid. , pp. 29, 32, 33, 35, 51.

^Ibid . , p. 28 . 143

result, "one man includes more or less in his idea, than another does, while he affixes the same word to it, " so that "they do not mean the

poverty of language and variation in word usage by different individuals—combined, Watts concluded, to make clarity and preciseness of meaning extremely difficult to attain.

Watts taught that this denotative weakness was matched by con- notative confusion. Some terms, he declared, "are complex in sense [in Q that they] contain a primary and secondary idea in them. " For an example Watts used the word "lie. " "Lie, " he explained, carries not only the primary denotation of error, but also the secondary connotation of reproach. Moreover, men's reactions to these connotations were not O uniform. y

A third major element affecting style was the widespread use of 10 figurative expressions. "[Words] are used in a figurative or tropical sense, " Watts explained, "when they are made to signify some things, which only bear either a reference or a resemblance to the primary ideas of them. 1,11 Figures, he felt, though necessary to poets and orators. 12 were to be used with caution by teachers.

Watts saw these factors of denotation, connotation, and figurativeness as the necessary components out of which the speaker or writer must develop the type of style suited to his purpose.

7 9 Ibid. , p. 29' Ibid. , pp. 36, 38 .

10. 11 12 Ibid. Ibid. Xbid. , PP. 37-38, 52. "

144

Types of Styles

In an effort to characterize different styles Watts used many

" descriptive phrases, such as "fantastic, learned, "mean, vulgar, 'long

" and tedious, " "gay and flowery, "flat and indolent. It was not by these adjectives, however, but rather by recognizing the dominant purposes of discourse that lie differentiated among the basic types of

style. Watts's simplest division was into discourse designed to inform

the understanding and discourse designed to arouse the passions. The

first required a type of style which Watts called "instructional"; the

second, one which he called "poetic. " In the second division he included

"passionative oratory" as well as poetry. Preaching, however, along with

nil true persuasive address, required, he thought, a combination of both l4 styles. This balance was necessary because preaching sought to in-

struct as well as to arouse.

The Instructional Style

Three factors involved in Christian preaching gave instructional

style primary importance. First, the Christian's creed was a body of

doctrine to be understood; second, the Christian's faith required a

rational apologetic; and third, the Christian's conversion necessitated

a lasting persuasion based upon conqprehensloa. "Seek, to obtain a per-

spicuous style, " admoni shed Watts# "Remember you have to do with the

13 Watts, "The Improvement of the Mind," Works, V, 326-327# "3ymne and Spiritual Songs, " Works, IV, 256; Watts, "Psalms, " Works, IV, 122.

^Watts, "An Rumble Attempt, " Works, III, 23-26; see also Watts, "Logick, " Works, V, 170. "

145

view, "a style fit for instruction" must be plain, perspicuous, and 16 easy. In general, he advocated adaptation of style to audience and substance. More specifically, effectiveness in instructional style was gained, he felt, by the twin process of avoiding the faults of affectation and observing the rules of clarity.

In enumerating the faults of style. Watts began by criticizing x the "vain and foolish genius” who displays Greek and Latin teams "where 17 plain English -would serve as well. " He rebuked such pedantry as a false show of learning. "Do not affect teams of art on every occasion," 18 he said, "nor show your learning by sounding words and dark phrases.

Especially strong was his warning to school-fresh preachers against fill- ing ,ttheir sermons with logical and metaphysical teams in explaining the text. Though he granted that such "sonorous words of vanity" fed egotism and aroused wonder, he argued that ability in logic and metaphysics were only tools for analysis. "The tools," he declared, "ought

..20 not to appear in the finished workaanship. In a similar vein, he cautioned against the general use of words specifically limited to one particular class of people. "Courtly, " or "theatrical terms" were pi declared unsuited to "lectures of instruction. Words "borrowed from

15 Watts, "An Humble Attempt, " Works. HI, 23.

^Watts, "improvement of the Mind, " Works, V, 325-

18 . Ibid, 21 Ibid. " 6

146

the lower ranks of mankind'' would not be understood by "persons of liberal 22 education.

Two other obstacles to clarity were enumerated. One was derived

from misguided imitation; the other resulted from inadequate organization of subject matter. Watts specifically warned that imitation of papist writings often resulted in burying even "fine understanding under 23 the obscurity of such a style. Especially where teaching was involved, thorough analysis and careful organization were required tc guard against 24 a long and tedious style.

From this negative approach. Watts turned to suggest the positive 25 methods by which "perspicuity of style [might] be obtained.” He began by recommending a program of imitation and practice based upon a careful

reading of those authors who write so as "to convey their ideas into

1 2 your understanding as fast as eye or tongue can run over the sentences.

Second, he stressed a thorough knowledge of subject matter. "Get a dis-

tinct and comprehensive knowledge of the subject which you treat of, " he

advised. "Survey it on all sides, and make yourself master of it.

Hext in importance to a knowledge of the subject. Watts ranked pro-

ficiency in the language medium— its idioms, phrases, and structures.

To develop skill in idiomatic and varied phrasing, he suggested the clas-

sical practice of taking a statement and turning it into all possible

forms

22 23 2 lbid. Ibid., p. 327* ^Ibid. 25 g6 Ibid., pp. 327-328. Ibid. , p. 327. ^Ibid . Thus, by turning the active voice of verbs into the passive, and the nominative case of nouns into the accusative, and altering the connection of short sentences by different ad- verbs or conjunctions, and by ablative cases with a preposition brought instead of the nominative, or by participles sometimes put instead of the verbs, the negation of the contrary instead of the assertion of the thing first proposed, a greet variety of forms of speech will be created, which shall express the same sense.

To this he added, "Acquire a variety of words, a copia verborum. " To develop the habit of using short simple sentences he suggested the re- writing of passages.

I know no method so effectual to learn what I mean, as to take, now and then, some page of an author, who is guilty of such long involved parenthetical style, and translate it into plainer English, by dividing the ideas or the sentences asunder, and multiplying the periods, till the language becomes smooth, and easy, and intelligible at first reading. 29

Watts’s final recommendation for gaining perspicuity had to do with the importance of adapting ideas to one's hearers. In this connection, he recommended a testing program in the laboratory of actual experience.

Talk frequently to young and ignorant persons upon subjects which are new and unknown to them; and he diligent to enquire whether they understand you or no; this will put you upon changing your phrases and forms of speech in a variety, till you can hit their capacity, and convey your ideas into their understandings. 30

Watts's purpose in offering these suggestions to pastors was to help them achieve a style by which they might lead their "hearers wisely into the knowledge of the truth, and teach them to build their faith on

28 . 29. 30. Ibid., p. 328. Ibid. Ibid. "

1*8

solid grounds. ..." Moreover, by their use he hoped that Christian doctrine would be conveyed into "the understandings of those of mean- 31 est capacity. ..."

Poetic Style

The second division of style. Watts called "poetic. " While the power of the first lay in plainness, that of the second was in figures.

While the end of the first was the giving of factual information, that of the second was fervent arousal.

Watts centered his discussion of poetic style in three elements: figures of speech, meter, and rhyme. Since only the first of these is germane to the problem of preaching, our discussion here will emphasize

Watts's belief that figurative language has the power to arouse the imagination and passions. It is for this reason, he declared, that its proper province is in poetry and oratory, "whose business is to move, 32 : and persuade, and work on the passions, as well as the understanding .

Watts explained this power of figures factually, philosophically, and functionally.

First, Watts distinguished factually between the literal and figurative use of words. When used in the literal sense, words signified only their primary meanings, but when used in the figurative sense words signified a new meaning bearing only a resemblance or reference to the

31 Watt8, "An Humble Attempt, " Works, HI, 19.

^^atts. "The Origin, or Causes of Equivocal Words, " in "Logick, Works, V, 38. 149

primary idea. 33 jo him, this figurative use of words was proper when the design was not merely to represent our ideas, but also to do so 34 'Vith vivacity, spirit, affection, and power. " At the same time, however, he warned that while such devices of arousal "make a deeper impression chi the mind of the hearer, yet they do as often lead him into a mis- take, if they are used at improper times and places. The power of figures lay in their ability to arouse; their weakness in the resultant confusion of judgment.

Watts attempted to explain the power of figurative language on the basis of associations! principles. He believed that memory, by a pattern of brain traces, could revive past experiences under the simple stimulus of a word. ^ Imagination, in turn, had the power "to vary, enlarge, diminish, multiply, join and mingle ideas. 1,37 stimulating memory and imagination simultaneously, figurative language had the peculiar power of going beyond simple designation and arousing a wide range of associated motional responses.

In addition to making the general statement that figures arouse men, and attempting to explain why this is so. Watts described the different ways in which figurative language may affect a reader or listener.

In this connection, he analyzed the effects of the Psalms of David. For the ancient Hebrews, he asserted, the Psalms kept "all the springs of

33 Watts, "Iogick, " Works, V, 37*

35 - ^Ibid . Ibid., pp. 37 38* 37 ^Ibid. . p. 38 . Ibid. ^

150

pious passion awake" because they were written in the words, characters, and concerns of the Jewish religion. He believed, however, that a

Christian assembly was affected by the Psalms only to a limited degree .

The power of these ancient poems lay in the fact that they were "exactly suited to the very purpose and design for which they were written, and that both in the matter, and in the style, and in all their ornaments.

As for the Christian congregation, he concluded that "our affections want something of property or interest in the words, to awaken them at first, and to keep them lively. Figurative language, then, performed its function of arousal only if related to the experiences and concerns of ki the hearers; words alone were insufficient.

Within this limitation. Watts asserted that the figures of poetry were "endowed with . . . allurements that lead the mind away in pleasing

Jig captivity. ” Many parts of the Scripture, he said, had this effect, so that even Longinus cited Moses as a master of the sublime style. Having pointed this out. Watts analyzed in detail how the present affairs of religion could be served effectively by the stylistic figures of poetry.

The anguish of inward guilt, the secret stings and racks and scourges of conscience; the sweet retiring hours, and serapical joys of devotion; the victory of a resolved soul over a thousand temptations; the inimitable decisive sentence, from which there is no appeal; and the consequent transports or horrors of the two eternal worlds—these things

38 Watts, "Psalms, Hymns, " Works, IV, 253-254. 39 k Ibid. °Ibid.

**2 ^Ibid . Ibid. a

151

may be variously disposed, and form many poems. How might such performances, under a divine blessing, call back the dying piety of the nation to life and beauty? This would

make a religion appear like itself, and confound the bias- . pkemles of a profligate world, ignorant of pious pleasures. ^

Willing to 'take hold of any handle of the soul, " Watts saw in poetic style a neglected power adapted to the substance of Christianity.

Without belittling the importance of prose discourse, he suggested that by poetry 'the same duty that might be despised in a sermon, when proposed to the listener* s reason, may here, perhaps seize the lower facul-

itit ties with superior powers of the mind to piety. By assigning this persuasive task to poetry. Watts followed the Puritan tradition. Perry

Miller and Thomas Johnson assert that the Puritans gave poetry "little consideration as an art; they thought of it simply as a means to an end, ... ^5 [and] wrote their most ambitious poems for edification.

On the other hand, Watts's rhetorical usage of poetic style was a repudi- ation of much contemporary poetry. Turbeville points out that the first half of the eighteenth century was dominated by the school of Pope—

style "extra-ordinarlly chaste in expression and highly polished, . . .

almost devoid of enthusiasm, Watts, however, deliberately refused

k^watts, "Horae lyricae, " Works, IV, 413.

hit Ibid. , p. 4l4.

^Perry Miller and Thomas H. Johnson, The Puritans (New York, 1938), p. 5^9-

lt6 Ibid., p. 550. 47 'A. S. Turbeville, English Men and Manners in the Eighteenth Century (Oxford, 1926), P- 2. to polish hie poetry. He sought only the persuasive effect of arousal.

Preaching Combination

Because preaching required both the informing of the understanding and the arousing of the passions, Watts regarded the effective sermon as a balanced combination of the two basic style types—instructional and poetic. This notion of balance controlled his conception of preaching style not only in broad relations, but also in the more specific properties of politeness, erudition, and diction.

The Balance of Figures . In the solemn responsibility of preaching, Watts constantly emphasized, "your first business is with the understanding. " This primary appeal to reason demanded that in the early part of the sermon clarity be the guiding consideration. Figures were to be avoided. Exact meaning conveyed by accurate expression was the goal.

Endeavor, therefore, to find out all the clearest and most easy forms of speech, to convey divine truths into the minds of man. Seek to obtain a perspicuous style, and a clear and distinct manner of speaking, that you may effectually impress the understanding, while you pronounce the words; that you may so exactly imprint on the mind of the hearers the same ideas which you yourself have conceived, that they may never mis- take your meaning. ^9

How important Watts considered this search for exactness of expression may be illustrated by two of his own statements. First, the

Joy with which he greeted the discovery of a correct word is seen in his exclamation, "0! what a blessed pleasure is it to hit upon a happy

^Watts, "An Humble Attempt, " Works, III, 23 "

153

° expression, that speaks our very soul, and fulfills all our meaning. 5

Second, the persistent earnestness of his quest for exact diction is

reflected by his patient selection of every word and expression in com-

posing his catechisms.

Perhaps it is not proper for me to say, and the world will hardly believe, what pains have been taken in composing these catechisms, especially the first and second of them; with what care I have endeavored to select the most easy and necessary parts of our religion, in order to propose them to the memory of children according to their ages; what laborious diligence has been used to seek out all the plainest and most familiar forms of speech, that the great things of God and the mysteries of the gospel might be brought down to the capacities of children. It is not for me to say how many hours, and days, and weeks, have been spent in reviewing and examining every word and expression, that, if possible, nothing might be inserted which might give just occasion of offence to pious persons and families, that nothing might be left out which was necessary for children to know in that tender age; and that no word, phrase, or sentiment, if possible, might be emitted which could not be brought in some measure within the reach of a child's understanding. 51

Since clarity alone was inadequate for persuasion, later in the

sermon more exalted language must be introduced. Watts cited the un-

identified Pellucido as "the only speaker who had attained this art and 52 honour of effecting persuasion by plain exposition alone. For effectiveness, therefore, the preacher must balance plainness with figures.

50 Watts, "A Guide to Prayer," Works, III, 144.

^^Watts, "A Discourse on the Way of Instruction by Catechisms, and of the Best Manner of Composing Them, " Works, III, 201.

^Watts, "The Improvement of the Mind, " Works, V, 233. Vyk

"Awake your spirit, ’’ he challenged; "contrive all the lively, forcible,

and penetrating forms of speech, to make your words powerful «nd impres- ts sive on the hearts of your hearers. Again, he declared that "no

figure should he wanting . . . where the speaker has art enough to in- 54 troduce it. In preaching the virtues the pastor was urged to "display

the beauties and excellencies of them, in their own agreeable and lovely 55 forms and colors. " By means of figures. Watts declared, we "paint our themes in their proper colors, whether of the alluring or the forbidden

..56 kind. In short, the proper preaching balance achieved clarity by plainness and power by figurativeness.

In his most complete list of figurative modes of expression Watts

repudiated stylistic excess by naming only seven. To each he assigned a

specific value.

1. Exclamations, which serve to set forth an affectionate wonder, a sudden surprise, or violent impression of anything on the mind. 2. Interrogations, when the plain sense of any thing we declare unto God is turned into a question, to make it more emphatical and affecting. 3. Appeals to God, concerning our own wants or sorrows, our sincere and deep sense of the things we speak to him. 4. Expostulations, which are indeed one particular sort of interrogation. 5* Opinions, or wishes, fit to set forth serious and earnest desires. 6. Apostrophes, that is, when in the midst of our addresses

^^Watts, "An Humble Attempt, " Works, HI, 25-

5\fatts, "The Improvement of the Mind, " Works, V, 312.

55watts, "An Humble Attempt, " Works, HI, 24. 56 Ibid. "

155

... we turn off the speech abruptly to our own souls, being led by the vehemence of some sudden devout thought. 7. Ingeminations, or redoubling our expressions, which argue an eager and inflamed affection. 57

Thus it was by a balanced and ordered combination of the exact-

ness of the instructional style with the forcefulness of the poetic

style that Watts believed preaching effectiveness was achieved.

The Balance of Politeness . A second stylistic consideration in

Watts's theory related to the polish of speech. In the early Puritans,

he confessed, there had been a coarseness of style. This he did not ex-

cuse. On the other hand, be deplored the contemporary slavery to

"politeness. " "We have such a value for elegance, and so nice a taste

for what we call polite, " he accused, "that we dare not spoil the cadence

of a period to quote a text of scripture in it, nor disturb the harmony

of our sentences, to number or to name the heads of our discourse.

He specifically condemned some extremists for banishing the name of

Christ from their sermons "because it is a monosyllable of so many 59 consonants, and so harsh a sound.

Between these extremes, too. Watts advocated a practical balance.

For the "few learned and polite" in the congregation, he believed that in parts of his sermon the wise preacher "aims at, and reaches the sub-

^Watts, "A Guide to Prayer, " Works, HI, lh7-l49.

^Watts, "The Icprovement of the Mind, " Works, V, 350-351. Cf. Statement by Earl of Chesterfield, "The elegance of the style, and the turn of the periods, make the chief impression upon the hearers. Letters to His Son by the Earl of Chesterfield (2 vols.; New York, 1901), I, 2^7.

"ibid. -

156

..60 lime, and furnishes out an entertainment for the finer taste. The bulk of pulpit address, however, must be styled simply and plainly, and aimed at the unschooled.

Our public business ... is chiefly with the weak and the ignorant; that is, the bulk of mankind: The poor receive

the gospel : The mechanics and day-labourers, the women and the children of my assembly, have souls to be saved; I will imitate my blessed Redeemer, in preaching the gospel to the poor; and learn of St. Paul to become all things to all men, that I may win souls, and lead many sinners to heaven by repentance, faith and holiness.

The Balance of Erudition. Watts pointedly warned against stylistic excesses resulting from a parade of erudition. To him, learning was a tool to use rather than an ornament to display. On the one hand, he warned against preaching "without due preparation by study, and a regular composure of [the] discourse. On the other, he condemned the scholastic display of ontology, logic, classicism, theology, 63 and exegesis current among the learned. Watts leveled a gentle contempt against such demonstrations of erudition by telling the sad history of the siege of a town in Livonia by a Russian Czar. This ruler, related Watts, was so enamoured of the science of mathematics that he delayed the siege until every possible military action could be tested

^ 6l . °Ibid , p. 346. Ibid. , p. 3^7- 62 Watts, "An Humble Attempt, " Works, HI, 30.

^Hfatts, ''The Ircprovement of the Mind," Works, V, 344-. Watts’s criticism applied to those Puritans who continued to follow the intricate pedantry of seventeenth century homiletics. Cf. E. C. Dargan, A History of Preaching (2 vols.; Grand Rapids, Mich., 1954), II, 146. "

157

by mathematical procedures. But the season passed before the testing was complete. So it is with a preacher of erudite display, Watts con- 64 eluded. "He has finished his work, and he has done nothing. " To illustrate proper balance Watts referred to an unidentified preacher who "had in his younger days but few of these learned vanities, and

"•65J age Mid experience have now worn theta all off. Learning was, then, the preacher's tool, to be used in the study but concealed in the pulpit. Words nnri phrases were to be chosen to meet the needs of the con- 66 gregation rather than to demonstrate the preacher' s learning.

The Balance of Scriptural Terms . Since in his view the true

spokesman of God was fundamentally a preacher of the Bible, the rela-

tionship between style and the Scriptures was prominent in Watts’s

thinking. The Bible, he said, offered a pattern for effective style}

but only within limits. On the one hand, he asserted with positive

enthusiasm the beauty and power of Scriptural terms— "words of force

and, elegance to charm and allure the soul, glitter and sparkle like

Bible golden ore. . . . On the other, he insisted that the use of

terms should be proportioned, purposive, and pertinent, and warned

against "whole sermons of nothing else but a perpetual connection of

texts of Scripture. " Within these limits, however, he recognized the

value of "Bible phrases, ” and quoted this edict of the French critic

Boileau:

65 . ^Ibid . , p. 345. Ibid. ^Ibid

^Watts, "An Humble Attempt, " Works, III; "A Guide to Prayer, Works, HI, 142. 158

That the majesty of our religion, the holiness of its law, the purity of its morals, the height of its mysteries, and the importance of every subject that belongs to it requires a grandeur, a nobleness, a majesty, and elevation of style suited to the theme: Sparkling images and magnificent expressions must be used, and are best borrowed from scripture: Let the preacher, that aims at eloquence, read the prophets incessantly, for their writings axeman abundant source of all the riches and ornaments of speech.

In essence, then. Watts believed that the language and phrases of

Scripture were adaptable ’’patterns by which we should frame our worship and adjust it to our present case rather than forms of worship to which we should precisely and unchangeably confine ourselves. This balance, like the other two, would help to produce ideal senaons which in their style combined the power of the Bible with the touch of human need.

Conclusion

The problems of style challenged Watts to seek a use of words suited to the purposes of the gospel in his day. Any judgment of his theory must admit that his doctrine for the effective use of style in the service of religion was clearly conceived and plainly presented.

Moreover, certain aspects of his doctrine deserve emphasis.

First, though Watts subordinated style to substance, he never belittled the power of words. Rather, words fascinated him. To perform his divine ministry he found the medium of language inescapable.

No matter how holy the subject, no matter how bright the genius, the

68 Watts, 'Horae Iyricae, ” Works , IV, 4ll-4l2.

69watts, "Psalms, " Works. IV, 385 . 159

powers and weaknesses of words were, he recognized, unavoidably linked with all human communication. Words clarified or confused the message of God. Words expressed the thoughts of the mind and created their own reactions. Watts felt keenly and understood fully the power of words in the field of religion.

Expressions are useful, not only to dress our thoughts bub sometimes to form and shape, and perfect the ideas and affections of our minds. The use of words makes us doubly sensible of the things ve conceive. They serve to awaken the holy passions of the soul as well as to express them. Our expressions sometimes follow and reveal the warmer emotions. They fix and engage all our power's in religion and worship, and they serve to regulate aa well as increase our devotion.

Because he was thus a prisoner of verbal expression. Watts felt that the preacher must find "a way with words" by which their confusions were avoided and their powers harnessed for the service of God. It was to that end that he sought to uncover the basis of style, to differenti- ate its types, and to discover and present principles and rules for the attainment of effectiveness in its use. Judgments may vary concerning the value of his suggestions, hut his justification of the importance of style to preaching is still convincing.

The other 'observation that must not be overlooked in Watts's teaching about style is his appreciation of the importance of the "personal" and the "present. " Style was understandable. Watts kept declaring, only when it was adapted to the level of the participating minds, and style was moving only when the causes and concerns of the participating lives

7°Watts, "A Guide to Prayer, " Works. HI, l4l, l6o

were directly touched. Paul Scherer calls this "the sense of . . . contemporaneousness, " when he writes:

To be sure, the Word addresses itself to particular people at particular times in particular situations, and we dare not lose sight of that particularity. But the particularity in any given case is, for our purpose, perhaps more con- tingent than essential. It matters comparatively little that Paul was writing in Roman to a Jevish-Christian congregation during the early years of the second half of the first century. The most striking feature of it is its strange contemporaneousness.

Watts strongly believed in the necessity of words related to the personal and present interests of the hearers in order to empower style for the work of the ministry, to this basis, he plead for catechisms couched in language adapted to youth, for songs written in terms of immediate experience, and for sermons styled to meet the minds and touch the hearts of those who heard.

Review and Expositor, LIV (October, 1957), 562 , CHAPTER VII

DELIVERY: EFFECTIVE COMMUNICATION

Introduction 1 English preaching. Watts indicated, reminded him of an occurrence in a friend* s home. It seemed that a certain Eraera was much displeased by the bad conduct of her maids. Since her husband was at home, she asked him to reprove the servants. But the husband begged to be excused "from the economy of the kitchen and the parlor," saying to his wife that "if her maids were so culpable, she herself must reprove them sharply." Emera replied weakly, "I cannot chide; however, to show my resentment, if you will write down a chiding, I will go immediately and read it to them."

By this story Watts illustrated a fundamental weakness of the

English preacher. "A mere reader," he concluded, "who coldly tells the people what his paper says, seems to be as void of all [the] necessary 2 qualifications of delivery as his paper is." To counteract this deficiency, he exhorted his fellow ministers with "pathetic language" and words of "awful efficacy and divine fervor."

Let us speak with such a serious zeal as becomes the oracles of God and the embassies of his mercy, with such compassion to dying souls as is manifested in this gospel of love, with such inward fervor and holy solicitude for the success of our labours, that if it were possible, not the soul of one sinner

1 Watts , "Reliquiae Juveniles," Works , IV, 5^3. 2 Ibid ., p. 5kk.

l6l 3

162

within the reach of our preaching might miss of this pardoning mercy and eternal joy. Oh let us not dare be cold and lifeless in pronouncing the words of everlasting life, nor lazy and indolent in carrying these errands of divine love to a lost and perishing world .

But not content with adding to the many criticisms of contemporary

preaching. Watts made a contribution toward its improvement. He sought

to discover and refine methods for effective sermon delivery. Though

he also formulated principles and rules for good reading, he strongly

advocated extempore preaching and developed useable procedures for its

effective use.

Eighteenth Century Preaching

Watts's contribution to the art of delivering sermons was made

during a period of transition. The influence of the pulpit had waned.

Cold formalism was challenged by the growing fervency of revival.

Preaching methods were in a state of ferment, and criticism was rampant.

The Waning Pulpit k The glory of the English pulpit was the seventeenth century.

Pulpits of the Establishment had then been empowered by such preachers

as John Donne, Joseph Hall, William Laud, Jeremy Taylor, Isaac Barrow,

John Tillotson, and Robert South. Among the Dissenters were Richard

Baxter, Samuel Rutherfords, Edward Calamy, John Owen, John Howe, John

Bunyan, and Benjamin Reach. This roster has never been surpassed.

^Watts, "An Humble Attempt," Works, III, 36-37. k Dargan, A History of Preaching, II, I36-I37. 163

Though by the early eighteenth century the influence of the

5 pulpit had waned, some of the preachers of this period cannot be ignored.

The preaching of Joseph Butler, Thomas Seeker, Josiah Hort, Francis Atter- bury, John Newton, George Whitefield, John Wesley, Matthew Henry Venn,

Philip Doddridge—in fact, the age of Isaac Watts —cannot be denied a 6 valid recognition of merit.

During the second half of the eighteenth century a new day of preaching power dawned. Daniel P. Kidder credits this era with the re- 7 vival of apostolic preaching." Bishop Ryles asserts that the "instru- mentality by which the spiritual reformers of the . . . century carried „8 on their operations was . . . the old apostolic weapon of preaching.

The homiletical theories of Isaac Watts were a factor in this transition.

The Varieties of Preaching

No evaluation of eighteenth-century preaching can ignore its variety. At one extreme, and certainly consistent with the low moral

and spiritual tone of a large segment of the clergy, was the unemotional,

formal moralizing of the Latitudiarians.^ At the other was the hot- 10 hearted evangelizing of the great revivalists. In his history of

5Edwin Charles Dargan, Tie Art of Preaching in the Light of Its History (New York, 1921 ), p. 162.

^Dargan, A History of Preaching, II, 186 ff.

^Daniel P. Kidder, A Treatise on Homiletics (New York, 1864), p. 91,

^Ryles, Christian Leaders , p. 23 . 9 Dargan, A History of Preaching , II, 29. 10 Abbey and Overton, The English Church in the Eighteenth Century, p. 16k

England,Green describes this latter group vividly.

Their voice was soon heard in the wildest and most barbarous corners of the land, among the bleak moors of Northumberland, or in the dens of London, or in the long galleries where in the pauses of his labor the Cornish miner listens to the sobbing of the sea. Wh: tefield * s preaching was such as Eng- land had never heard before, theatrical, extravagant, often commonplace, but hushing all criticism by its intense reality its earnestness of belief, its deep tremulous sympathy with the sin and sorrow of mankind. It was no common enthusiast who could wring gold from the close-fisted Franklin and admiration from the fastidious Horace Walpole, or who could look down from the top of a green knoll at Kingswood on twenty thousand colliers, grimy from the Bristol coal-pits, and see as he preached the tears "making white channels down their blackened cheekst!1*'

Between the extremes of Latitudiarianism and enthusiasm, predomi- nately among the Dissenters, existed a type of preaching at once fervent and reasoned, dedicated to the purpose of saving souls, and adapted to 12 the persuasion of the common man. Here was no attempt to extract a compromise between two unacceptable methods, but rather a natural out- growth of a doctrinal position and evangelical purpose. As Dargan says, such preaching was not the result of reaction but, instead, the fruit of a search for a method of "presentation of the gospel which should nourish the heart as well as the reason. Watts in his practice and theory expressed this segment of the total picture of eighteenth- century

English preaching.

1 John Richard Green, England (k vols.; New york, 1898 ), VIII, 151-152.

•^Haller, Rise of Puritanism , p. 19.

^Dargan, A History of Preaching , II, 291. 165

The Critics of Preaching

It is natural that critics of preaching should abound in a period when preacliing itself was in ferment. Swift, Addison, and the Earl of

Chesterfield all spoke out against the prevailing practices. As Watts criticized the ineffective reader, so Swift complained that ’’some clergy- men with their heads held down from the beginning to the end, within an inch of the cushion ... [or] popping up and down every moment from their paper to the audience [appear] like an idle schoolboy on a repe- lk tition day." Addison* s solution for the problem of poor delivery was simple. He advocated that preachers, "instead of wasting their spirits in laborious compositions of their own, [should] endeavor after a hand- 15 some elocution" by reading great masterpieces written by others.

nor with Watts , however, was content neither with negative criticisms superficial solutions. He sought to discover and present in useable form a body of theory aimed at improving both reading and preaching.

The Read Sermon

The practice of reading sermons was widespread in the English pulpit of Watts's time. Ordinarily the reasons assigned for this custom have been historical. During the tumults of the reign of Henry VIII, strict regulations were laid upon the clergy because of the strong and stubborn accusations hurled by ministers against the members of opposing

^Jonathan Swift, The Works of the Rev. Jonathan Swift, D.D., ed.

Thomas Sheridan (24 vols . ; London, 1803), VIII, 14-15. 15 Joseph Addison, The Works son, ed. Richard Hurd (6 vols.; Lon 166

parties. This lead to restricting the act of preaching to licensed

ministers and to the security of set material. As Burnet says, "Those

who were licensed to preach, being often accused of their sermons, and

complaints being made to the King by hot men on both sides, they came „l6 generally to write and read their sermons. In an attempt to stop

this practice Charles II prohibited the reading of sermons, but without 17 avail. In Watts* s day the read sermon was still common.

Contemporary Evaluations of the Read Sermon

The read sermon was not without defenders. Bishop Burnet said,

"It has made our sermons more exact and has produced many volumes of „l8 the best that are extant. Bishop Thomas Sprat boasted that the

sermons preached every Sunday in this one Kingdom, by the Church of

England Clergy in this age, are more excellent compositions . . . than

have been delivered, in the same space of time, throughout the whole „19 Christian world besides. Swift, though disgusted with sermons poorly

read, admitted that failure to follow this practice would decrease the

value of sermons "for want of time to correct and improve them."

^Gilbert Burnet, The History of the Reformation of the Church of England (4 vols.j New York, 1843 J, 509.

11 W. Gresley, "Ecclesiastes Anglicanus: Being a Treatise on Preaching, as Adapted to a Church of England Congregation," in A Series of Letters to a Young Clergyman (New York, 1856), pp. 290-291.

^Gilburt Burnet, "A Discourse of the Pastoral Care," The Clergy - man^ Instructor (Oxford, 1807), p. 218.

^Thomas Sprat, "A Discourse by Thomas Sprat, D.D., Lord Bishop of Rochester, to the Clergy of his Diocese," Clergyman’s Instructor

(Oxford, 1695), P- 249. 167

At the same time, the deficiencies of the read sermon were recognized even by its defenders. Criticism centered chiefly in the

maimer of delivery. Bishop Burnet complained , "Those who read ought certainly to be at a little more pains, than for the most part they are, to read true, to pronounce with an emphasis, and to raise their heads, 20 and to direct their eyes to their hearers. And even Bishop Sprat believed "a natural, comely, modest, yet undaunted force of pronunciation" would add to the "just popularity" of the read sermon.

The Art of Reading

To Watts, oral reading was an art that could be learned. This belief was based upon practical teaching experiences in the Hartopp and

Abney households, as well as a thorough study of the available literature on the subject. Hence, he defined the problem, detailed a procedure for learning, and described the ideal sought.

Watts asserted, "It is not so easy a matter to read well as most

people imagine. . . . There are multitudes who can read common words true, can speak every hard name exactly, and pronounce the single or united syllables perfectly well, yet who are not capable of reading six lines together with their proper sound, and a graceful turn of voice, 21 either to inform or to please the hearers." When this difficulty was compounded by indirectness and an unaroused spirit. Watts saw the need for preachers to "learn the art of reading by the glance of an eye, so

20 Burnet, Clergyman's Instructor , p. 219. gl Ibid., p. 681. 168

as never to interrupt the force of their argument, nor the vivacity and 22 pathos of their pronunciation." Failure to meet this challenge, he

said, left congregations "set from January to December, regardless and

unconcerned."

To teach the art of reading, and especially "to improve the knowl-

edge of persons advanced beyond childhood," Watts wrote The Art of Read-

ing and Writing English . While he scattered suggestions for effective

reading through his other books, this textbook presented a detailed

procedure for improvement. In the first fourteen chapters he presented

his views concerning the nature, sounds, and arrangements of letters and

syllables into words, as well as directions for the use of quantity, ac- 03 cent, and punctuation. Upon this foundation he built a chapter en-

titled "Directions for Reading." These included the correct pronuncia-

tion of individual words; loudness adapted to the room; pauses made ac-

cording to the punctuation; and stress and tone related to the sense of

the material. Imitation of those who read well and practice before a

capable critic were strongly advocated. Silent reading was considered an untrustworthy guide. In the following chapter entitled, "Of the

Emphasis, or Accent Which Belong to Some Special Word or Words in a

Sentence," he defended the minuteness of his explanation by asserting,

"If these rules are not observed in reading , the speech of the finest orator, with all the noblest ornaments of eloquence, will become flat

22 Watts, "Reliquiae Juveniles," Works , IV, 5kk. 23 Watts, "Art of Reading and Writing English," Works, IV, 683-697. 169

Oh and dull, and feeble, and have not power to charm or persuade.”

Emphasis, he said, might be achieved mechanically by pronouncing the

emphatical word "with a peculiar strength of voice above the rest." To

do this well, he urged, one must observe equal cautions against uni-

formity of voice or multiplicity of tones, and against adding or omit- 25 ting proper stress.

Without discounting the practicality of such rules, greater em-

phasis must be given Watts's ideal of "viseful and effective" reeding.

Ideally, he declared, proper reading must conform to the natural

standards of good speaking.

Watts's contemporary and friend, John Mason, has long been credited

with the much-quoted statement which formed the basis of the so-called

"natural" school of elocution:

In reading then attend to your Subject, and deliver it just in such a manner as you would do if you were talking of it. This is the great, general and most important Rule of all; which if carefully observed, will correct not only this but almost all the other Faults of a bad Pronunciation; and give you an easy, decent, graceful Delivery, agreeable to all the Rules of a right Elocution. For however apt we are to transgress them in reading, we follow than naturally and easily enough in Conversation. And children will tell a Story with all the natural Graces and Beauties of Pronunci-

ation, however , awkwardly they may read the same out of a Book. 26

It has been ignored, however, that Mason drew upon Watts as an authority for the principle by adding this quotation from Watts:

24 25 Ibid., p. 701. Ibid.

^°John Mason, An Essay on Elocution, or Pronunciation (London, VjkQ), pp. 20-21. 170

Let the Tone and Sound of your voice in reading he the same as it is in speaking; and do not affect to change that natural and easy sound therewith you speak, for a strange,

new, awkward Tone, as same do when they begin to read ; which would almost persuade our Ears, that the Speaker and the erent Persons, if our Eyes did not tell

To Watts, as to Mason, then, reading should be as natural as speaking- -correct, understandable, and as affecting as the sense demanded. The importance of the subject matter and aim of Christian preaching required, in his estimation, that if sermons were to be read, this was the goal toward which the sincere preacher must strive.

The Extempore Sermon

Even at its best. Watts only tolerated the read sermon. He advocated an extempore delivery by which preachers "speak to [their] hearers with freedom,” and by which the Holy Spirit might impart new oQ inspiration during the act of preaching. To encourage this "freedom" in the pulpit he defined the elements of extempore delivery and presented practical helps toward achieving them.

The Personal Elements

Three factors. Watts said, were involved in the preaching situation: the preacher, the Holy Spirit, and the hearer. The first, the preacher, was the living channel by which the second, the Spirit of God, spoke to the third, mankind.

'_( Watts, "Art of Reading and Writing English," Works , IV, 698. 28 Watts, "An Humble Attempt," Works , III, 30. 171

To Watts, the preacher's delivery must, first of all, be vitally

alive. "A dull preacher,” he declared, "makes a drowsy church."^ This

obligation required a conscious arousal in the preacher himself. Watts

challenged pastors: "Enter the pulpit with the solemnity of holy joy,

that you have an opportunity to speak for the honour of God, and the

salvation of men. . . . Stir up yourself to the work with sacred vigour,

that the assembly may feel what you speak. In another place he said,

"0 let us rouse our souls with all holy fervour to fulfil our ministry,

for it will be a dreadful reproach upon us ... if we let the cause of

Christ and godliness die under our hands for want of a lively zeal, and

pious fervour and faithfulness in our ministrations."^

The vital awakening of the preacher's powers was, however, to be

no mere emotional upsurge . Watts demanded that this vigor be harnessed

to practical ends. First, unless the power was used to preach the doc-

trines of the gospel, Watts declared that the preacher wasted his "breath

in vain declamations.” The awakened preacher must use his spiritual in-

sight "to distinguish the different characters of saints and sinners."^

He must use his reasoning to lead his "hearers wisely into the knowledge

of the truth, and teach them to build their faith upon solid grounds."

His experience in life situations must be employed to illustrate that

"religion is no impractical thing"; his personal religious passions "to kindle the soul to zeal in the holy warfare, and to it bravely

29 30 Ibid. , p. 29 Ibid. 172

victorious over all the enemies of its salvation. "33 in short. Watts

believed that all the preacher’s powers were deliberately to be set

aglow for the purpose of kindling a blaze in the lives of his hearers.

Never did Watts imply, however, that such personal awakening re-

duced the necessity for thorough preparation. Meditation, reading, and

the comparing of Scriptures should, he warned, be continued throughout

the entire week, until the substance of the sermon was "wrought into

all - heart and head by review and meditation." ’ To him, the freedom from

notes or manuscript attained by such preparation was an essential of

"good" preaching. Thus, for example, he declared Lectorius to be "a

pious man, and a worthy minister." "His discourses are well formed,

his sentiments on almost every subject are just and proper, his style

is modern and not impolite, nor does he utterly neglect the passions."

But, Watts concluded, "I cannot call him a good preacher, for he does

not only use his written notes to secure his method, and to relieve his

memory, which is a very proper and useful practice, but he scarce ever

takes his eyes off his book to address himself with life and spirit to «35 the people. Thorough preparation, in his view, involved not only

» careful composition of material, but also its mastery so that "you may have it at command, and speak to your hearers with freedom. By the

combination of personal arousal and earnest preparation. Watts believed

33 3 ibid ., pp. 12, 26. ^ifria t ^ p. 30. 35 Watts, "Reliquiae Juveniles," Works , IV, 5^3. 36 ! Watts , "An Humble Attempt," Works, III, 30 173

a preacher might attain the ideal delivery. In An Humble Attempt he

described what this delivery was like.

Deliver your discourses to the people like a wan that is talking to them in good earnest about their most Important concerns, and their everlasting welfare; like a messenger sent from heaven who would fain save sinners from hell, and allure souls to God and happiness.

But let all the warmest zead for God, and compassion for perishing men, animate your voice and countenance; and let the people see and feel, as well as hear, that you are speaking to them about things of infinite moment, and in which your own eternal interest lies as well as theirs. 37

In addition to "human" preparation, the preacher was admonished

to constant dependence upon the Holy Spirit. Watts believed such divine

assistance was given not only in the tranquility of the study but also

in the quickened excitement of the act of preaching. Hence, to limit

the discourse to pre-coraposed words was to close out this source of il-

lumination. "If you pray and hope for the assistance of the Spirit of

God in every part of your work," he said, "do not resolve always to con-

fine yourself precisely to the mere words and sentences which you have 3 witten down in your private preparations ."”' Thorough preparation was,

however, an essential prerequisite for divine assistance. He asked,

"And how can we think the Spirit of God will come to our assistance, if 39 our spirits withdraw and are absent from the work ?" The sweat of human preparation must be added to the oil of the spirit.

Watts believed that the third and final element in effective delivery related to the hearers. As preparation was the key to securing the aid of the Holy Spirit, so "adaptation" was the key in appealing to 174

the people. In Watts’s judgment , people could be persuaded only by a delivery adapted to their nature and capacity. In fact, his entire approach to the preaching situation was controlled by his conception of

human nature. He admonished ministers:

Remember that you have to do with the understanding, reason and memory of man, with the heart and conscience, with the will and affections j and therefore you must use every method of speech which may be most proper to engage and employ each of these faculties, or powers of human nature, on the side, of religion, and in the interests of God and the gospel. 0

In order to M promote understanding, Watts suggested, Let your voice be more slow, and pronounce every word very distinctly. To arouse the passions, on the other hand, one should affect a "strong and passionate" pronunciation, with the voice a little higher than usual and the accent lip more varied.

Watts was keenly aware of the differences in human understanding resulting from 3 age, education, or station in life.^ To achieve maximum effectiveness he considered it necessary to "use such a way of speaking, as may be most natural and easy to be understood, and most agreeable to those that join with you."^

"''Watts, "Art of Reading and Writing English," Works , IV, 699. 42 Ibid ., pp. 698-699.

^\’atts, "An Humble Attempt," Works , III, 27.

^Watte, "A Guide to Prayer," Works , III, 145. 175

The Functional Elements

In addition to these general considerations. Watts was concerned with the proper functioning of the mechanical elements of effective delivery. Neither voice nor gesture escaped his attention.

All the characteristics of sound—time, intensity, pitch, and quality—he related to proper speech. Time, for example, was considered important to pronunciation, thought response, and emotional suggestion.

He warned, ''Take heed of hurrying your words or syllables over in haste, lest thereby you are led to flutter, or stammer, in speaking or reading. "^5

While he warned "to make no stops where the sense admits of none, " a properly timed pause consonant with the speaker' s thought was of double value: "This will afford you time to breathe, in the delivery of your discourse, and give your hearers a short season for recollection of the M6 particulars which have been mentioned before. Moreover, he related time to emotional expression when he advised:

Where the sense is grave and solemn, especially if it be in the way of instruction, or explaining any point of difficulty, let your voice be more slow, and pronounce every word very distinctly; but where the subject is some familiar, easy, and pleasant matter, let your pronunciation be a little more speedy.

To Watts, intensity had two important functions: to make speech audible and to achieve emphasis. He advanced the general principle that

^Watts, "Art of Reading and Writing English, " Works, IV, 698.

^Watts, "An Bumble Attempt, " Works , HI, 25.

^Watts, "Art of Reading and Writing English, " Works, IV, 699. ^ "

176

the "voice should be such as may give a clear and distinct sound of

every syllable to those who must hear. " More specifically, he recom-

mended that "children ... be taught to let their voice in reading be

so loud, as that everyone in the same room may hear and understand; but kg not loud enough to reach the next room, if the doors be shut. " In

describing "emphasis" he habitually used the word "strength, " but he

also indicated that "tone" could be used for the same purpose.

The "tone" of the voice was of deep concern to Watts. He warned

against "foolish and self-pleasing tones, " or a "strange, new awkward

tone." He advocated naturalness and ease, so that "the tone and sound 50 of your voice in reading be the same as it is in speaking. In the

act of preaching he urged directness and earnestness—as he said, "talk- 51 ing to them in good, earnest. "Every odd and unpleasing tone, " he de-

clared, "should be banished from divine worship.

Watts also recognized that "some persons, by nature, have a very

sweet and tuneful voice, so that whatsoever they speak appears pleasing.

Those less fortunate in native equipment, he said, should "take much more pains, and attend with diligence to rules and directions, that their voice may be formed to an agreeable pronunciation. " In doing so, how-

- ever, it should be remembered that an individual's "own native and common voice appears most natural, and may be managed with greatest ease.

?0 . ^Ibld , p. 698. ^Ibid . , pp. 700-701. Ibia . . pp. 698-699. 51 Watts, "An HUmble Attempt, " Works, HI, 152. 52 Watts, "A Guide to Prayer, " Works, HI, 152.

?3 Ibid. , pp. 11*9-150. '

177

Watts dealt more fully with the use of gestures in prayer than in

preaching. In both, however, he saw the same principles applying, save

"that in the work of preaching, the same restraints are not always neces-

tdi sary, and especially in applying truth warmly to the conscience. " His basic principle was that the preacher should "attend to the simplicity

of manners which nature dictates and the precepts and examples of the

gospel confirm. " He warned preachers against being "mere statues and

lifeless engines, " but considered "calmness and quietness, and a uni-

formity of posture . . . more decent than violent gestures and unrestrained movements. Moreover, he declared, "In the face, the God of nature hath written various indications of the temper of the mind; and especially when it is moved by any warm auction.

Any movement which could be termed "a gesture of nature" was acceptable to Watts. Thus he justified a common gesture in prayer by declaring:

The elevation of the eyes and hands is so much the dic- tate of nature in all acts of worship wherein we address God, that the heathens themselves frequently practised it, as we have an account in their several writers, as well as we find it mentioned as the practice of the saints in the holy scripture. And as the elevation of the hands to heaven is a very natural gesture when a person prays for himself; so when a superior prays for a blessing to descend upon a person of an inferior character, it is very natural to lay his hand upon the head of the person for whom he prays. This we find practised from the beginning of the world, and the practice descends throughout all ages. 57

55 ^Ibid., p. 157. m, p. 137. 56 57 Ibid . . p. 154. Ibid., p. 155. 178

To master proper voice and gesture. Watts further recommended the study ocf books on elocution, imitation of the best preachers, and 58 avoidance of what is found offensive in others.

Not only voice and gesture but also the use of notes received

special attention in Watts's theory of effective delivery. First, he considered a preacher's use of "written notes to secure his method, and to relieve his memory ... a very proper and useful practise. This, however, was a goal to be achieved rather than a method to adopt at the outset For the beginning pastor he advocated writing out the entire sermon. After a time only short abstracts and general heads were to 60 be composed. By degrees sermon notes would be reduced. "Labour carefully in the formation of your sermons in younger years, " he said. "A habit of thinking and speaking well, procured by the studies of youth, will make the labour of your middle age easy. At all times in this process, however, written material was to be used only to relieve, never to replace, the function of memory. The substance of the sermon must be mastered until it was sufficiently at the preacher's command to allow freedom and directness of delivery. Such a theory of sermon delivery, of course, broke with the popular manuscript method of Tillotson and

^WattB, "An Bumble Attempt, ” Works, III, 31.

^Watts, "Reliquiae Juveniles, " Works, IV, 543.

^°Watts, "A Guide to Prayer," Works, III, 194.

^Watts, "An Bumble Attempt," Works, HI, 28-29. 179 a

reverted to the extempore style of Burnet. In this respect, Watts's

"ministry and his writings form a link between the zeal of the seventeenth

and the renewed zeal of the later eighteenth century.

Conclusion

Watts's contribution to delivery was made in a period of transition in English preaching. The extempore sermon was invading the almost universal practice of reading. An evangelical dependence upon immediate inspiration from the Holy Spirit was replacing rigid confinement to a written manuscript.

First, Watts attempted to improve the art of reading. The rules he produced were sound and functional. More important, however, was his strong emphasis upon naturalness—the doctrine that one's tone in the reading should be the same as in speaking.

Watts's second emphasis in delivery centered in his advocacy of the extempore sermon. In his view, extempore delivery required an aroused preacher, left room for divine assistance, and produced an awakened congregation. At the same time, he advocated a high degree of self control on the part of the preacher. HLs directions included timing gauged by thought, emphasis adapted to meaning, tone trained to naturalness. Gestures, too, were to be controlled by nature. Delivery

^•/illiam Edward Hartpole Lecky, A History of England in the Eighteenth Century (2 vole.; New York, 1891}, II, 578.

Hoxie Neale Fairchild, Religious Trends in English Baetry in the Eighteenth Century (2 vols.j New York, I891)', II, 578. was related to memory and method in order to assist the speaker to retain the message and the hearer to receive it.

Watts recognized that each preacher was an individual and must respect his own personality. While he advocated Imitation as well as practice, his directions were not mechanical. The values of imitation were to be derived not from copying of one master, but from a critical study of many preachers of demonstrated ability. Bis emphasis upon individuality was indicated by the statement that "the rules [for elocution] are much better derived from books written on this subject, from an observation of the best preachers, in order to imitate them, and an

,64 avoidance of that which we find offensive when we are hearers.

Watts's real criteria for good delivery lay in the elements of a complete act of communication. Delivery was properly the medium by which truth was transmitted and received.

To Watts, a sermon was more than a mass of spoken words; it was the outflow of the awakened life of the preacher himself. Bis basic criticism of the read sermon centered in the fact that it only weakly expressed the vitality of the preacher's soul. Be exhorted Ms fellow ministers, "Oh may our hearts and our lips join to proclaim tMs reden£>-

tion. . . . Let our own spirits feel . . . and let our language make it 65 appear that we speak what we feel. " The advantage of extempore preach-

ing was that it allowed the preacher's past thought and present

°\'atts, "An Humble Attempt, " Works, IH, 31*

65 Ibid. , pp. 37-38. 181

experience to flew out to Me hearers.

Equally important was the reception of the message by the hearer.

Watts's ultimate test for effectiveness was audience response. ^ was the understanding informed? Were the passions quickened? Was the will persuaded? Did the memory retain the message? Did the message inlay

Idle souls of the hearers with new loyalties of character? These were the final criteria by which he evaluated the effectiveness of sermon delivery.

“in his poem, "To the Memory of the Rev. Mr. Thomas Gouge,” Watts explained how the preacher's sermon might become an outflow of truth and personality. With pleasing borrow we survey The caverns of the tomb. Where the belov'd Redeemer lay. And shed a sweet perfume. Hark! the old earthquake roars again In Gouge's voice, and breaks the chain Of heavy death, and rends the tombs: The rising God! he comes, he comes. With throngs of waking saints, a long triumphing train. Watts, "Horae Iyricae," Works, IV, 501-502.

^Watts, "The Improvement of the Mind, " Works, V, 34k-351* CHAPTER VIII

ELEMENTS IE PERSUASION

Introduction

Watts saw the bulk of mankind engaged in a blind pursuit of perishing vanities, intoxicated with pleasure and the golden dreams of fancy. To him, they were oblivious of the facts of "a dying world, and durable heaven. '*

Light reigns thro' worlds above, and life with all her springs: Yet man lies grov'ling on the earth. The soul forgets its heav'ly birth. 1 Nor mourns her exile thence, nor homeward tries ter wings .

To this blind bulk of humanity, preachers, he believed, were God's sent

spokesmen— "lights upon a hill in this sinful world . . . stars in his right hand.” Their holy vocation was to persuade men to accept God's 2 offer of salvation and thus to enlarge God's kingdom. Preachers of the gospel, declared Watts, have the supreme task of persuading.

To address all the ranks of mankind, the high and low, the wise and the unwise, the sober and vicious, and persuade them all to pursue and persevere in virtue with regard to themselves, in justice and goodness with regard to their neighbors, and piety towards God. These are affairs of everlasting importance, and most of the persons to whom these addresses are made, are not wise and skilful Judges, but are influenced and drawn strongly to the contrary side by their own sinful appetites and passions, and bribed or biased by the corrupt customs of the world.

^"Watts, "Remnants of Time, " Works, IV, 673.

%atts, "An Humble Attempt, " Works, HI, 37.

182 .

183

There is therefore a necessity not only of a clear and faithful representation of things to men, in order to convince their reason and judgment, but of all the skill and force of persuasion addressed to the passions. 3

Thus recognizing appeal to the reason and address to the passions

as the two basic elements in persuasion. Watte proceeded to analyze each

and to describe its role in the persuasive process.

Reason: A Reliable Judge

Reason, ever a basic element in persuasion, was given increased

importance in Watts* s view, because of the eighteenth century enphasie 4 on rationalism. The authority of reason, as Hagenback has said, then

challenged all else. ^ In the task of harnessing reason for preaching.

Watts developed a doctrine of reason which described it both as a human faculty and as a logical function.

Viewed as a Human Faculty

By reason. Watts referred specifically to “that faculty or power of the mind, by which men discern and judge of right and wrong, of good and evil, or truth and error, and the like. Be admitted great in- equality among individuals, both in native capacity and in the proper use of this power. ^ On the other hand, he asked, "Why should not we

3 Watts, "The Improvement of the Mind, " Works. V, 313

Sc. R. Hagenback, A Textbook of the History of Doctrines (2 vols.j New York, 1862), II, 5 Stromberg, Religious Liberalism, p. 174.

S/atts, "Strength and Weakness, " Works, II, 321.

^Watts, "Reliquiae Juveniles, " Works, IV, 676 "

184

suppose there are many other minds as happily turned as our own, and of superior size and more divine temper?” Such variations among men were, he thought, chiefly the result of differences in training. By training, and by training only, could reason be brought into its proper function in life relationships. When properly disciplined by art, reason made possible the acquisition of knowledge in science, advancement in culture, Q and a proper government of practical affairs.

In Watts’s view also, the faculty of reason bore especially heavy responsibilities in judging religious truth. It aided in evaluating divine authority, discovering the true meaning of Idle text of the Bible, and deciding the conformity of particular propositions to the general revelation of God’s word. For this reason, it was essential that the preacher appeal to this faculty. "Since you have to do with reasonable creatures in your sacred work, " he taught, "let your manner of speaking g be rational, and your arguments and inferences just and strong.

Viewed as a Logical Function

The exercise of the faculty of reason Watts called "reasoning.

He believed the right use of this "common gift of God to all men" was 10 necessary both in the realm of knowledge and in that of moral action.

When trained by the principles and rules of logic, reasoning became a dependable tool, guiding "enquiries after truth, and the communication

^Watts, "Logick" Works, V, 5*

•^Watts, "An Humble Attempt, " Works, III, 24. 10 Watts, "Logick" Works, V, 7. 185

of it to others.

Watts often reiterated the importance of training the reasoning

faculty. He admitted that "without instruction it is very rude and 12 giddy, and ever wandering into folly and madness. " Little children,

he said, must mingle reason with respect for authority. ^ Moreover,

the formal training of this faculty was a spiritual as well as a secular

essential.

In addition to training in reasoning, however. Watts felt that another safeguard of faith must he provided: namely, the truths of

Bible revelation. To Watts there was a basic weakness in reason or in revelation when standing alone. The heathen, though in possession of the faculty of reason, was led astray because he was unguided by revela- 14 tion. This was because the fall of man had rendered reason so defec- tive that "it has not been found itself practically sufficient to in-

. 15 struct us in all things that relate to salvation. " On the other hand,

'since the revelations of God to men have been so very early and various, and have been delivered to us by different persons, and in different ages, ” reason was required to evaluate the consistencies and inconsis- tencies among them. ^ Reason and revelation could not, therefore, be

X1 Ibid., p. 5.

^atts, "Strength and Weakness, " Works, II, 353. 13 Watts, "A Guide to Prayer, " Works, III, 199.

l2, Watts, "Strength and Weakness, " Works, II, 357. 1 ^Watts, "Ruin and Recovery of Mankind, " Works, VI, 49 . l6 Ibld. , p. 50. ^

186

divorced. ^ Sound religion should be built on a reasonable foundation.

Watts urged preachers to furnish this basis of reasoned knowledge to

their people.

let than first know why they are Christians, that they may- be firmly established in the belief and profession of the religion of Christ; that they may be guarded against i the assaults of temptation and infidelity in this evil day, and may be able to render a reason of the hope that is in them; furnish than with arguments in apposition to the rude cavils and blasphemies which are frequently thrown out in , Q the world against the name and doctrines of the holy Jesus.

In sum, to Watts, reason was of unquestionable importance. No

preacher could afford to ignore its powers and limitations, its assis-

tance and its dangers, its training and its improvement. This neces-

sary servant of religion must be guarded both by the art of logic and

by the light of revelation if it was to perform its proper and necessary

function as a reliable judge.

Reason Primary in Persuasion

As Watts considered reason a universal though variable biy«»n faculty, requiring the double discipline of logic and revelation to fulfill its service, so he insisted that appeal to reason was primary in any attempt at persuasion.

Rhetoric in General . In discussing rhetoric as "the art of per-

" suading, Watts asserted that the "understanding . . . ought to be first

^Watts, "Evangelical Discourses on Several Subjects,” Works, I, 693.

^Watts, "A Caveat Against Infidelity, " Works, IV, 50.

19, Watts, "An Bumble Attempt, " Works, III, 19 . s "

187

OQ convinced, by the plainest and strongest force of reasoning. "!The understanding, which perceives the fitness or unfitness, good or evil of things, should be a director or guide to the other power which is active, viz. the will. " Ideally, therefore, reason would control man' 21 conduct by controlling his will.

In actual life, however, two factors militated against reason’s rule. First, Watts said, "In some cases the will determines its own ac-

tions in a very sovereign manner . . . and without a reason borrowed op from the understanding. Second, "prejudices and aversions, etc. are so great and numerous, that not one [man] in ten thousand will employ his natural reason in the best way.

For rhetoric in general, then. Watts saw reason as primary, but in itself insufficient to move the will.

Preaching in Particular. Within this context. Watts insisted on a strong appeal to reason in preaching. To him, logical principles guided the preacher in the invention and disposition of preaching material, the rational faculties of his hearers determined his method of presentation, and the necessity of informing the understanding to in- sure spiritual stability controlled Ms intellectual and emotional emphasis.

20 Watts, 'The Improvement of the Mind,” Works, V, 313.

2;LWatts, "An Essay on the Freedom of Will in God and in Creatures,

Works , VI, 251. 22 Ibid. , p. 250. # 2 ” %atts, "Strength and Weakness, Works, II, 394. " " "

188

Watts said to the preacher, unequivocally, "Your first business is vith the understanding, to make even the lower parts of your audi-

pli tory know what you mean. Only when this had been accomplished could a preacher lead his "hearers wisely into the knowledge of the truth, and teach them to build their faith upon solid grounds.

But not only must address to the reason open a sermon. Watts considered it as necessary throughout the discourse. "The Word of God, he added, "will furnish you, with a rich variety of forms both to prove and to persuade.

At the same time, Watts warned against long and involved arguments. He declared, "Seasonings in the pulpit, for the most part, should be short and easy, that they may strike conviction into the mind almost as soon as they strike the ear. " Arguments should be derived from "familiar and well-known principles. Texts should be 28 "clear and well-chosen. ..." To press the judgment and "pierce the heart with more speedy and powerful conviction, " Watts urged the use of plain scriptural proofs. Such proofs carried the greatest weight. Watts 29 contended, :fboth to convince and to persuade.

While fulfilled prophecy and miracles were useful as apologetics,

"reasoning and the language of scripture" were, thought Watts, more convincing. "People, " he said, "attend with holy reverence and affection

24 Watts, "An Humble Attempt, • Works, III, 23.

25 26 2 Ibid . 28. . 7 , p. Ibld , p. 26. Ibid. , p. 2?. 28 Ibld . ^Ibid . "

189

on auch a minister, whose frequent argument both In points of doctrine

3° and practice is Thus saith the Lord .

Paralleling his emphasis on the primacy of reason was Watts's reiterated warning concerning its limitations. Reason standing alone he compared "to the stars in a winter midnight, bright and shining, but very cold; or rather to the meteor which is called a shooting- star, which vanishes quickly, and is lost in darkness. " Salvation must be an emotional experience, and not merely an intellectual agreement. Assent was superficial when compelled by proof alone. "If all this knowledge make no impression on the affections, it is not likely to abide with us, 31 nor to do us much good, " he declared. "Feeble reason, " then, must have assistance in order to effect persuasion. At one point Watts cautioned,

"A mere conviction of the reason and judgment, by the strongest arguments, is hardly sufficient in matters of piety and virtue, to command the will

2 into obedience. "3 In another place he declared, "Reason is but like the back door, or some meaner avenue, and seldom opened to let in any doctrine. ” 33

The Passions

To the subject of the passions. Watts gave much attention. Not

3 °Ibid . , p. 28.

S^Watts, "Discourses on the Love of God," Works, II, 658.

^Watts, "An I&jmble Attempt, " Works, III, 25.

3\atts, "Reliquiae Juveniles, " Works, IV, 576. " "

190

only their role in persuasion, but also their relation to personal

religion and pious living challenged him.

Viewed as a Human Power

In his Logick Watts gave two definitions: (l) "Passions signify the various affections of the mind, such as admiration, love, or hatred.

(2) "Passion is ... a sensation of some special commotion in animal nature, occasioned by the mind’s perception of some object suited to ex-

Oh, cite that commotion. In his later Doctrine of the Passions he altered his definition to this statement:

The name of passion seems to have been given originally to these affections of human nature, either from the impressions or commotions which the animal, powers receive by the soul’s perception of that object which raises the passion, or from the impression or sensation which the soul receives by this commotion of the animal powers, or perhaps from both these, as the subject will be afterward explained. 35

Watts was unable to distinguish "how far the animal nature and how far the mind or spirit, are concerned in producing [the] passions.

He was convinced, however, that physical reactions— "ferments, " "respira- tion," "nervous alterations," etc. —were concomitant with them. ^ Ex- ternal effects of the passions were, he argued, easily evident, "for most of the passions have same effects on the colour or features of the countenance, and especially on the eyes, and discover themselves by

u37 gestures or voices, or other outward signs.

3**Watts, "Logick, " Works. V, 70.

35watts, "Doctrine of the Passions, " Works, II, 581.

37 . ^Ibld . p. 503. Ibid. . p. 584. 191

Because of man's fallen nature, the passions, Watts thought, were

naturally devoted to evil. At the same time, however, they were also

capable of capture for God. "When divine grace hath . . . employed then

on the side of God and religion, it is like seizing the cannon of the

enemy from their old batteries ... to make war upon the devil and »n

his army.

Watts's purpose was to utilize the passions on the side of religion.

"Reason and religion, " he said, "teach us to regulate runA govern our pas-

sions wisely, but not to erase and abolish them. "39 While he admitted that the passions were incapable of performing reason's office of judgment, he contended they were invaluable in promoting the decisions of the mind and will. After reason had chosen the good and true, the passions aroused man to action. The passions, "those lively, warm, and vigorous principles and powers in our nature, " were the dynamics neces-

sary "to pursue the good, and avoid the evil . . . with vastly greater speed and diligence" than reason could compel.**®

Viewed as Dynamic Forces

Proceeding upon this general philosophy. Watts analyzed the passions as dynamic human powers. He divided them into three ranks. 1*1 The first included admiration, love, and hatred; the second, the varieties of love and hatred in terms of their objects—esteem, contempt, delight.

^Watts, "Discourses on the Love of God, " Works, II, 66k. 39 ^ Ibld., p. 606. °Ibid. . p. 605.

^f. George Campbell, The Philosophy of Rhetoric (New York, 1850), p. 151. 192

dislike, etc.; the third, "other derivatives of love and hatred" in Up terms of their objects—desire, avoidance, hope, fear, and the like.

He believed all human passions could be classified under these three

heads.

As a theist Watts argued that "the design of our Creator in

working the passions into our original constitution, was for the service

,r^ both of our minds and our bodies. 3 Fear, for example, protects the body; admiration fixes the attention; sorrow softens the heart; joj

cheers the spirit; compassion aids the poor. Complicating the picture,

however, was the fact that the passions were influenced by natural con-

stitution, age, season of the year, health, employment, social state, music, contagion of emotion in others, physical environment, nationality.

If ) l and nervous disease.^

Becoming more specific. Watts listed certain characteristics of the passions. Ideas as well ae objects, he said, serve to arouse them.

The passions themselves fix or distract attention, deny or confirm judgment, and promote eloquence. Persons who follow the dictates of their passions usually judge stubbornly but seldom correctly, for they are

''blind and deaf to all circumstances and reasonings" but those which confirm their opinions. This danger was further increased, he asserted, by the power of aroused passions to "give a natural eloquence to those

Hfatts, 'Doctrine of the Passions, " Works, U, 582.

^3 Ibid . , p. 602.

^Ibid., p. 601 . • 193

who know not any rules of art. As a preacher. Watts was anxious to

lifi enlist these powers in the service of religion.

Viewed as Essential to Persuasion

When the speaker's design extended to persuasion. Watts considered the assistance of the passions as essential. Especially was this the case in preaching.

Rhetoric in General. In theory. Watts listed three steps in persuasion:

1. Conveying the sense of the speaker to the understanding of the hearers in the clearest and most intelligent manner, by the plainest expressions and the most lively and striking representations of it, so that the mind may be thoroughly convinced of the thing proposed. 2. Bsrsuading the will effectually to choose or refuse the thing suggested and represented. 3* Raising the passions in the most vivid and forcible manner, so as to set all the soul and every power of nature at work to pursue or avoid the thing in debate.

In actual practice, such a proper order was, he confessed, not always followed. Most hearers were "influenced and strongly drawn . . . JiA by their own sinful appetites and passions. ir~ To assist in restoring the primacy of reason. Watts devoted an entire section in his Logick kg to "Of Judgment and Proposition. Be warned repeatedly that since

45 Ibid., pp. 589-605.

*^Wtts, "A Guide to Prayer, " Works, III, 142.

^Watts, "The Improvement of the Mind, " Works, V, 312. 43 Ibid. , p. 313.

^Watts, "Logick, " Works, V, 73-137* "

194

the passions were not only unreliable Judges but positive causes of

error, both bearer and speaker should be careful to evaluate emotional

responses. "Passion, he asserted, "confines our thoughts only to one

side of the question. The task of the mind, however, was to Judge

aright-- "Consider with an impartial view, all the properties and cir-

cumstances of any object, and attend to all the reasonings that belong

to it, both on one side and on the other.

Because of this tendency of the passions to bias one's view of a

matter. Watts feared the influence of these powers. In courts of Justice

he would exclude all appeals to the passions and limit pleas to reason

alone. On the other hand, as we have already said, he asserted that

human passions were divinely designed for the betterment of life. What was required was their obedience to reason. When so controlled "these vehement powers of nature" eased difficulties, relieved fatigue, rendered

conduct useful, brightened virtue, and tended to promote happy personal 52 relationships.

Preaching in Particular. In the work of preaching in particular, the use of the passions was vindicated. Watts believed, by divine example.

He referred to the messages of the prophets and the apostles. These not only revealed truth beyond the discovery of reason, but also, in order to effect persuasion, "warmly and powerfully" appealed "to the affectionate principles within us. "^3 watts Justified such appeals on the

5°Watts, "Doctrine of the Passions, " Works. II, 605.

52 53 Ibid. . pp. 579-580. Ibid., p. 671. 195

basis of man's need. He declared that God knows our nature and "the design and use" of the passions.^ Therefore, as God caused the Bible preachers to appeal to the passions, so also should gospel preachers make the same appeal. Watts cited not only the prophets but Christ himself as an example of the use of emotional appeals, and exclaimed,

"Happy preachers, who approach this divine pattern! " He asked concerning these scriptural examples, "Is it not all with a design to strike the soul of man in its most passionate powers, and spread vital religion through the inmost recesses of the heart

Appeal to the passions was also vindicated, he thought, by the relationship between preacher and hearer. Both were sinners, capable of a common salvation and service. To a simple meeting of minds must be added a meeting of hearts in the gospel experience. Watts considered a preacher as, first of all, a man. Thus he bad experienced sin as a man and grace as a Christian. From the storehouse of his own experience he could appeal to his hearers. "How well, " he exclaimed, "is such a teacher suited to set the terrors of hell, the evil of sin, and the riches of divine grace, in Christ Jesus, before the eyes of sinful men, who have the same natural passions with himself.

On the negative side. Watts emphasized that the passions were not fit Judges of truth or virtue. "The passions were made to be servants to reason, to be governed by the Judgment and to be influenced by truth}

But they were never given us to decide controversies, and to determine

55 56 ^Ibid. Ibid., p. 672. Ibid. . p. 673* 196

Again, the arousal of the passions was not to be viewed as an end in itself. The passions were "not merely for the sensible pleasure of human nature, but to give it vigor and power for useful actions. "5®

For these reasons Watts declared, "As it is the business of a preacher to assist in the devout passions, so It is part of his work to guard his hearers against the abuse of them.

One final principle involving both positive and negative elements was clearly stated by Watts. "The preacher should be an example to the hearers, and then he preaches with most power and success. On the principle that tears beget tears, he challenged his fellow preachers to awaken themselves in order to awaken others:

How careless and indolent is a whole assembly, when the preacher appears like a lifeless engine, pronouncing words of law or grace! When he speaks of divine things in such a dry, in such a cold and formal manner, as though they had no influence on his own heart! When the words freeze upon his lips, the hearts of hearers are freezing also: But where we find devout affection mingled with solid argument in the discourse, there the lips of the preacher seem to speak light and life at once, and he helps to communicate the holy passion all around him, by feeling it first himself. ^1

In addition to the admonition to appeal to reason first and the passions second. Watts repeatedly applied the following principles as practical directives concerning persuasion. First, gospel preachers

should "read the writings of the holy prophets . . • and make them

57 g8 59 Ibid., p. 678. Ibid.. p. 684. Ibid. , p. 688.

60 6l Ibid., pp. 673-674. Ibid . , pp. 671-674. 197

1,62 their pattern. The prophets preached "the boundless mercies of Goa

... in all the pathetic language of tenderness, as though he were

made of flesh and blood as we are. Second, gospel preachers sh

fill their sermons with word pictures. "When you would describe any

. . . virtues of life, set yourself to display the beauties and excel-

lencies of than, In their own agreeable and lovely forms and colours.

Third, gospel preachers should arouse themselves so as to arouse others.

"0 let us stir up our hearts . . . and strive mightily in prayer and preaching to revive the work of God. Persuasion is impossible with-

out personal earnestness. Fourth, gospel preachers should use all of the methods afforded by speech and language in order to arouse their listeners.

Factors in Persuasive Preaching

In addition to describing the general offices of reason and passion in persuasion. Watts considered other more specific factors relating to persuasive discourse. Among these two were of especial importance to the preacher: prejudice and the force of personality.

The Hindrance of Prejudice

By prejudice Watts referred to "some particular opinion [that] has possessed the mind, and engaged the assent, without sufficient

^Ibid., pp. 673-674. 63Ibid. 64 Watts, "An amble Attempt, ” Works, III, 24. 65 Ibid . , p. 38. 198

1,66 search or evidence of the truth of it. Declaring that prejudices

are many and varied, he sought to discover these springs of error” »nd

to protect the mind from them. His analysis divided prejudices into

those arising from "things, " from words, from ourselves, ana from other

persons.

"Things” produce prejudices by obscurity, false appearances, 67 mixed qualities, varied views, and casual associations. Words when

used singly produce prejudices by indefiniteness and equivocation; and

when used in composition, by stylistic characteristics and humnn de-

pravities. Other people produce prejudices in us by faulty education,

demands of fashion, veneration of authority, and reaction to the manner

of presentation.

To persuade men who are prejudiced required, Watts believed,

reason, motivation, and the arousal of the passions. 06 Uni-level

pleaching directed to only one hiaoan power was inadequate to overcome

the pervasive and penetrating prejudices of man. Effectiveness required preaching directed to all levels of human nature.

The Force of Personality

An important factor in combatting prejudice and in the whole work of persuasion was the preacher's personality and character. Watts challenged the preacher to be aware of the ethical power of his own life as

^Watts, "Logick, Works, V, 95. 67 Ibid. , pp. 95-98. 66 Watts, "The Improvement of the Mind," Works, V, 313 . 199

an Influence on the decisions of others. To him, the preacher was first a man of God and only secondly a voice. Because his ethos was organically related to the reception of his message. Watts contended that the preacher must pattern in Ms own person what he proposed for his people.

Thus the personal religion of the preacher was essential to the effectiveness of his preaching. Watts cautioned, "Take heed to your own personal religion, especially to the work of God in your own heart, as absolutely necessary to the right discharge of the ministerial work.

Not only would such personal faith uphold the pastor and fulfill his duty; it also was a practical aid in preaching. Watts wrote:

You will speak with more divine compassion to wretched and perishing mortals; with more life and power to stupid sinners; with more sweetness and comfort to awakened consciences, and with more awful language and influence to backsliding Christians. You will hereby learn to preach more powerfully in all respects for the salvation of men, and talk more feel- ingly on every sacred subject, when the power, and sense, and

life of godliness are kept up in your own spirit. . . . You may then at proper seasons convince, direct, and comfort others by the same words of light and power, of precept and promise, of Joy and hope, which have convinced, directed and comforted you; a word coming from the heart will sooner reach the heart. TO

To this end. Watts advocated temperance, holiness, benevolence, kindness, gravity, manliness, meekness, self-control, compassion, and vigilance in conduct. To be an effective preacher, he urged, "Take heed to your whole conversation in the world; let that be managed not only as becomes a professor of Christianity, but as becomes a minister

6q ^Watts, "An Bumble Attempt, " Works. Ill, 5. 7 °Ibid . . p. 8. 200

71 of the gospel of Christ. ” In another passage he said, "It behoves us well to remen&er, that a blemish upon the name of a minister, arising from his own criminal conduct, brings a foul and lasting scandal upon the office itself, and upon the gospel of our glorified Lord, in whose 72 name we act: And he will not fail to resent it. As an example of this personal persuasive power, he wrote of the great preacher, John

Howe, "I feel th* attractive force of thy superior soul. in sum, the preacher himself was his own greatest persuasive.

Conclusion

It is evident that Watts held a well defined doctrine of the nature and use of logical, emotional, and ethical appeals in effective gospel preaching.

The primary appeal must be directed to the reason which, in his theory, was the distinctive mark of man. Watts agreed with the poor girl who said, "Ity soul is my think, " or as he explained, "whereby it 74 is plain she meant her power of thinking. " To Watts, this faculty was man* s only reliable Judge. Aided by training and by the guidance of revelation, reason enabled man to apprehend truth and goodness.

The second appeal in persuasion must be made to the passions.

In advancing this view Watts expressed a commonly held doctrine. Some decades later James Burgh epitomized the necessity of emotional appeal

71 72 Ibld. . p. 31. Ibld. . p. 38. 73 Watts, ’‘Horae Iyricae, " Works, IV, 467.

^Hfatts, "Philosophical Essays," Works, V, 525. 201

in these words.

Weak is the hold, which reason has on most men. Few of mankind have able heads. All have hearts; and »n hearts may be touched, if the speaker is master of his ait. The business is not so much, to open the understanding, as to vaim the heart . There are few, who do not know their duty]! To allure them to the doing of it is the difficulty. Nor is this to be effected by cold reasoning. 75

So that the preacher might effectively utilize the passions.

Watts defined and classified than, and, on this basis, related them to the voxft of preaching. The reason for this methodology, which was also followed by Burgh, is explained by John Walker, who declared, "A passion well described, disposes us to the feeling of it, and greatly assists us in expressing it with force and propriety; this shows the necessity of a good description of the passions and how much the art of speaking depends on it.

Clearly, Watts approved the use of emotional appeals in preaching.

To him, a personally aroused preacher, using every appeal to the passions, was but a proper imitation of Scriptural examples. To ignore the passions was to fail in the purpose of preaching.

75 James Burgh, The Art of Speaking (Danbury, Conn. , 1795), p. 53 .

John Walker, Elements of Elocution (Boston. 1810), pp. 311-312. CHAPTER DC

ISAAC WATTS: DISSENTER PREACHER

Introduction

Having given an exposition of Watts* s homiletics, we shall now

investigate his preaching practice. Sermons which Watts published furnish abundant research materials. Contemporary comments, though not plentiful, are adequate. Judgments by later writers afford additional evaluations. The doctrines of invention, arrangement, delivery, and style set forth in Watts’s own homiletical theory provide further insights into his sermon procedures.

Watts* s Sermon Material

To understand Watts's sermon material one must clarify the doctrinal position he presented and define the subjects he discussed, as well as analyze the ideas contained in his pulpit discourses.

Doctrinal Position

It has already been pointed out that Watts was a Calvinist.

Davis declares, however, that Watts ”was not one of the more rigid Cal-

1 vinists. " In addition to softening predestination, neither Watts's emphasis on reason and natural religion nor his warm evangelicalism was

1 Davis, Watts , p. 163.

202 203

2 characteristically Calvinist. The theological position of his sermons may, nevertheless, be clearly defined. Negatively, he repudiated the 3 basic tenets of the historic heresies. Affirmatively, he expressed the orthodox position in terms of seven major doctrines.

1. By the fall of the first man, he, together with his posterity, lost their innocence and their immorality, their bodies were subjected to diseases and death, their natural inclinations were perverted from that which is good, and there was a strange prevailing bias in human nature, even from its infancy, to that which is evil. 2. In order to their recovery from this ruin, there is not only a necessity of the pardon of their sins, and reconcilia- tion of their persons to God, but there is need also that their sinful natures be healed, and renewed by sanctifying grace, in order to restore men to virtue and piety, that is, to the love of God and their fellow-creatures. 3. The Son of God, who, in the language of scripture, is one with the Father, came down from heaven to take flesh, and therein to fulfil the duties of the law, and give an example of perfect holiness: And then he was appointed to suffer death as a sacrifice and atonement for the sins of men, that mankind might thereby obtain pardon and the favour of God. 4. There is a necessity also, that sinners should heartily repent of their sins, return to God, and be renewed to the principles and temper of holiness, in order to their complete recovery to eternal life and happiness. 5. Besides this repentance and returning to God, it is also required that they believe in the name of Jesus Christ, their Saviour, or trust in him, with a humble expectation of the favour of God, through him: And, it is through this faith, they are to be justified and accepted of God. 6. They are also obliged to obey the law of God, as far as this feeble and imperfect state admits of, during their whole life, and still to grow up towards perfection therein. 7* When such persons die, their souls are conveyed to a state of peace and rest, in the presence of God, till the great day of the resurrection, when their bodies shall rise

p See Cornelius Van Til, "Calvinism, " Twentieth Century Encyclo- pedia of Religious Knowledge (2 vols.j Grand Rapids, Mich., 1955), I, 199.

\atts, "The Rational Foundation," Works, V, 751-752. 20k

again from the dead, and the whole person, body and soul, be made happy for ever, in the favour and presence of God their Maker. ^

As is apparent from this summary of his concept of orthodoxy,

Watts's chief interest lay in the doctrines concerning individual salvation.

Sermon Subjects

Within this framework of belief Watts's sermon subjects were chosen. Generally speaking, they were the usual ones. He preached on the meaning and obligation of the Lord's Day, baptism, diligence in spiritual work, privileges of Christian fellowship, the virtues, the meaning of the atonement, the mysteries of the Trinity, the advantages of the gospel dispensation, the excellencies of the person of Christ, and the world to come.

Despite this general conformity to the usual gospel pattern, certain special emphases in Watts's sermons deserve notice. Chief among these was his concern with the "inward witness. " Strcmberg speaks only a half truth when he declares that "Doddridge and Watts were fine neo- classical gentlemen and scholars, pious but restrained, abhoring enthusiasm. While Watts feared the "enthusiasm" that rejected the Bible as authority, he feared more the formal Christianity that had no personal experience as a basis. Watts's sermons emphasized that historic

h Watts, "Orthodoxy and Charity, " Works, HI, 577-578.

5 Roland N. Stromberg, Religious Liberalism in Eighteenth-Century

England, p. 85 . r ,

205

Christianity must renew its life in the personal experience of the

individual.

Another of Watts* s favorite subjects was the state of the soul

after death. This was a familiar Puritan theme, made even better known

by Baxter’s The Saint* s Everlasting Rest (l6h9). In his sermons Watts

shunned any attempt at an organized system of prophecy. He sought only

to comfort the saved by presenting the glories of the resurrection and

to warn the lost by considering the sorrows of those without Christ.

About the Trinity also Watts spoke frequently. Considerable con-

troversy arose from his highly speculative reasoning about the Person of 6 the Holy Spirit. Some accused him of holding an unorthodox position;

others defended him. Much later the Presbyterian theologian, Charles

Hodge, testified to Watts's basic conformity on the doctrine of the Holy

Spirit, but saw objection to 'his peculiar views on the person of Christ. "7

In this same criticism John Wesley was even more pronounced, for he wrote

Joseph Benson:

Some years since, I read about fifty pages of Dr. Watts's ingenious treatise upon the glorified humanity of Christ. But it so confounded my intellect, and plunged me into such unprofitable reasonings, yea dangerous even, that I would not have read it through for five hundred pounds. It lead him into Arianism.

Granting full sincerity to these accusations, they must be weighed in the

*%avis. Watts, pp. 109-126 passim . — Charles Hodge, Systematic Theology (2 vols.; New York, 1876), II, 423-^26 .

letter to Joseph Benson, Bristol, Sept. 17, 1788, from the Rev. John Wesley, letters of the Rev. John Wesley, A. M. ed. John Telford (8 vols.; London, 1931 ), VIII, 89-90. "

206

light of Watts’s affirmation of faith: "That the Father, Son, and Spirit 9 are three Persons and one God.

General Character

In general, Watts’s sermons possess three distinct characteristics.

First, although Watts founded his practical admonitions on Bible

doctrines, his goal was not Bible knowledge but the ingplanting of Chris-

tian character and conduct. For example, after a doctrinal foundation

laid in the atonement and fortified by reasons for the belief, he progressed to this practical exhortation:

We should use this atonement of Christ as a divine guard against temptation and sin: I Pet. i. 15, 18, 19. As he which hath called you holy, so be ye holy in all man^r of conversation—for ye are redeemed with the precious blood of

Christ, as of a Lamb without blemish and without spot . Reflection. —And has this soul of mine, which was in slavery to sin and the power of Satan, been redeemed by the death of the son of God? And shall I run back to my old slavery, and give myself 15) again to the reign and tyranny of sin? Has this guilty and polluted soul been washed in so precious a layer as the blood of the Son of God? And shall I defile myself again? Shall I return with the dog to vcrait, or with the swine that was washed to her wallowing in the mire; 2 Pet. ii. 22. It was sin that cost my Redeemer so dear, that cost him agonies and death: And God forbid! How shall I that am dead to sin, by my interest in a dying Saviour, live any longer therein? Rom. vi. 2. It is a scandal and reproach to this blessed doctrine of atonement, if I should ever dare to give a loose to my iniquities, while I profess faith in the blood of Christ. Grant, 0 Jesus, that 10 I may never turn this adorable grace of thine into wantonness.

In the series of sermons from which we have just quoted, he said,

'This glorious doctrine of the propitiation of Christ has been explained

^Watts, "The Christian Doctrine of the Trinity, " Works, VI, 284. 10 Watts, "Sermons, ” Works, I, 388-389. "

207

, ' 11 and proved. ... It remains that we show the proper uses of it. Then

Watts asserted his dominant purpose: "As my chief design is to promote practical godliness, I shall content myself with mentioning two doctrinal inferences, and all the rest shall more immediately direct our |p practice." Here was an example of Watts’s method—the historic 13 Puritan procedure of doctrine, reason, and use.

Second, Watts's sermons were characteristically evangelical rather than moralistic. He claimed that experience, observation, and study had led him "to favor and practice the more evangelical method of preaching. l4 ..." Garvle feels, however, that while Watts had caught "the glow of the Evangelical Revival,” he represented "the quiet and sober [style of] „15 evangelicalism.

Third, Watts's sermons, Judged by modern standards, were heavy and long. Aware of their length, he divided them into two sections when editing them for publication. 1^ Admitting that "the style and analysis alike are somewhat labored and heavy, " Dargan, nevertheless, 17 claims that Watts's sermons "are clear, readable, and instructive." U Ibid. , p. 384. ^Ibld.

•^see Everett H. Eaerson, "John Udall and the Puritan Sermon, Quarterly Journal of Speech, XUV (October, 1958), 282-284.

^atts, "Orthodoxy and Charity United, " Works , III, 612. 1 ^Garvie, The Christian Preacher, p. 166. l6 Watts, "Sermons, " Works, I, 29, 42, 56, ?6.

-^Dargan, History of Preaching, II, 330. "

208

Specific Character

Passing now to a more specific level, it may be said that Watts's

sermons were characterized by careful organization, purposeful style, extemporaneous delivery, and moving persuasive appeals.

Organization. Watts's sermons were plainly divided. Not only was

each division numbered, but its relationship to the development of the sermon as a whole was usually stated. Thus he differentiated among a

"proposition, ” a "remark, " a "reason, " an "inference, " an "instruction, a "reflection, " a "question, " an "answer, " and an "application. " The number of divisions was small. Seldom did Watts use more than four propositions. These were simply and clearly stated.

The major divisions of Watts's sermons are easily discerned. His introductions were characteristically short, direct, and contextual.

Though enslaved to no rigid plan of development, the body of his messages usually reflected the classical pattern of proposition, division, narration, proof, refutation, and conclusion. His perorations were often hortative appeals. They were suitable in length, and were uniformly challenging. Many of his sermons were concluded with a hymn which he himself wrote to summarize the teaching of the sermon. For example, after the sermon "The Scale of Blessedness, " he presented this hymn.

THE SCALE OF BLESSEDNESS

X Ascend, my soul, by just degrees. Let contemplation rove O'er all the rising ranks of bliss. Here, and in worlds above. 209

II Blest is the nation near to God Where he makes known his ways: Blest are the men whose feet have trod His lower courts of grace. HI Blest were the levite and the Priest Who near his altar stood; Blest sure the saints from sin releas'd. And reconcil'd with blood. IV Blest sure the souls dismiss'd from clay. Before his face they stand: Blest angels in their bright array. Attend his great command. V Jesus is more divinely blest. Where man to godhead join'd Hath joys transcending all the rest. More noble and refin'd. VI Bit, 0 what words or thoughts can trace The blessed Three in One! Here rest my spirit, and confess The infinite unknown. 1*5

Style . Watts's sermon style varied with his purpose. When instructing his hearers, it was plain and factual. When exhorting, it be-

came intense, figurative , and emotional. Davis quotes from the Monthly

Review this contemporary criticism of Watts's sermon style:

The doctor's early relish for poetry, and long acquaintance with the muses, may probably have occasioned such a florid diction, such a diffusive and pathetic style, as some critics of a severer turn of thought may be ready to object to, as not so properly adapted to theological discourses, whether popular or polemical.

But Davis defends Watts as only "putting into practise his advice to

^Afatts, "Sermons," Works, I, lte.

1 ?Davis, Watts, p. 166 . " "

210

ministers to be experimental, warn, and affectionate. ,,2° Declaring that

Watts "was trying to save souls and not to please Neo-classic critics,

he asserts that "literary decorum had to be sacrificed to the larger

.,21 purpose.

In his choice of words. Watts adhered to the language of the com-

mon people. At no time, however, did he descend to the vulgar. Els

taste was always in keeping with his material and purpose.

As a rule. Watts employed short sentences. All his sentences, how-

ever, were organized for clarity of meaning, and the few long sentences

which he did write must be judged in the light of his concept of punctu- pp ation. Watts punctuated not only to clarify the meaning, but also to

. 23 direct the timing of the voice. For a comma, he said, one should

"tell two"; for a semicolon, three; for a colon, "a little longer"; for

a period, interrogation, or exclamation mark, "tell five or six, if the

24- sentence be long or . . . four, if it be short.

Watts's use of figures was to gain power rather than adornment. A

favorite device was the rhetorical question. He sought in his hortative

20Ibld. 21Ibld. 22 Watts, "Art of Reading," Works, IV, 695. In this connection. Watts declared that what we generally term as punctuation marks "may be distinguished into three sorts, and called stops of the voice, notes of affection, and marks in reading . " The stops included the consna, semicolon, colon, and period. All except the colon were used by him in the conventional way. Concerning the colon. Watts declared, "A colon divides between two or more sentences that belong in the same sense, and have any proper connection with one another ...” On this basis, many sentences which appear long to the modern reader were actually separated by Watts with a colon instead of a period. 23 2 Ibid. ^Ibid. 211

passages to arouse the emotions by drawing vivid word pictures. Stylis-

tic devices, however, were always interlocked with evangelical purposes,

and never bordered on display.

Gibbons states of Watts's sermon style that "no pomp of language

smother'd [sic] half his sense”; and again "that there was propriety,

t 2 > ease, and beauty in his language.” In accounting for these qualities

Gibbons explains that Watts had once told him that "he took pains with

himself in younger life to shorten his sentences, and prevent a diffu-

sion of luxury and style. Miner admits that in Watts's younger years

"his style was too diffused and luxuriant, " but asserts that care and age 27 conquered this tendency. Wilson declares of Watts, "The perspicuity

and elegance of his expression, and the richness of his imagination, en-

liven the most common subjects, and add luster to the most interesting. "28

Newton ranks Watts with Witherspoon as a model for improving sermonic

style. ^9

Delivery . How Watts delivered his sermons must be determined al-

most entirely from the comments of his biographers. All are compli- mentary. Gibbons speaks of Watts's zeal and sincerity. Poetically he

describes Watts's preaching thus:

^Gibbons, Watts, pp. 206, 1U3.

^Ibid., p. 144.

^Milner, Watts, p. 709.

^Wilson, History and Antiquities of Dissenter Churches, I, 304.

^Newton, Works, V, p. ^ '

212

But all was weighty, amiable, sublime Solemn, devout, as angels once were heard When they, descending from their throne above. Revealed to men the councils of the sky. 30

Watts, he continues, preached from brief notes, with little physical 31 action and with a solemn but pleasant attitude. Gibbons further ap-

proves Dr. Jennings* comments that Watts was witty and eloquent, that

he spoke with deep emotion, and inspired reverent attention. He details

Watts *s habit of pausing at the close of a sentence, his unhurried manner,

and his complete self possession.

Miner declares Watts's enunciation was distinct, accurate, and

easy, so that the total effect was pleasing and impressive. ^ Milner

also refers to Watts's poise and Ms complete control over himself and his 3^ language. He repeats a frequently quoted statement, "»I once,' says Dr. Johnson, 'mentioned the reputation which Mr. Foster had gained by his proper delivery to his friend Dr. Hawkesworth, who told me that in the art of pronunciation he was far inferior to Dr. Watts.

Southey declares that Watts's sermons "had all the advantages that could be given them by an impressive elocution, and a manner of delivery which, with curious felicity, seems to have been at the same time elaborately studied yet earnestly sincere.

3°Gibbons, Watts, p. 206.

31 Ibid. p. llt-3. , ^Ibid . , p. 11&. 33 Milner, Watts, p. 708.

3 35 W, p. 709. Ibid., p. 708.

^Southey, watts, p. xxxfcx. 213

Skeats and Miall conclude that Watts "had, probably, the best elo-

cusion of any preacher of his generation. They also specify that 38 his delivery vas extempore.

Perhaps the best indication of the excellence and power of Watts's

delivery, however, was the spectacular growth of his congregation after

its decline under the pastorate of Chauncy.

Persuasive Appeals . To persuade his hearers Watts used authori-

ties, reasoning, emotion, motivation, and personal appeal. In preaching

he felt the ’'necessity not only of a clear and faithful representation

of things to men, in order to convince their reason and judgment, but

of all the skill and force of persuasion addressed to the will and the passions.

So far as authorities are concerned, while Watts seldom quoted from secular writings, his references to the Bible were numerous. For

example, in twelve sermons he made only one direct quotation from non-

Biblical sources—a testimony left by the "late venerable Mr. John

Howe. In one of these sermons, however, he quoted the Bible fifty- three times—forty-six references coming from the New Testament and seven from the Old. ^

37 Skeats and Miall, History of Free Churches of England, p. 204.

^Ibid. , pp. 204-205.

^Watts, "The Improvement of the Mind, " Works, V, 313.

**°Watts, "Evangelical Discourses, " Works, I, 714. 41 Ibid . , pp. 634-641 214

Reasoning was a strong and constant element in Watts ' s sermons.

Generally his arguments were short, simple, and immediately apparent.

Only when appealing to the learned did he indulge in long and involved

chains of thought. For example, when justifying the action of God in

sending salvation to the Jews first. Watts gave four reasons: (l) the

Jews were the chosen people; (2) the Jews had the Old Testament to guide

their understanding; ( 3 ) Christ was a Jew by birth; (4) the Jews had 42 the first claim by prophecy. Each argument was simply stated and

plainly developed.

Non-logical motivation was an equally powerful force in Watts's

persuasive appeal. In his sermon entitled "To Encourage the Reforma-

tion of Manners, " in a single passage he appealed to parental love,

self-interest, fear of natural catastrophe, national pride, and danger

of death and decay. ^3

^Watts, "Sermons, " Works , I, 592. 43 "What will you say, fathers, when you see your young heirs, now grown up to the size of your hopes and wishes, seized and drawn away to execution and the gibbet, for crimes which you never took care to sup- press in other men? Mothers, what will ye say—but I must forbear to address the tender sex in such accents of prophetic sorrow; to present your eyes with such prospects as these would touch your passions too sensibly; it would make the wound in your souls too deep, and melt you into tears; let a glimpse of such mournful scenes excite you to contribute something towards the general reformation. Ye vealthy citizens, the time may come when you shall be scarce secure in your dwellings, but be robbed of your treasures by nightly villains that will satisfy their lusts by rapine, and make provision for their flesh by plunder and violence; You will confess the judgment of God is just in it, though the sin of man be great; for that you never gave one penny to carry on the wars of the lord with Amalek. The Amalekites have now fallen upon you, and rifled you of many a pound. "Fearful judgments from God will ensue; For the wrath of God will be revealed from heaven, sooner or later, against all ungodliness 215

An excellent example of Watts’s use of ethos may be seen in the

strong appeal made in the funeral sermon for Sir John Hartopp^ de-

scribed in Chapter II.

Us Sermon Methods

Knowledge about the methods used by Watts in the preparation of his sermons may be gained both from his own remarks and from a study of his sermons themselves. In general, he adhered to five basic principles: take ample time, seek the aid of prayer, make plentiful study, compose carefully, and preserve extempore freedom.

and unrighteousness of men; Rom. i. 18. Fire and brimstone may come down upon an island as well as upon the cities of the plain; other coun- tries are capable of burning eruptions besides Naples and Sicily, and the dominions of antichrist; with the breath of his mouth the Lord can raise an earthquake that stall sink Great Britain into the sea, and it shall be found no more. Perhaps God may be now, as it were, arguing the case as with Ephraim and with Israel of old; Hbs. xi. 8. How shall I give thee up, London? How shall I deliver thee, Westminster?

He can let France in upon us like a flood, and Lewis HV. will be as zealous a servant of the Lord in such work, as Nebuchadnezzar was when God sent him to punish Jerusalem and the nations; Jer. xxv. 9. When the French dragoons insult us, and our necks are put under the feet of our enemies, we may then, perhaps, remember and repent that we did not arise for the Lord against evil-doers, and tread down the enemies of his holiness. "Or, if the thunders of God lie still for a season, and his lightenings be not kindled; if plagues, and famines, and foreign armies, be restrained from our coasts, and peace and plenty dwell in our borders; God has judgments of a severer kind to inflict upon us, though they are more silent, and less affect our senses. He can consign us over to the power of Satan, to our beloved lethargy and spiritual death: He can suffer the devil to sear our consciences, and to inspire us from hell to work all uncleanness with greediness; Eph. iv. 19."

Lh Watts, "World to Come, " Works. II, 7^76.

^•Wfcts, "An Humble Attempt, " Works, III, 28. ^

216

Ample Time

Every facet of Watts's temperament pointed to a scheduled life.

The importance with which he viewed preaching made him advise others:

Be not slothful or negligent in your weekly preparation for the pulpit: Take due time for it: Begin so early in the week that you may have time enough before you to finish your preparations well; and always allow for accidental oc- currences, either from indisposition of body, from inter- ruptions by company, from unforeseen business or trouble, & c. that you make haste at the end of the week, and serving God and the souls of men with poor, cold, and careless performances.

Saturday evening, or at least Sunday morning, he considered as necessary for correction and review.

Prayer Guidance

Watts considered prayer to be of primary importance as an aid to sermon preparation. To him, the Holy Spirit was not only the Christian minister's supreme teacher but also the donor of sermons of peculiar power. ^ He stressed, therefore, as "one great and general rule " that the minister "ask advice of Heaven by prayer about every part of [his] preparatory studies. ,rHO While "prayers for aids and counsels from

heaven belong to every part of [the minister' s ] work, ” in sermon composition their role was more specific.

Seek the direction and assistance of the Spirit of God, for inclining your thoughts to proper subjects, for guiding you to proper scriptures, and framing your whole

k6 Ibid.

^Watts, "A Guide to Prayer," Works, III, 195.

i|0 Watts, "An Humble Attempt, " Works, HI, 11 . 217

sermon both as to the matter and manner, that it may attain the divine and sacred ends proposed. ^9

Preaching, to Watts, was founded upon purpose and was aimed at the winning of a pre- determined response. The preacher's goal was not

“to work up a sheet, or to hold out an hour. " His "great end" was “to say something for the honour of God, for the glory of Christ, for the

salvation of . the souls of men " In line with this general purpose, his more specific end might be conviction or comfort, conversion or sancti- fication, inspiration or instruction; but, at least, there must be a definite formative end in view. Both in the discovery of this purpose and in the composition upon which its accomplishment depended. Watts sought divine direction and guidance.

Thorough Study

The first step in Watts's own process of sermon preparation was his choice of a text. In addition to prayer guidance, he considered two other factors as decisive in this choice: the character of the hearers, and the purpose of the preacher.

In choosing your texts, or themes of discourse, seek such as are most suited to do good to souls, according to the present wants, dangers, and circumstances of the people; whether for the instruction of the ignorant; for ohe conviction of the stupid and senseless; for the melting and softening of the obstinate; for the conversion of the wicked; for the edification of converts; for the comfort of the timorous and mournful; for gentle admonition of backsliders, or more severe reproof. 50

A study of Watts's choice of texts reveals a strong preference for " "

21B

the New Testament. Out of fifty-five sermons, only eight used Old

Testament texts. Of the rest, only three were from the Gospels; the

remainder from the Epistles. None of the texts was longer than three

verses. The great majority were no more than a single verse; some only

a portion of a verse. All were chosen so that the subject of the sermon

was epitomized. For example, the text for the sermon entitled "The In-

ward Witness to Christianity, " was "He that believeth on the Son of God, 51 hath the witness in himself. The text for the sermon entitled "The

Privilege of the Living Above the Dead, " was simply, "Whether life or

death—all are yours.

As prayer and study joined in the choice of the text, so study

and prayer were held necessary to the proper development of the truths

to be expounded in the message. By this emphasis Watts did not deny

the possibility of extraordinary assistance from the Holy Spirit.

Bather he sought to emphasize that God "bestows upon us our natural

capacities" and "blesses our diligence in reading, hearing, meditation,

and study. " Whether in praying or preaching, he believed, the Holy

Spirit "concurs in an ordinary way to the exercise of our natural and

acquired faculties of knowledge, memory, vivacity of spirit, readiness 2 of speech, and holy confidence . "^

51 I John 5: 10.

52watts, "A Guide to Prayer, " Works. HI, 172-l8l. To illustrate Watts's thoroughness of study, in the sermon entitled "Nearness to God the Felicity of Creatures, " he used twenty-four direct Scriptural references, plus a great number of partial quotations and allusions. In no case was the quotation either forced or inappropriate. Fourteen of these were taken from the Old Testament, and included the books of law, history, poetry, and prophecy. —

219

Furthermore, Watts considered that a principal function of study was to "cocjpare the various ideas which we derive from our senses, or from the operations of our souls, and join them in propositions. "53

Clarity of proposition characterized all of his discourses, as fullness of explication characterized all of his propositions. For example, in the sermon entitled "The Inward Witness to Christianity, " he formulated these propositions, which, in order to demonstrate his method, are here reproduced in his own words.

Eternal life consists in happiness and holiness; it is made up of these two, and there is such a necessary connection between them, that they run into one another; but, for order-sake, I shall distinguish them thus. The happiness of eternal life consists,

I. In the pardon of sin; thence arises peace of conscience . II. The happiness of eternal life consists also in the special favour of God, which is distinct from the pardon of sin.; III. The happiness of eternal life consists in the pleasure that arises from the regular operation of all our powers and passions.

Holiness may be described by these five necessary ingredients of it. 1. An aversion to, and hatred of all sin. 2. A contempt of the present world, in comparison of the future. 3. A delight in the worship and society of God. 4. Zeal and activity in his service. 5. A hearty love to fellow-creatures, and more especially to fellow saints. 5^

To explain the proposition that holiness is "an aversion to, and hatred of all sin, " he declared:

53 Watts, ''The Improvement of the Mind, " Works, V, 197*

•^Watts, "Sermons," Works, I, 5-12. 5

220

[1] Holiness consists in an aversion to, and hatred of all sin. This is complete in heaven, and without this, heaven cannot be complete. [2] Every Christian has an aversion to all sin: If he chooses some sins, to continue in them, and hates other iniquities, he can never be said to be a true believer in Christ, and to have the work of faith in sincerity wrought in his heart. [3] Other religions have professed an aversion to same sins, but indulged others. . . . But the business of the gospel of Christ is to keep men from committing any kind of sins whatsoever. [4] Other religions have changed one lust for another; but the religion of Christ forbids all manner of iniquity, and changes the whole nature into holiness. [5] Surely there is a spirit and power that accompanies the religion of our Lord Jesus, such as other religions know not; and this was manifest abundantly in the primitive Christians, when those wretches were converted, whose names were once writ-

ten in that black catalogue that the apostle speaks of, I Cor , vi. 9. when they, by the light of the gospel, were purified, were purged from their defilements, and were made new creatures.

To such expository passages as these, he added "observations" and

"reflections, " by which he attempted to apply the fruit of his thought

to the practical needs of his congregation.

Careful Form

This same practical spirit controlled the form in which Watts

cast his sermons. Neither ease nor elegance tempted him from three basic

considerations: the instruction of the mind, the conviction of the con-

science, and the persuasion of the heart. This three-part guide de- 56 termined his sermon form.

To instruct the mind Watts sought for carefully analyzed and well

5 Ibid., pp. 12-13.

Stotts, "An Humble Attempt, " Works, III, 11. "

221

stated definitions. The degree to which he achieved his goal may be

judged by his definition of "justice" in his sermon entitled "Christian

Morality.

That which belongs to magistrates is called distributive justice, because it divides and distributes such rewards and punishments as are due to every one, according to the merit or demerit of the person; and this is done either by the law and light of nature, or by the laws of the land in which we dwell.

I apply myself therefore immediately to consider that justice which belongs chiefly to private persons, and which is their duty to practise. This is called commutative justice. This is the equity of dealing, that mutual exchange of benefits, and rendering to every one their due, .which is necessary between man and man, in order to the common welfare of each other. 57

To convince the conscience. Watts related his sermons directly to the spiritual condition and needs of the hearers.

You have not so many vicious qualities to subdue as others, and yet have you suffered vice and unruly passions to prevail as much in your hearts? Have you been solicitous to adorn religion with this amiable character which God and nature has given you? Have you brought his offering to the service of the gospel? Have you maintained your candour and benevolence, your charity and goodness towards manki nri who converse with you? And have you made the profession of Christianity appear illustrious in your behaviour? Have you employed these good dispositions of nature to shine in the kingdom of grace, like diamonds polished and set in a ring of gold? There is abundant reason to expect you should do more honour to religion than others, who are blessed with a temper that so happily imitates virtue and holy love. But have you devoted this blessing merely to earthly friendships and shewn your compassion and kindness to the rest of the world, with a neglect and- disdain of the friends and servants og God? Reflect a little, my friends, for what end. did the God of nature confer all these blessings upon you! 58

•^Watts, "Sermons, " Works, I, 2h5.

n ^Watts, "An Humble Attempt, Works, III, 91. Watts's allusions to the lives and needs of his people were characteristically direct and, for the most part, as concrete as these examples*.

Are you careful to spend as much time as you can in the worship of God through Jesus Christ, and in the concerns of your eternal welfare, either in the closet and retirement, or with some pious companions? Or do you lavish away the evening in familiar forms of complaisance and ceremony, entertainment and diversion, without a word of God and religion, or recol- lecting the sermons of the day for your mutual increase of knowledge and grace?

Do we keep upon our tongues the language of piety, and at- tribute the prosperous or afflicting changes of life to God and providence, or only to good luck and misfortune? Is our communication such as may administer grace to the hearers, and maintain a savour of godliness upon all proper occasions? Do we banish entirely from our visits all loose and profane discourse, and the more notorious crime of scandal, and intro- duce in the roam of it the language of the children of God?

Can the seasons of family worship be well maintained, or can the master perform it with a clear head and a pious heart in the evening, if he indulged his amusements in public drinking houses till near eleven o'clock at night, or till the hour of midnight approaches ? Is not evening worship very often utterly neglected by this means?

Can you not name the dissenters who waste that time at a play- house, or a vain assembly of merriment, at a public gaming table, or a dancing room, that time, I say, which belongs to God or their families? Who spend those seasons in late visits and private balls, or at cards, whereby evening devotion is excluded utterly? Who can wear out whole hours in these foolish and perilous recreations, and complain they have no time for prayer? Can you point to no persons who are members of dissenting churches who entice their acquaintances to these vanities? Do you know no mothers who lead their little daughters thither, nor fathers who permit their sons to go without con- troul? [sic] And do they know, or will they not believe, that the road to lewdness and impiety, to ruin and beggary, lies through these scenes of dangerous diversion ?59 "

223

Thus did Watts labor to find a style capable of insuring the acceptance and retention of his ideas in the souls of his hearers.

Material from Inspiration

For at least two reasons we must believe that the mature Watts prepared his sermons in the expectation of receiving new thoughts at the time of their delivery. First, he recommended that the experienced pas- uw tor use notes rather than a completely written manuscript. Second, he

expressed the conviction that confinement to pre-vritten material shut

out the guidance of the Holy Spirit. He asked his fellow ministers:

Do we plead so earnestly for the liberty of prayer, and yet never give our spirits a liberty to express their present warm, lively, and affectionate thoughts, in minis- tering the gospel of Christ under the hopes of his assistance? Why must we never dare to add any thing to our premeditated notes in speaking to the people,, while we take this freedom in speaking to the blessed God?^1

From his own experience he added that "many a sentence that was never written has been delivered in our addresses to the people with glorious success; it has come more immediate and warm from the heart, and may have been blessed of God to save a soul.

A Typical Sermon

But such information about Watts's preaching, no matter how complete, gives only a lifeless and unsatisfying representation of his pulpit work. If we are to catch a glimpse of the actual nature of his

60 Watts, "A Guide to Prayer, " Works, HI, 19^*

^Watts, "An Bumble Attempt, " Works, III, 30. 224

ministry we roust attempt, on the basis of available information, to recreate a typical preaching experience of this pastor. This task let us now undertake.

Tire location of the Bury Street meeting house was obscure by choice but, like so much of London, famous in tradition. This out-of- the-way location had been chosen deliberately because of mob action against the dissenter chapels in earlier years. The fact that Bury

Street had been the early home of the church’s founder, the Reverend

Joseph Caryl, may also have influenced the choice. The original contract had been with Mr. Charles Great, who leased a part of his garden to the church for a period of fifty years. Upon this lot, forty feet wide by fifty feet deep, stood the substantial, square building, constructed about 1711 at a cost of 650,^3

Inside, the building was Puritan plain, but its seating was augmented by three balconies. All was quietly reverent and a spirit of expectancy hushed the waiting worshippers. It was obvious, too, that the church still included the very cream of London dissent. ^

As the hour of worship began, Dr. Watts was followed by the

Reverend Mr. Price into the Pulpit area. Both bowed in a moment of final dedicatory prayer.

The singing which opened the service was a new sound for a

62 Watts, "Memorable Affairs," in Hood, Watts; His Life and Writ- ings, unpaged. 0 -^Wilson, History and Antiquities of Dissenting Churches, I, 252. 6 4bid., I, 253. 225

Christian church. The psalms had been adapted by Watts himself to bear

a Christian message, and the hymns were written to be sung rather t.han

chanted. With a new opportunity to express heart and mind, the congre-

gation stood and sang with deep reverence and feeling. The sound filled

the building—a human organ lifting the melody and carrying the words

from heart to heart.

The morning prayer was led by Mr. Price. A touch of Welsh still

lingered upon his tongue and a touch from God upon his heart. For years

the burden of the church had been heaviest upon his shoulders, and his

compassionate heart now lifted the needs of the flock before the Great

Shepherd. All admitted him to be a useful preacher, but his eminence

in the gift of prayer exalted the assembly into the very presence of

God. He gave thanksgiving for Dr. Watts's presence, and was answered by a fervent Amen from each worshipper. ^5 His petitions were wise, 66 friendly, and practical. When he had finished there was a moment of

silence and deep reverence.

When Dr. Watts entered the pulpit, the depth of his spiritual power was felt even before his first sentence was uttered. He was mo- tionless while ids small grey eyes moved from face to face, kindly, but with deep earnestness. In this initial contact, love and confidence were communicated in unspoken eloquence between pastor and people. One felt Watts was waiting upon God, and the people with him. His physical

^Milner, Watts , p. 476.

Wilson, History and Antiquities of Dissenting Churches. I, 319. 226

weakness was strangly transmuted into spiritual strength. He had appeared emaciated; now he seemed only spare. One forgot his little more than five feet in height, and felt only his inner stature. There was a solid strength in the high cheek bones, the low forehead, the acquiline nose. Where he had seemed pale, now he appeared radiant. The spiritual power of prayer, love, and communion with God had bestowed upon him a vitality beyond the physical.

Having read Acts 2h: 18-19 for his text. Watts began his message with a brief but clearly stated contextual resume of the persecution which brought Paul before Agrippa. His voice was fine and slender—like the man himself—but regular, audible, and friendly. ^ The purpose of his message he set forth by three plainly marked observations:

I. Civil governors among the heathens, before they were taught to persecute the Christians, thought it strange to have matters of pure religion brought before them, where the state and the peace of it was not concerned. II. The resurrection of Jesus Christ from the dead is the grand question in our debates about Christianity, and which we are solicitous to maintain, in vindication of our religion. III. Paul would not have affirmed Jesus Christ, a dead man, to be alive, without very good proof of it; knowing that the whole religion which he taught the world depended on the truth of it. 6®

As Watts developed his first observation, it was obvious that his aim was to make himself understood, even by the children. His style was simple. He spoke clearly. He appealed to the reason with simple arguments. The principle on which he proceeded was almost axiomatic:

^Gibbons, Watts, p. 332.

^Watts, "Sermons, " Works, I, 620-621. ”

227

The great design of civil government, and the institu- tion of magistracy among men, is to keep the peace, to secure the persons and properties of mankind who were innocent, from all manner of injury; and there is nothing more of religion comes within their province, than is absolutely necessary to secure the public peace.

To substantiate his argument Watts appealed to nature and revela-

tion, to the classics and the Scriptures; and he concluded by recalling

"that the religion of Christ is not built on the wisdom or power of man,

nor doth it need such a support. " To this he added his confident belief

that Christianity's "own truth and excellence, and divine authority,

will make its own way into the world by the assistance of the blessed

Spirit, where human powers do not let it alone, and preserve it from

the unrighteous violence of its neighbors. The complete confidence

of his voice recalled Christ's promise that "the gates of hell shall

not prevail against it.

Watts's second division was clearly defined by a change in the

manner of his delivery and also by the statement of a new proposition.

"Second observation. " His voice was a call for attention. Then, with careful emphasis, he declared, "The resurrection of Jesus Christ

from the dead is the chief article, and the grand point, which private

Christians and ministers are solicitous to maintain in the vindication 71 of their religion. "

To guide his people into a fuller understanding of the implica-

tions of this proposition he presented two related reasons: first,

69 ' J Ibid . , p. 621 Ibld . ?I Ibid . , p. 624. 228

Christ's resurrection is the effective proof of Paul's divine coomis- sion; second, Christ's resurrection is the foundation of the Christian's hope. The first reason he established logically by Scriptural proofs of fulfilled prophecy and supernatural miracles. His second reason was sustained by an appeal, couched mainly in the words of the Bible, to the doctrine that all hope for redemption, present help, and future expec- tations depended on the truth of the resurrection.

While a sceptic might have rejected many a sentence as logically unsustained, the unfeigned sincerity of the preacher's every aspect exerted a force beyond logic. Watts '3 face was alight, his voice vibrant with feeling, his heart full of comfort for those who were bereaved by death. His soul filled with the certainty of eternal life and reunion as he cried, "0 happy souls! Who have given up themselves sincerely to this all-sufficient Saviour, and can apply these consolations to themselves. "72

Watts paused, and again his announced "Third Observation" was a challenge to attention. He looked with compassion and understanding Into the faces of his people, as he continued:

Paul would not have affirmed Jesus Christ, who was dead, to be alive again, without every good proof of it. —Here these two things are to be considered, or enquired: 1. Why Paul would not have affirmed it without just grounds. 2. What particular reasons Paul had to believe it; or what good proof he had of it. Enquiry the first. Why Paul would not have affirmed it without just grounds: These are some of

the considerations to make this evident, viz . 73

His argument vindicating the justice of Paul's affirmation was based entirely upon the life and character of the great apostle. While "

229

he mn/te five clearly marked divisions in his thought, he concluded vith a convincing summary:

Now put all these things together, and can it be supposed that any man, a wise, and ingenious and learned man, faithful and sincere, an enemy to Christianity, and of the name of Christ, should be so effectually convinced of the truth of the doctrine of Christ, and of the facts which support it, as to spend his life in preaching this gospel, and to die for it, if he had not abundant ground to believe it

Here, the preacher paused, and allowed the full implication of

Paul's faith to grip each mind before he continued, "And if Paul believed

. it with such evidence . . . " Again he paused before he concluded with great earnestness, then "we may venture to believe it too.

Watts's next word, "Secondly," presented a new facet of proof to an already established preposition. He spoke with the certitude of a man who had investigated truth rather than as one who vindicated its authority.

The next thing to be enquired is, what special and particular reasons Paul had to believe the resurrection of Christ, and thus constantly to preach it. Here I shall not run through all the various proofs of the resurrection of Christ, which are often summed up together on this occasion; but only mention those which convinced St. Paul and gave him this full assurance, that Jesus was risen from the dead. 75

Six proofs Watts presented with such clearly marked divisions and in such simple language that the memory retained them easily: the vision of Christ, the resultant change in Paul, Paul's new powers, the agreement of Scripture, the confirmation of other witnesses, and the external

7k 75 Ibid . , p. 625. Ibid., p. 626. 6 "

230

social effects of the message. Before the hearers could bring these factors into a conclusive sum. Watts paused, holding their thought, and said, "Before I proceed any further, I would make two or three remarks.

Quickly he pointed out, negatively, the lack of any comparable evidence against Paul's conclusion, and, positively, the advantages of a present acceptance of this same conclusion in one's own life. Then he proceeded to his withheld summary by putting his argument together.

To this point the force of the sermon lay in its simple, cogent reasoning. Watts had spoken earnestly and directly, almost personally, in his appeal to understand and accept plainly stated propositions and their implications. His power did not lay in physical energy. He used few gestures. His was the assured dignity of a preacher standing rever- ently in the presence of his Master to declare the glorious certainties of the gospel.

The sermon had been long, but Watts was unhurried. His next words were calm and simple. "I proceed now to enquire, what were those blessed effects on men in the heathen world. " Again his divisions were carefully and clearly numbered and indicated. Yet, there was a new warmth in every "blessed effect," described as though the very heart of the pastor was speaking.

Oh! how many guilty consciences are made easy, and that upon solid grounds, by the resurrection of Jesus from the dead? he asked. "A risen Jesus calls the soul upward and heavenward. " What have we here on earth worth living for, since Jesus is risen from the dead, hath left this world,

7 Ibid., pp. 628-629 "

231

and gone to heaven? Jesus , our hope, our life, our eternal

joy; Col. 1:27 . • • How many captives of Satan have been released by the power of Jesus, since his release from the grave?

How many fearful and feeble creatures have grown bold and victorious in sufferings, and have conquered death itself, by faith in a dying and rising Saviour? Thanks be to God, who giveth us the victory, through our Lord Jesus Christ; I Cor. xv. 57* How many believers have laid down their bodies in the dust with sweet satisfaction and joy, through faith in the resurrection of Christ, and have triumphed over the grave ? 0 death where is thy sting? 0 grave where is thy victory? I Cor. xv. 55* St. Rsul has seen abundance of this work performed, through the nations where he planted the Christian churches, and these wonders of salvation wrought among the gentiles, by his preaching of Jesus, and his resurrection; and every one of these wonders confirmed his belief, that Jesus, who was dead, is now alive . 77

By such fervent eloquence Watts and his hearers were lifted. To- gether, pastor and people "sat in heavenly places" and surveyed the meaning of their faith.

The resurrection of Christ confirms our religion: First, as it gives sufficient proof that God, whose prerogative it is to raise from the dead, approves what Jesus taught: And Secondly, As Jesus Christ himself foretold his own resurrection; as I said before. And it lays a foundation for some of the chief doctrines, blessings, and duties of our religion which St. Paul preaches without end; viz. oar trust in this risen Saviour, our faith in his intercession in heaven, and coming to God by him: our dependence on his government; our resignation of ourselves to him; our courage in death; and our joyful hope of a resurrection and eternal life. 78

Eternal reality was near and the morbidity of death was replaced by the power of an endless life when Watts asked: "Must we lie down in death? Jesus, the Son of God, went through the dark valley before us, and lay down in the grave, and sanctified it to us for a sleeping place.

77 78. Ibid., p. 640. Ibid., p. 631. " "

232

And then he asked, "Did Jesus rise again from the dead?" There was no

need for him to frame an answer, hut simply, and yet with moving assur-

ance, to declare, "So shall we, if we are his sincere followers. Hie is

our Head, the first-born from the dead; Col. i. 15* and our example.

Watts paused. Then he asked, "Was it so strange a thing to tell us, that one dead man, even Jesus, should be alive again after his death?"

For a moment he silently recalled with his listeners the faces of loved

ones "lost awhile" in death, and then, with radiant victory he cried,

"How strange and glorious a sight will it be, when all the dead in

Christ, thousands and ten thousands, shall be made alive, with their 80 Lord Jesus at the head of than. " For a moment he stood, unmoving.

Then, with tears of joy on his countenance, he looked into the faces of his beloved people and ended his sermon, "Rejoice for ever in the Lord,

and comfort yourselves with this divine consolation. Amen.

In a moment the service was over. Each worshipper departed

slowly, almost reluctantly, for each one knew he had communed with God.

Conclusion

Isaac Watts was without doubt an effective preacher. As Evelyn

P. Hope declares, "Profound, apt, eloquent, he was one of the great

O-j preachers of his own or any other age.

Admittedly, his subjects were the customary ones, his treatment conventional, his style undistinguished. His theology was orthodox,

79 ^ Ibld. , p. 633. °Ibld. 8l Evelyn P. Hope, "Isaac Watts , Fortnightly, XUJIV (December, 19*16), kx>- 233

modified Calvinism. His organization, too, was unoriginal, following the usage of the Puritan divines as modified by Baxter. When all this is admitted, however, the evangelical power of Watts* s preaching must still be acknowledged. It is this quality that caused Sir Leslie

Stephen, after passing lightly by all Watts* s other writings, to declare:

The sermons, however, show something of the old unction. They appeal strongly to the inward witness of the spirit, with a comparative indifference to the ordinary evidential argument. Unlike most of his contemporaries, he addresses the heart rather than the intellect; and in his hands Chris- tianity is not an emasculated Deism, but a declaration to man of the means, by which God pleases to work a supernatural change in human nature. 02

If this dynamic core is ignored. Watts* s sermons have only prosaic merit; when it is recognized they take on a measure of greatness.

Judging from all accounts, Watts's delivery was effective. His own advices revealed a well conceived theory for effective delivery, and his biographers vindicate the claim that what he proposed for others he successfully practiced in his own pulpit utterances. Though certainly an example of effective extemporaneous preaching, above his art was his dependence upon immediate guidance from the Holy Spirit in the very act of preaching. As Watts declared, "So many a sentence that was never written has been delivered in our addresses to the people with glorious go success; it has come more immediate and warn from the heart. " It was this vital breath which caused Bishop Gibson to write, "When you speak

Op Stephen, History of English Thought, I, 386 .

^\atts, "An Humble Attempt, " Works, III, 30-31* 234

of the way of preaching among the Dissenters, you will not expect it from me to believe, that all the preachers do it with the same force ah and energy that Dr. Watts has done, and still does. Watts’s greatness as a preacher, then, lay in his intangible but real spiritual dynamic.

This summary leads to the necessary conclusion that Watts’s effectiveness was a personal thing—that it lay in the spirit of the man himself. It was this quality to which Fairchild refers when he asserts of Watts that "he was one of the few men who . . . preserved the old spiritual order of Dissent," and concludes, on this basis, that "his ministry and his writings form a link between the zeal of the seventeenth Qc and the renewed zeal of the later eighteenth century. It was upon this basis that Watts may be rightly judged a great preacher.

ftk A letter from Edmund Gibson to Dr. Watts, Fulham, Aug. 12, 1739, printed in Watts, Works, I, lxvii.

®^Fairchild, Religious Trends in English Poetry, II, 123. CHAPTER X

SUMMARY AID EVALUATION

Introduction

Against a background of Isaac Watts's life, world view, religious

doctrines, and preaching practice, ve have now assembled, organized, and

stated the essentials of his preaching theory. By way of conclusion let

us summarize, interpret, and evaluate his doctrines.

Summary

While each aspect of Watts's homiletics has been treated separate-

ly, three points of emphasis are apparent. These three dominant beliefs,

undergirding his entire system, are: (l) the Bible is the supreme

authority not only for revealed truth, but also for a sacred rhetoric;

(2) secular studies make an important contribution to preaching ef-

fectiveness; and (3) experience is the source of all human knowledge.

' The Authority of the Bible

To Watts, the Bible, the final authority for revealed truth, was

also the supreme authority in sacred rhetoric. 1 In a sermon entitled

"A Pattern for a Dissenting Preacher," he recommended Christ's preach- p ing as the ideal model. More specifically, he said that the matter,

manner, power, effect, and purpose of preaching must all be governed by

Scriptural precedent. Because the Bible is the supreme source book of

^-Watts, "An Humble Attempt," Works, III, 26.

^atts, "The Rational Foundation, " Works, IV, 733-784 passim.

2 35 236

orthodoxy, sermon Invention should depend principally upon the material

it furnishes. Disposition and emphasis should be guided by the weight

and importance given a matter in the Bible. 3 The preaching of the

prophets and apostles themselves vindicated the use of a figurative k and arousing style. Earnest, warm-hearted delivery was endorsed by

5 Bible archetypes. Even the use of emotional and Imaginative appeals 6 was Justified on the basis of Bible models.

Watts* s doctrine of Bible authority was, however, limited to the

general meaning of Scripture, and did not extend to a slavish adherence

to its exact terminology. He claimed revelation for the "sense" rather 7 than "the specific words. " For this reason exegesis was of less value

than general interpretation, and in the work of interpretation "reason" 8 was a lamp second only to revelation itself. "Reason" was the indispensable tool both for understanding the message of the Bible and for

choosing the most effective means for communicating that message to

others.

The Function of Education

The second Important element in Watts's homlletlcal theory was

his view of the role which secular studies played in the preacher's

early and continuing education. These improved the powers of "reason,"

3Watts, "Orthodoxy and Charity," Works. HI, 701.

\atts, "An Kimble Attempt, " Works, III, 27. 6 Ibid. Ibld. , p. 26.

^Watts, "The Rational Foundation," Works, V, 757* 8 Ibid. , p. 692. ~

237

and hence also one's understanding and use of Bible revelation. Skills were increased, genius improved, and expression enriched in direct proportion to the breadth of one's training in the arts and sciences. Q Preaching was "a learned profession. A broad and thorough education was necessary if th^ preacher was to understand the authoritative doctrines of the Bible and explain them accurately.

Watts went so far as to specify the particular function that each area of secular education perforated in interpreting doctrines and duties, developing subject matter, and utilizing effective appeals in preaching.

Logic guided the preacher's analysis and interpretation of the Bible. 11 Mathematics trained his power of concentration. Astronomy and the other physical sciences enlarged his appreciation of God's creative 12 13 work. Literature enriched his expression. Philology made the meaning of the Bible plain. Belles lettres helped to make evident its beauties. ^ By "method" the subject matter of revealed truth could be organized, and its parts arranged systematically. ^ By "oratory" the 16 Bible message was given increased effectiveness.

Each of these arts and sciences, therefore, played an integral

9watts, "The Improvement of the Mind, " Works, V, 303* 10 n Ibld. , pp. 255-262. ibid., pp. 303-304. 12 13 lbid. . p. 307. Ibld. , pp. 313-315.

pp. 315-316.

^•^watts, "An Humble Attempt, " Works, HI, 9* l6 Ibid. B

236

role in the preacher* s education. By them his capacities were enlarged, his skills increased, and his style and delivery improved. For this reason secular studies. Watts held, must be closely united with a deep and reverent knowledge of the Bible.

Experience as a Source of Knowledge

The third major element in Watts* a homiletics was his emphasis upon

; t i 1 experience as the source of all human knowledge. ^ By virtue of this doctrine his sacred rhetoric came to be centered in persons, rather than in materials or methods. Human nature became the key to its governing principles and procedures, and "audience factors" were given a position of controlling importance. Religion, Watts argued, must effect a personal spiritual experience. Salvation of the individual was the chief

1 end of preaching. Propositions, the disposition of material, style, 19 and delivery—all must be carefully adapted to the hearers. Arguments must be chosen and evaluated on the basis of audience effect, as demon- 20 strated in the laboratory of actual life experience. Every canon of rhetoric must be adjusted to the central consideration of audience response.

The Bible itself was to be related to human experience. Because

God's revelation lay in an "inward witness" to spiritual regeneration experienced by each Christian believer, the best method of preaching was

Watta, "Philosophical Essays, ” Works , V, 521-523* l8 Watts, "An Humble Attempt, '* Works, III, 11.

19 2Q Ibid . , pp. 23-26. Ibld . , p. 28 , 239

that which analyzed and classified man’s experiences and God* 3 Word in such a way that the divine supply of the Bible was directly applied to

Such an emphasis upon experience produced a homiletics peculiarly suited to evangelism. The goal of preaching became a saving experience patterned upon Bible models. Passive assent to creed was inadequate; a personal appropriation of truth based upon a full and deep understanding was essential. By the same token, arousal of the audience required oo ok arousal of the preacher. A strong ethos was essential. ' In short,

Watts's doctrine required the enlistment of the full personality of both speaker and hearer in the religious experience. Anything less than this could not result in true and lasting persuasion.

In Watts's homiletics, then, the preacher's message was authorized by Bible patterns, enriched by encyclopedic learning, moulded by audience requirements, and designed to produce a "saving experience" in each individual listener.

Analysis

While an exact analysis of all of the sources of Watts's homiletics is difficult, certain basic relationships are apparent. Elements of the traditional rhetoric provided the foundation and framework of his

21 Watts, "Sermons, " Works, I, 29, 22 Watts, "An Humble Attempt," Works,Wo: III, 62-64,

23 2 Ibid. , p. 29 ^Ibid. , pp. 506. system. Puritan practice influenced its doctrines of organisation;, style, and delivery. Psychological, philosophical, and socio-religious > forces in the environment, helped to shape its conception of purpose and fora its methods.

Rhetorical Factors

Unfortunately, Watts* s rhetorical studies at Rowe’s Academy are unknown except by inference. Moreover, as Watts himself admitted, he seldom acknowledged his intellectual debts by specific references to the writings upon which he drew. Similarities of certain aspects of his homiletical theories with standard rhetorical works are, however, evident. Three of his general views illustrate this.

First, the ideal training for the ministry, said Watts, should begin at an early age, extend to encyclopedic breadth, and continue throughout life. Similarity to the broad program of training advocated by Cicero and Quintilian, and other ancient and modern writers is thus 28 apparent. But as Manning indicates, this also was a common view in contemporary dissenter education, and it may have been at least in part

. 29 from this source that Watts's view was derived.

Second, Watts agreed with the general run of rhetorical theorists

^Davis, Watts, p. 11.

^Watts, "Ontology, * Works, V, 623.

^Watta, "An Humble Attempt, " Works , HI, 8-9. 28 Cicero De Oratore 1. 44-46; Quintilian Institutio Oratorla i. 2, 2. vili, 12. 10.

^Manning, Hymns of Wesley and Watts, p. 80. "

241

and philosophers in expressing a Platonic fear of the use of non-logical motivation, qualifying this only to the extent of admitting that the importance of the gospel ends justify the use of all persuasive methods, just as the patriotic needs of Greece and Rome justified emotional ap- 30 peals by the classical orators. Moreover, Watts might veil have described his concept of the ultimate end of preaching in the words of

Plato as "an attempt to make the spirits of citizens as excellent as possible, a struggle always to utter what is best, whether it is going 31 to be more pleasing or less pleasing to the hearers.

A third instance of Watts's dependence upon traditional rhetorical doctrine is his Insistence that while discovering "the available means of persuasion in a given case" was the preacher's first duty, his task was not completed until the "means" thus derived had been applied in 32 actual and successful practice.

The basic structure or form of Watts's sacred rhetoric may also be termed essentially classical. As Ehninger, among others, has shown, the early eighteenth century was a period when "the so-called 'reversion to classicism' [in rhetorical thought] constantly gained momentum. "33

Watts was a part of this movement. As has been demonstrated, the five

30 Watts, "The Improvement of the Mind," Works, V, 313. 31 Plato Gorgias 503* 32 Aristotle Rhetoric 1335b# Cicero De Inventions i. 5# Watts,

"An Rumble Attempt, " Works , HI, 36-37. 33 Douglas Ehninger, "John Ward and His Rhetoric," Speech Mono- graphs, XVIII (March, 1952), 15. "

2bs

traditional canons of invention, disposition, memory, style, and delivery formed the skeleton of his doctrine. Second only to Biblical characters his favorite rhetorical models were Cicero and Demosthenes.^ Within this broad classical format, however, certain variations in Watts's 35 doctrines should be pointed out.

In the matter of invention, for example. Watts varied from classical procedure in two important respects. First, he denied any real value 36 to the "places" of invention. Influenced by Locke and Newton, he found greater merit in their new "experimental" approach to truth than in the ancient topics. Second, he held that the chief end of Christian preaching was conversion by persuasion, rather than spiritual education by exposition. 37 This lead Watts to emphasize inventional procedures by which Bible material might be related to human needs, rather than to rehearse the traditional devices for making an abstract topical analysis 38 of a subject. It was this very task of meeting human needs which, as

Brastow has pointed out, revitalized the traditional Puritan inventional 39 practices to produce the experimental preaching of the Great Revival.

Watts's dispositional theory also, though revealing a classical

^Watts, "The Improvement of the Mind," Works, V, 313. 35 Cf. Khnlnger, "John Ward and His Rhetoric, " p. 16. 36 Watts, "Logick" Works, V, 151. Cf. Wilbur Samuel Howell, "Sources of the Elocutionary Movement in England: 1700-1748, Quarterly Journal of Speech, XLV (February, 1959)* 3*

J37 Watts, "An Humble Attempt," Works, HI, 19.

38. Ibid.

39 Brastow, The Modem Pulpit, p. 10. .

243

foundation, showed important variations. These resulted both from his own creative efforts and from his Puritan heritage. His own systems of logic and ontology provided intellectual procedures for the analysis and

jiQ division of subject matter. Ramistic bifurcations and scholastic ter- minologies he rejected with equal disfavor. ^ Instead, Watts strove for complete simplicity. For exposition he favored a natural order so

"that the knowledge of the things which follow depends in a great measure on the things which go before. Where persuasion was the goal, he advocated an "arbitrary" or "contrived" method designed "to dress and manage the whole scene ... so as to attain the end sought.

In the formal composition of a sermon. Watts recommended the ancient divisions of introduction, proposition, narration, exposition, argumentation, confirmation, refutation, and conclusion. These, however, were to be adapted to the purpose of the speaker and the nature of the

4*5 subject. '

Style was of major importance to Watts. His emphasis on clarity, appropriateness, and comprehensibility was in the best classical tradi-

^°Watts, "The Improvement of the Mind, " Works, V, 344-347. Cf

Howell, "Sources of the Elocutionary Movement, ", p. 5-

^^Watts, "Logidt " Works, V. 64.

H/atts, "An Humble Attempt, ” Works, HI, 24-25-

^^Watts, "Logick, " Works, V, 166-167. W44 M. , p. 170.

^/atts, "The Improvement of the Mind," Works, V, 346. ^

U6 tion. ‘ The affected tropes and figures of the sixteenth- and seventeenth-century stylists. Watts flatly rejected. Figurative expressions vere acceptable only for the purpose of arousing the hearer; and here 47 Bible patterns rather than literary rules vere to set the standard.

In this attitude Watts was undoubtedly affected by the strong criticisms of William Vaughn, William Pemble, and Joseph Glanvil against "ornamental 48 style in pulpit oratory. " While Watts acknowledged seme value in seeking a "sublime" style, especially when one was addressing a learned or

"polite" audience, his chief stylistic ideals vere clarity, simplicity, and persuasive effectiveness -

In the area of delivery Watts's comments suggest varied influences. He indicated contemporary English sermon delivery as a colorless 50 reading of "words without spirit.’ He complimented Bishop Gibson on the fact that his directions for preaching inveighed against this prae- 51 tice. He praised the "superior dignity and power" of the "French 52 pulpit masters. " Demosthenes and Cicero, he exalted as typifying the 53 sort of preaching needed in English churches. Bible preaching, and

^atts, "A Guide to Prayer, " Works , HI, 145-147.

^Watts, "An Humble Attempt, " Works, IH, 27.

^William Samuel Howell, Logic and Rhetoric in England 1500-1700 (Princeton, 1956), p. 390.

^Watts, "The Improvement of the Mind," Works, V, 346.

^°Watts, "Miscellaneous Thoughts, " Works, IV, 543*544.

^^Xetter from Dr. Watts to Bishop Gibson, Tunbridge Wells, August 15, 1739* Watts, Works, I, lxviii-lxix. ^2 Watts, "Miscellaneous Thoughts," Works, IV, 544.

53 watts, "The Improvement of the Mind," Works, V, 313, ^ "

245

54 particularly that of Christ, was acknowledged as the ideal. The value 55 of initation was emphasized, although uncritical imitation was feared.

The study of elocutionary manuals was recommended, but no particular books or anthoz*s specified. ^

Watts's treatment of the nature of memory and his discussions of the for its development were orthodox. The importance he gave to this faculty as a means of developing character, however, was unique.

Although allusions were made to procedures advocated by the ancients as well as by such contemporary writers on zanemonics as Dr. Grey and Mr.

Lowe, undoubtedly Locke's doctrines exerted the strongest Influence in moulding Watts's conception of this faculty . 1 In addition, his concern with the teaching of catechisms and their principles strongly influenced 58 his matured concept of memory.

Puritan Factors

Without apology. Watts admitted that his preaching advices had a noteworthy Puritan heritage. ^ In particular, this source helped to shape his theory of the organization, and his analysis of the purpose and proper

style of sermons.

^Hiatts, "The Rational Foundation,” Works, V, 773*

55 Watts, "The Art of Reading, ” Works. IV, 699*

^Watts, "An Rumble Attempt, ” Works, III, 31*

^Watts, "The Improvement of the Mind," Works, V, 287. Cf. "Philosophical Essays, " Works, V, 626.

^Watts, "A Discourse on the Way of Instruction by Catechism, Works, IH, 228.

^Wr.tts, "An Humble Attempt, " Works, III, 64. "

246

It was from this tradition that Watts adopted the pattern of sermon organization built around the three elements of doctrine, proof, 60 and use. Sailer declares thl3 format had been in use for centuries.

Everett H. Emerson, on the other hand, asserts the "use” section was the more recent creation of the Reverend John Udall (d. 1592).^“ In any event. Watts recognized the three-fold division as characteristic ^ of the "ancient" Puritans, and recommended it3 continuing use.

In addition, in the area of sermon organization Watts accepted mrfl furthered the reforms of the Puritan leader, Richard Baxter. Recog- nizing the confusion resulting from the multiplied divisions of the traditional Puritan sermon, Baxter had advocated reducing the number of divisions. ^ Because greater clarity had resulted from this pat- 64 tern. Watts called for an even simpler pattern of organization.

Then, too, from the Puritans came Watts* s concept of "experimental" preaching. ^ This view, which held that each condition of the soul should be paralleled by appropriate Bible materials, was an essen- 66 tial element in his sacred rhetoric.

6°Haller, Rise of Puritanism, p. 23. ^1 Everett H. Baerson, "John Udall and the Puritan Sermon, Quarterly Journal of Speech, XLIV (October, 1958)* 282.

^Watts, "An Humble Attempt, " Works, HI, 25. 6 \. Fraser Mitchell, English Pulpit Oratory from Andrews to Tillotson (London, 1932), p. 371*

^Watts, 'An Humble Attempt, '• Works, IH, 25.

^Ibld. , p. 64. ^Ibid. , pp. 19-20. 247

Finally, while rejecting the admitted "coarseness" of some early

Puritan divines. Watts acknowledged that their sermons might be a moulding force in promoting a preacher* s directness of style and earnestness of delivery, «nd also serve to give him a clearer understanding of the

. 67 evangelical purpose of the ministry.

Environmental Factors

Three factors in Watts’s environment influenced his homiletics:

(l) the practice of employing current psychological principles to con-

' ' ;• - * • ’ I . .i .{ |. , . . i ; struct theories of communication, (2) the empirical approach to problems of knowledge and truth, and (3) the socio-religious awakening in the new English middle class.

In the first of these areas. Watts believed that a better understanding of man’s nature would increase the preacher’s communicative effectiveness. Accepting the dominant psychology of the faculties, ana influenced by Locke, he recognized reasoning, imagination, memory, passion, and will as powers of the mind, and showed how each of these 88 was linked to the physical body. On this basis he constructed a complete theory of human psychology, making an especially exhaustive analy- 69 sis of the emotions. Moreover, he was particularly concerned with the problem of applying psychological findings to the communicative

8 ^Watts, "The Improvement of the Mind,” Works. V, 350-351* 68 Watts, "Bailosophical Essays, " Works, V, 532-538. 6 9 "The Doctrine of the Passions," Ibid. , p. 538. See also Watts, Works. II, 579-634 passim . y

248

70 problems of the ministry. This interest shaped his doctrines, causing them, as we have already said, to be focused upon audience rather rj than subject requirements.

The most fundamental effect the prevailing philosophy of empiricism had on Watts's homiletical doctrine is to be found in his approach to "truth. " How well one remembered material was, he believed, propor- 2 tional to the thoroughness with which it was first understood.^ The reality of personal religion was attested by an individual's experience of God.^0 Truth was best obtained by cm experiential and reasoned 7k study of objective reality. 1 The most effective approach to the lasting persuasion of man was to be made on the basis of man’s nature.

Preaching methods could not be deduced from a priori principles; they

7*5 1 must be devised from the tests of actual experience .

Finally, Watts's homiletics was influenced both by the emergence of a powerful English middle class and by the awakening Christian revival that marked his day. The upsurge of a democratic English middle class affected rhetoric generally. The religious movement affected

^ °Ibid . , p. 605.

^’Wtts, "An Humble Attempt, " Works, III, 18-19.

" Hiatts, "A Discourse on the Way of Instruction by Catechism, Works, HI, 211-215. 73 Watts, "Sermons, " Works, I, 22.

Atfatts, "Logiek, " Works, V, 123.

^Watts, "An Humble Attempt, " Works, HI, 23.

^Mabel Plats, A History of Public Speaking (New York, 1935), pp. 181-189. ”

2k9

preaching specifically* this revolution Howell has specified the nature of the change

pressures, " he says, worked on rhetoric. "These social and political English learning, and one of "had their consequences in the world of tended to become more these consequences was that rhetorical theory ,,T7 Watts's doctrines simple and less ritualistic in all respects. . . . the common level, and plain of simple organization, a style adapted to this movement. conversational delivery reflected the influence of eighteenth-century religion af- In addition, certain trends in felt not only the general fected Watts's thinking about homiletics. He upon dissenter preachers, pressure which the course of events had placed the spreading revival. but also the specific challenge arising from compulsion to Dissenter preachers had long been under a growing

the press and the politi- convert individuals. The increasing power of Established Church made it cal advantage enjoyed by the clergy of the As Haller says, necessary that they exert themselves continuously. saving the world, "Discountenanced by those in authority but bent on

to seek support wherever it might be found . . . they were compelled 78 they wished to survive, had among the people. "The preachers, if emotional excitement, wring to find nwa«.na to stir imagination, induce other words make them- the hearts of sinners, win souls to the Lord, in 79 these pressures had selves understood and felt.' By Watts's time

^Howell, Logic and Rhetoric in England, p. 383 .

78Haller, Rise of Puritanism, p. 19*

79 Ibid. , p. 23- 250

changed the basic character of dissenter preaching. It had become simpler 80 and more direct, and specifically designed "to convert commoners. " This process, begun in the seventeenth century, may be regarded as a strong influence in Watts* s development of a homiletics directed to conversion.

A final moulding agent shaping Watts* s sacred rhetoric was the current religious revival. Concerning the early years of Watts’s ministry, Robert Barclay claims that "the darkest period in the religious an- nals of England, was that prior to the preaching of Whitefield and the two Wesleys. " This need challenged Watts to unwearied efforts "to

,,Q2 rekindle the flame of spiritual religion . Watts *s reaction to Jona- than Edwards’ account of the American Awakening is eloquent evidence of 0 his concern. Recognizing individual conversion, rather than confirmation en masse, as the necessary key to evangelism. Watts was not only influenced by, but also richly contributed to the theory of revival preaching. His Humble Attempt, as has repeatedly been stated, was directed toward the promotion of a style of preaching designed to effect just such a conversion of individual hearers.

In summary, then, Watts's homiletics reveals a complex of influences: a ground-work ctf classical rhetoric, a structure shaped in large

80 Rowell, Logic and Rhetoric in England, p. 386.

^Robert Barclay, The Inner Life of the Religious Societies of of the Commonwealth (London, 1876), p. 59&. 82 Ibid .

^Jonathan Edwards, Thoughts on the Revival of Religion in New Eng- land, 1740 (New York, n. d: ), p. 7* 251

part "by the hcmiletieal doctrines of the earlier Puritans, an application of contemporary philosophical and psychological theories, and the pressures and challenges of the socio-religious awakening.

Evaluation

A final Judgment concerning Watts's homiletical doctrines depends

upon an evaluation cC their intrinsic worth. What was their contemporary

influence? To what extent did their influence continue? What is their

present-day value?

Contemporary Influence

Watts's doctrines not only helped to shape the preaching practice

of four pivotal eighteenth-century ministers hut also to establish a

preaching pattern adopted by many ministers of the age.

First, as Barclay among others has shown. Watts influenced the

preaching of Whitefield and Wesley. One must agree with Daniel Kidder 84 that the sermons of these men revolutionized English preaching. Qc " ? Greene declares they were "such preaching as England had never heard.

Bishop Ryle calls them the prime factors in awakening the new spiritual 86 zeal, promoting missionary work, and effecting social reform. Yet,

without minimizing the personal inventiveness of these great revivalists,

the influence of Watts's theories on their work must he recognized. "The

great wisdom of his advices, " says Barelay, 'was proved by the adoption

Homiletics, ^Kidder, _ p. 91.

8*5 •'Greene, England, IV, 151. 86 Ryle, Christian Leaders, pp. 23-29* "

252

of his recommended style of preaching by Whitefield, the two Wesleys, 0*7 and their coadjutors.

In addition. Watts influenced Phillip Doddridge, a key figure among eighteenth-century dissenters. Doddridge collaborated with George

Campbell in translating the New Testament, taught Joseph Priestly, substituted English for Latin in his classroom, and enunciated one of the 88 most important contemporary series of lectures on preaching. Pointing out that Watts and Doddridge advocated the same standards of style, the same types of appeals and proofs, the same patterns of emotional arousal and extempore delivery, Barclay sees the influence of Watts as a major 89 force in shaping the sacred rhetoric of the younger man. Doddridge* s veneration of Watts, and his own admission of indebtedness, substantiates this claim. In the Preface to his most famous book. The Rise and Progress of Religion in the Soul, he declares, "tty much honored friend. Dr. gO Watts, ... laid the scheme especially of the former part. " Davis

quotes at length from this same preface to illustrate the extent to ^ 91 which Doddridge’s thinking was influenced by Watts.

^Barclay, Inner Life of Religious Societies, pp. 596-604. Wesley writes in his Journal under the date of February VJ, Vj69> "I abridged Dr. Watts’s pretty 'Treatise on the Passions.*” In his writings Wesley refers to Watts fifteen times. John Wesley, The Works of the Rev. John Wesley, A.M. (l4 vole.; London, n.d. ).

Lachlan, English Education Under the Test Acts, pp. 189,208,313.

^Barclay, Inner Life of Religious Societies, pp. 597-604.

9°phiiiip Doddridge, The Rise and Progress of Religion in the Soul (New York, n.d. ), p. 5»

^Davis, Watts, p. 224. — "

253

Lastly, Watts influenced the Reverend John Mason, an important pioneer in tbe elocutionary movement. Tbe place of Mason in the elocutionary movement has been widely recognized* Guthrie names him as the first Tnan "to justify the use of the void elocution to describe delivery. Haberman begins his account of the key figures in the 93 ^ movement with a discussion of Mason* s work. While Howell suggests that Mason was simply a link in a trend that began almost a century git earlier, he still recognizes the importance of his Essay* John Wesley chose Jfeson's book as the basis for his advices to preachers. ^ Mason's

instructions concerning "voice stops" were, however, only a duplication

of those advanced by Watts* Moreover, as we have seen, his important

concept of "naturalness" was based upon a direct quotation from Watts's 96 Art of Reading.

In addition to his influence on these four key eighteenth-cen-

tury preachers. Watts helped to set a homiletical standard that was

widely imitated among his contemporaries . Davis endorses Doddridge's

testimony on this point, 97 while Brastow reminds us of the age-old

^Warren Guthrie, 'Rhetorical Theory in Colonial America, History of Speech Education in America, ed. Karl R. Wallace (New York, lSMEpTSE

Frederick W. Haberman, "English Sources of Elocution," ibid., p. 119*

^Howell, "Sources of the Elocutionary Movement, " p. 13.

95Haberman, "English Sources of Elocution, " loc. cit .

^Mason, An Essay on Elocution, pp. 20-21.

^Davis, Watts, p. 22k 254

tendency of lesser preachers to Imitate great and popular pulpit masters.

After citing Watts's vide renown. Lady Huntington, who knew him, said, "Wherever he goes, he is regarded with veneration. Toplady re- DO ferred to Watts as one of the three most able teachers of his generation,.

Bogue and Bennett claim that Grosvenor was the only contemporary preacher surpassing Watts "in the charms of pulpit eloquence. It is understandable that preaching theories of such a highly respected individual should exercise a wide influence in moulding the thought of other men in his profession. Indeed, as is indicated in An Humble Attempt, Watts him- 102 self felt this to be the case.

The claim for Watts's contemporary hcmiletical influence rests, therefore, upon his specific contributions to the work of Whltefield,

Wesley, Doddridge, and Mason, as well as on the more general influence he exercised over his profession as a whole by means of his writings and reputation.

Continuing Influence

In addition to this contemporary influence, Watts's hcmiletical doctrines affected preaching procedures in subsequent years. Evidence of this fact is found in the repeated publication of his books contain-

<58 ^ Brastow, Representative Modern Preachers, p. ix.

9%felen C. Knight, Lady Huntington and Her Friends (Hew York, 1853), p. 21. 100 toplady, Works, IV, 109-

101Bogue and Bennett, History of Dissenters, III, 470. 102 Watts, "An Bumble Attempt," Works, III, 3-4, 255

ing preaching advices and in the continued reference to his doctrines

in later textbooks on homiletics.

The re-publication of Watts's vorks was frequent. In fact, as the account of his life in DNB suggests, he was one of the most popular authors of two centuries. The Library of Congress lists six editions

of the Logick, one as late as 1819) eighteen editions of The Improvement

of the Mind, one as late as 1885; three editions of A Guide to Prayer,

one as late as l8ll; and three editions of his work on the passions, one as late as 1832. The listings of the British Museum follow the same pattern, but include also one French edition of the Logick and one Sanskrit

edition of The Improvement of the Mind.

For more than a century writers on homiletics continued to draw

from Watts's advices on preaching. John Newton not only urged preachers to study Watts's theory but also to read his sermons as models for imita- lOk tion. William Russell suggested Watts as a model of "the warm, imagina- 10 tive style. " ^ Kidder ranked Watts with Burnet, Baxter, Edwards, Black- more, Doddridge, Seeker, Gibbons, and Campbell because of his contributions to the concept of extemporaneous preaching. In addition, it

should be recalled that Doddridge, Seeker, and Gibbons admitted being

strongly influenced by Watts. An important nineteenth-century work,

10 ^The Dictionary of national Biography, ed. Sir Leslie Stephen

and Sir Sidney Lee (22 vols.; London, 1938)7 XX, 979. 10 ^Newton, Works , V, 9k» 10 ^¥illiam Russell, Pulpit Elocution (Andover, 1853 )> P* 107* 10 ^Kidder, Homiletics, pp. k6k-473* 7

256

The Young Ministers Companion, classed a volume of Watts’s advices with 10 the works of Mason, Burnet, Masglll, Baxter, Jennings, and Doddridge.

This continuing influence of Watts’s writings on preaching undoubtedly was enhanced by his general distinction in the history of religion. Because of this, as well as his influence on Wesley and White- field, Davis concludes that he was "the key transitional figure" in the

,, 108 movement which produced modern evangelical preaching.

Present Day Value

The final question concerning Watts’s homiletics relates to its present day value. In this connection, these observations seem pertinent.

First, Watts’s preaching advices are valuable in helping the modern student understand and evaluate early eighteenth century hcmiletical doctrine. This has been a cloudy period in the history of rhetoric as well as in the history of preaching, and as Howell suggests,

109' ^ our historians have neglected several of its most important authors.

Watts pinpointed the weakness of the English pulpit of the period— its ignorance and lethargy, its lack of concern with spiritual salvation.

He showed how much contemporary preaching was a profuse display of logical analysis, on the one hand, and a formless, meaningless harangue, on

10^See Harry Caplan and Henry H. King, "Pulpit Eloquence; a List of Doctrinal and Historical Studies in English, " Speech Monographs, XXII, (Special Issue, 1955 ), 91 * 10 ®Davls. Watts, p. 230. 10 ^Howell, "Sources of the Elocutionary Movement, ” p. 2. 257

110 the other. He emphasized the prevailing view of the inadequacy of 111 the traditional inventional topics as sources for sermon material.

Hs explained why a new system of disposition, with parts managed ac- tio cording to the speaker's impose, was a growing necessity. He expressed a movement in style toward a warm but direct simplicity of ex- it a pression. Be revealed by his allusions the influence which French preachers and stylists were exercising on the English preachers of his

11*1- day. He contributed to the movement for "natural" reading and for the extemporaneous delivery of sermons. He provided a survey of current systems of mnenomics. He exemplified the influence which

Locke's theories were having upon the problem of acquiring and trans- mitting truth. In short, Watts's extensive writings present a valuable window through which early eighteenth century preaching doctrines and the influences that molded them may be viewed and evaluated.

Second, Watts's homiletics have intrinsic value for ministers of all ages. His philosophy of preaching was grounded in evangelical

110 Watts, "Miscellaneous Thoughts, " Works, IV, 5kQ-5kk.

li;L Watts, "Logick, " Works, V, 151. Cf. Howell, "Sources of the Elocutionary Movement, " p. 3* 112 Ibid. , p. 1?0.

i:L\atts, "An Humble Attempt,” Works, III, 25-26.

nl, Watts, "Miscellaneous Thoughts, " Works, IV, 5hk,

n5ibia., pp. 5^3- 5^.

*"^Watts, "The Improvement of the Mind," Works, V, 279-287.

11 ^Watts, "Philosophical Essays, " Works, V, 500-529 passim. 258

11 purpose and adapted to the end of persuasion. ® Simplicity, directness, vitality, purposiveness, adaptation, extemporaneous and natural delivery, the controlled use of non-logical motivations—these elements have as

merit today as when Watts first advanced them. Much of what Watts said well has since been restated, and in same instances further developed ana clarified. This fact alone shows the value of Watts's doctrines in that he early expressed a theory of communication accepted as valuable by later writers.

Two of Watts's homiletical doctrines, however, contain present day values sufficient to merit special etphasis.

First, Watts gave primary inportance to the power of memory in promoting the ends of preaching. This retentive power, he repeatedly as- 119 serted, actually formed an "Inlaid" character. What a man remembers becomes the real man. While recognizing the function of memory in enabling the hearer and speaker to retain speech materials. Watts contended that this function was far less Important than the lasting effect worked by the material that was thus retained. Because preaching is primarily * concerned with character, Watts's emphasis gave added impetus to the ac-

quisition, organization, and presentation of sermon material adapted to the permanent moulding of human character. The work of persuasion, in

his view, went deeper than thought or belief; as retained in the faculty

ixd Watts, "An amxble Attempt, " Works, III, 11. 11 %atts, "A Way of Instructing Children by Catechism, " Works, III, 228. 3 '

259

of memory, it effected a permanent change in the character of the

. 120 hearer.

A second major emphasis in Watts ' teachings that has value to-

day is his insistence upon the necessity of emotional arousal to accomplish the persuasive end of preaching. Emotional arousal is normal to

all persuasion, hut in the area of Christian preaching. Watts contended,

a t «v*‘' of emotional arousal is spiritually inexcusable. Admitting

the necessity of objectivity in exposition, he pled with urgency that

in saving and edifying souls warmth and passion were both normal and 122 essential. Watts maintained- -and the history of the contemporary

religious revival supported his argument--that religion must reach the

heart in order to stay in the head.

Later voices have raised the same contention. In l879> declar-

ing that the "pulpit is not the place for essays, " Bishop Matthew Simp-

son asserted that the "preacher should pour forth truth from a warm and

sympathetic heart, for the personal benefit and edification of his con- 123 gregation, and to touch and elevate the aspirations of every individual.

In 1951, Elton Trueblood warned that as the power of the Stalinist

system arose not simply from a philosophy and a program, but from "a

terrible passion, which makes people unreservedly and fanatically de-

voted to its cause, " so mast preaching arouse and move if it is to win

^^Wtts, "An Humble Attempt, " Works, III, 99-100.

12 : 122 4tad., p. 38 . Ibld. , p. 39.

^^latthew Simpson, Lectures on Preaching (Hew York, 1879 ), p.

304 . "

260

jok and hold men. If the views of Gimpson and Trueblood concerning the necessity of emotional arousal for effective preaching are correct,

+ >y> deserves careful attention by preach- r n Watts's advice in this regard 125 ers of this and all ages.

In 1946, Harry Eacott, after searching widely for a book on prayer adequate to modem needs, concluded that 'as far as one has been able to trace, there is only one such book: it is Isaac Watts's A Guide

1,126 after searching for a book of to Prayer . In 1954, S. Ifexwell Coder,

semens adequate to this hour of world trial, turned to Watts ' s World to

Come, -with the claim that "no one living now could possibly have produced

such a book as this. Surely, we need it today even more than it was

needed in the eighteenth century. " In 1956, when John W. Yolton

composed his book, John Locke and the Way of Ideas, he returned to the

essays of Watts as an aid in interpreting Locke's philosophy in terms 128 of contemporary thought. When Howell reinterpreted the sources of

"who best the TEv»gi elocution movement he listed Watts as one of those

represents the major trends in English logical theory for the first half 129 of the eighteenth century.

^^Elton Trueblood, The life We Prize (Hew York, 1951), P* 27*

^See Davis, Watts, p. 230.

^ifeny Escott, "Introduction, " in Watts, A Guide to Prayer (London, 1946), p. 11.

127 WattB, World to S . Maxwell Coder, "Editor's Preface," in Cone (Chicago, 1954), p. l6. 128 John W. Yolton, John Locke and the Way of Ideas (Oxford, 1956), p. 201. 261

Certainly, these statements suggest that as modern scholarship

constantly reveals new and important contributions which Watts made in

other fields, so may his contributions to preaching theory be found to

offer practical and rewarding values to those who will study and evalu-

ate them.

Perhaps the true value of Watts* s homiletics for men today may-

be summarized by reference to Watts *s Well. In the city of Southampton,

his birthplace, there remains an old well from which cool, refreshing water may still be drawn. Used by the Watts family two centuries ago,

it is still called Watts's Well. This well typified Watts’ 3 contribu-

tion. To those who care to delve into Watts’s homiletics there yet

remains clear, sound, complete, practical, challenging advices for

pastoral evangelical preaching.

1291 Howell, "Sources of the Elocutionary Movement, " p. ;

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Stephen, Leslie. History of English Thought in the Eighteenth Century . 3rd ed. 2 vols.j New York: G. P. Putnam* s Sons, 1927. Vol. II.

Stromberg, Roland N. Religious Liberalism in Eighteenth Century Rag-

land . London: Oxford University Press, 1954

Strong, Augustus H. Systematic Theology . 3 vols. in one, Philadelphia: The Judson Press, 19^9*

Sutherland, James. A Preface to Eighteenth Century Poetry . Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1948.

Swift, Jonathan. The Works of the Rev. Jonathan Swift, D.D. arranged by Thomas Sheridan. 24 vols.j London: Printedfor J. Johnson, 1803. Vol. VIII.

Tawney, R. H. Religion and the Rise of Capitalism . Hew York: Harcourt, Brace, and Ccxnpany, 192^

Thonssen, Lester and Baird, A, Craig. Speech Criticism. Hew York: The Ronald Press Co., 1948,

Tompkins , Herbert W. Highways and Byways in Hertfordshire . London: Macmillan and Co., 1923.

Toplady, Augustus. "Some Outlines of the Life of Dr. Isaac Watts,” The

Works of Augustus Toplady . 6 vols.j London, 1794. Vol. IV.

Torbet, Robert G. A History of the Baptists . Philadelphia. The Judson Press, 1950.

Trueblood, Elton. The Life We Prize . Hew York: Harper and Brothers, 1951.

. The Yolk of Christ. Hew York: Harper and Brothers, 1958*

Turberville , A. S. English Men and Manners in the Eighteenth Century . Oxford: The Clarendon Press, 1926.

Tyerman, L. The Life of Rev. George Whitefield . 2 vols.: London: Hodder and Stoughton, I89O. Voi. I.

Walker, Williston. A History of the Christian Church. Hew York: Charles Scribner’s Sons, 1937*

Wallace, Karl R. Francis Bacon on Communication and Rhetoric . Chapel Hill: The University of North Carolina Press, 1943*

Wallbank, T. Walter and Taylor, Alastair M. Civilization—Past and

Present . 2 vols.j Chicago: Scott, Foresman and Company, 1942. Vol. II. 271

Walpole, Horace. The Last Journals of Horace Walpole during the by Reign of George III . Baited' "A. Francis Stewart.’ 2 vols.j London, New York: J. Lane, 1910.

Watts, Isaac. The Works of the Reverend and Learned Isaac Watts, D.D. 6 vols.j London: J. Barfield, l8l0-ll.

Wesley, John. Hie Letters of the Rev. John Wesley . Edited by John Telford. 8 vols.j London: The Epworth Press, 1931* Vol. VIII.

Whately, Richard. Elements of Logic . New York: Harper and Brothers, 1852.

, Elements of Rhetoric. Boston: James Munroe and Company, i860.

Wheeler, Raymond Holder and Perkins, Francis Theodore. Principles of

Mental Development . Hew York: Thomas Y. Crowell Company, 1932.

Willmott, Robert Eldridge. Lives of the English Sacred Poets. 2nd ed. 2 vols.j London, 1839.

Wilson, Thomas. Wilson* s Arte of Rhetorique, 1500. Ed. by G. H. Mair. Oxford: At the Clarendon Press, 1909*

Wilson, Walter. The History and Antiquities of Dissenting Churches . 3 vols.j London: Hsust, Chance and Company, 1808.

Yolton, John W. John Locke and the Way of Ideas . London: Oxford

University Press , 1958-

Periodicals

Capian, Harry and King, Henry H. "Pulpit Eloquence: A List of Doc- trinal and Historical Studies in English," Speech Monographs, XXII (Special Issue, 1955)# H-37.

Coasland, K. H. "Significance of Isaac Watts in the Development of

Hymnody," Church History , XVII (December ,1948), 287-298. r t i : * Ehninger, Douglas, "^ohn Ward and His Rhetoric," Speech Monographs, XVIII (March, 1951), 1-16.

Emerson, Everett H. "John Udall and the Puritan Sermons," Quarterly

Journal of Speech , XLIV (October, 1958), 282-28h.

Hope, Evelyn P. "Isaac Watts," Hie Portnlghtly , CLXIV (December, 19^8), U00-406. ;

272

Howell, Wilbur Samuel. "Sources of the Elocutionary Movement in Eng-

land: 1700-17U8," Quarterly Journal of Speech , XLV (February, 1959), 1-18 .

"Isaac Watts," The Gentleman’s Magazine , XVIEt (November, 17*1-8), 525.

* 1 - • • * « I • ional Manning , Bernard L. "The Hymns of Dr. Isaac Watts," Congregat Quarterly, XVI (October, 1938), U3O-U9 .

Robinson, W. Gordon. "Isaac Watts: Some Bicentenary Considerations," Congregational Quarterly, XXVI (April, 1S^8), 297-308.

* Sampson, George. "Isaac Watts, 167 1—17**8," Tie Spectator , XLXXXI (November 19, 19*1-8), 656-657

Stevenson, Robert, "Watts in America," Harvard Theological Review , XL1I (19*19), 205-210.

Reference Works

"Isaac Watts," The Dictionary of National Biography . Ed. Sir Leslie

Stephen and Sir Si

Shaw, W. A. "Tie Literature of Dissent," The Cambridge History of English literature. Ed. Sir G. W. Ward' and A. R. Waller. 15

vols . j Cambridge: University Press, 1913.

Van Til, Cornelius. "Calvinism," Twentieth Century Encyclopedia of Religious Knowledge. 2 vols.j Grand Rapids, Michigan: Baker Book House, 1955. Vol. I. 273

Works by Isaac Watts

While the 1810 edition of Dr. Watts* s Works, which has been used in this study, contains all the writings enumerated below, this list is presented as supplemental material to show the chronological order of their publication. Under each separate listing, and as an additional supplement, bibliographical information has been collected from the catalogues of the Library of Congress and the British Museum to indicate the remarkable popularity enjoyed by Watts's writings.

Watts, Isaac. The Works of the Reverend and Learned Isaac Watts, D.D. 6 vols.j Londons Printed by and for J. Barfield, l8l0.

1706 Horae Lyricae. Poems chiefly of the Lyric Kind, in Three Books. Sacred I. To Devotion and Piety. II. To Virtue, Honour, and Friendship. III. To the Memory of the Dead. [New York 1762. Boston 1772. Glasgow 1785. Boston 1790, 1795, 1813. Windham (Conn.), 1798. Haverhill 1802. Vergennes 1813. Boston 1864. Second Ed. London 1709, 1715, 1731, 1737, 1743. Boston 1748. London 1751, 1764, 1765, 1770, 1779, 1786. Leeds 1788. London 1804. Troy 1804.]

1707 Essay against Uncharitableness, wherein the Secret Springs of that Vice are Traced and the Mischievous Effects of it briefly Surveyed.

1707 A Sermon Preached at Salters-Hall to the Societies for Reforma- tion of Manners, in the Cities of London and Westminster, October 6th 1707.

1707 Hymns and Spiritual Songs. In Three Books. I. Collected from the Scriptures. II. Composed on Divine Subjects. III. Pre- pared for the Lord's Supper. With an Essay towards the Improve- ment of Christian Psalmody, by the use of Evangelical Hymns in Worship, as well as the Psalms of Davis. [London 1707. Boston 1772. Providence 1781. New York 1792. Dover (N.H.) 1794. New York 1795. Rutland, Vt. I8l4. Boston 1830. Boston 1830. Phila- delphia I830. New York 1831. Boston l84l. Seventh edition 1702 (London) I723, 1725, 1728, 1734. Fourteenth edition 1740, 1744, 1748, 1755, 1762, 1763, 1767, 1767, 1768. Edinburgh 1772. 1772, 1773, 1774. Salisbury 1774. London 1775. Edinburgh 1776. Salisbury 1776. Coventry 1776. London 1777, 1777, 1778, 1781. ] )

274

Coventry 1782. London 1784, 1785, 1786. Worchester 1786. London 1787, 1788, 1789, 1791# 1792, 1798. York 1799. London 1802, 1803, 1804, 1808, 1811, 1811, 1812, 1815, 1816, 1818, 1818, 1821, 1829.]

1715 A Guide to Prayer: or, a Free and Rational Account of the Gift,

Grace and Spirit of Prayer j with plain Directions how every Christian may attain than. [Elizabeth-town 1797. Mill-Hill (N.J. 1811. Sixth edition London 1735. Eighth edition 1743. Tenth edition 1753. Seventh edition Glasgow 1753* New edition 1790.]

1715 Divine Songs attempted in Easy Language, for the use of Children.

With seme Additional Composures . [Edinburgh 1774. New-berry Port 1784. London 1789. Bennington (Vt.) 1795* Medford (Mass.) 1799. Boston 1803, 1808. New York l8l8. New Haven 1819. Wash- ington 1823. New-Haven 1824. New York 1827, 1834. London 1866. Boston 1892. Nine editions in London by 1728. London 1775* Salisbury 1776. London 1777. Kiddermaster 1790. Gainsborougji

1790. London 1790. London 1791 * 1799. Bath 1800. Coventry 1800. Kiddermaster 1800. Wellington 1800. London 1800, 1805, 1805, I806, 1807, 1809. Boston 1810. London 1814, 1816. Glasgow 1820. London 1836. London 1826, 1829. Derby 1830. London 1830. New Castle 1832, 1834, 1839. London 1836, 1840. Boston 1844. London 1848, 1849, 1852, 1854. Edinburgh 1855. London 1855# 1856, 1856. New York 1857. London 1857# i860, 1861, 1864, 1866, 1867, 1867, 1867, 1869, 1870, 1872, 1873# 1875# 1876, 1877# 1879# 1880. Dublin I855. London 1820.]

1719 The Psalms of David Imitated in the Language of the New Testament, and Applied to the Christian State and Worship. [Boston 1823, 1823, 1767, 1768, 1772, 1830, 1841. Philadelphia 1830. London 1707# 1761. Providence 1781. New York 1792. Dover 1794. New York 1795# 1831. Rutland 1814. Philadelphia 1838. Derby 1853. Cornhill

l8o4. Boston 1851. Hartford (Conn.) 1801. Exeter (N.H. ) 1818, 1818. Exeter, (N.H.) I8l8. Haverhill (Mass.) 1818. Philadelphia 1818. Cornhill 1819.

1720 An Elegy on the much lamented Death of Mrs. Elizabeth Bury. [London 1721.]

1721 The Art of Reading and Writing English: or, the chief Principles

and Rules of Pronouncing our Mother-Tongue , both in Prose and Versej with a Variety of Instructions for True Spelling. Writ- ten at first for Private Use, and now published for the Benefit of all Persons who desire a better acquaintance with their Native Language. [Third edition London 1726.] ]

275

1721 Sermons on Various Subjects; viz. I. II. III. The Inward Witness

of Christianity. . . . XIII. XIV. Appearing before God. Where- in many Things relating to Christian Experience, and the Future State, are set in a Fair and Easy Light. Together with a Sacred Hymn annexed to each Subject. [Boston 1746, 1841. Third edition London 1725. Seventh edition Boston 1746. Ninth edition London 1772, 1780, 1792, IftLl, 1826.]

1722 An Elegiac Ode written in the form of a Soliloquy or Mourning Meditation at the Death of Sir Thomas Abney, Knt. and Alderman of London, ... In Two Barts. . . .

1722 The Christian Doctrine of the Trinity: or, Father, Son and Spirit, three Persons and one God, asserted and proved, with their Divine Rights and Honors vindicated by plain Evidence of Scripture, without the Aid or Incumbrance of Human Schemes. Written chiefly for the use of private Christians.

1722 Death and Heaven; or, the Last Enemy Conquered, and Separate Spirits made perfect: with an Account of the Rich Variety of Their Employments and Pleasures; attempted in two Funeral Dis- courses, in memory of Sir John Hartopp, Baronet, and his Lady, deceased. [Second edition London 1742.

1723. Sermons on Various Subjects, viz. Christian Faith, I. II. III. A Rational Defence of the Gospel. . . . XVI. Courage and Honour. With Hymns suitable to every Subject. . . . Vol. II. . .

1723 A Hopeful Youth Falling Short of Heaven, exemplified in the Con- duct of the Rich Young Man whom Jesus Love.

1724 Three1725. Dissertations relating to the Christian Doctrine of the Trin- ity, (viz.) I. The Arian invited to the Orthodox Faith. II. God and Man united in the Person of Christ. III. The Worship of Christ as Mediator founded on his Godhead.

1724. Logick: or the Right Use of Reason in the Enquiry after Truth with a Variety of Rules to guard against error in the Affairs of Religion and Human Life, as well as in the Sciences. [London Seventh editionl740. London 1745, 1751* 1763# 1810.

Boston 1819, 1322. London 1793# 1797 # 1801. Edinburgh 1817. Boston (Fifth American edition) 1812.]

1725 Four Dissertations relating to the Christian Doctrine of the Trinity.

1726 The Knowledge of the Heavens and the Earth made easy: or the first principles of Astronomy and Geography explained by the use

of Globes and Maps: . . . [London 1726, 1728, 1736. Seventh edition London 1765, 1772.] 276

1726 A Defence against the Temptation to Self-Murther. Wherein the Criminal Nature ana Guilt of it are displayed: the various Pretences for it are examined and answered: . . . Together with some Reflexions on Excess in strong Liquors, Duelling and other Practices a-kin to this heinous Sin.

1727 The Religions Improvement of Public Events. A Sermon preached at Berry-Street, June 18, 1727. On Occasion of the Death of our late Gracious Sovereign George I. and the peaceful Succession of his present Majesty George II. [Second edition London 1727* Third edition 1727.]

1728 Prayers Composed for the Use and Imitation of Children, suited to their different Ages and their various Occasions: together with Instructions to Youth in the Duty of Prayer, drawn up by way of Question and Answer. And a Serious Address to them on that Subject.

1728 An Essay towards the Encouragement of Charity-Schools, particularly those which are supported by Protestant Dissenters, for teaching the Children of the Poor to Read and Work; ... to which is prefixed, an Address to the Supporters of those Schools.

1729 Sermons on Various Subjects, Divine and Moral: Kith a Sacred Hymn suited to each Subject. In Three Volumes. Design'd for the Use of Christian Families, as well as for the Hours of Devout Retirement.

1729 A Caveat against Infidelity: or the Danger of Apostasy from the Christian Faith: with an Answer to various queries concerning the Salvation of the Heathens, and the Hope of the Modern Deists upon their Pretences to Sincerity.

1729 The Doctrine of the Passions Explained and Improved; or, a brief and comprehensive Scheme of the Natural Affections of Mankind, and an Account of their Names, Nature, Appearances, Effects, and different Uses in Human Life; to which are subjoined Moral and Divine Rules for the Regulation or Government of them. [New York 1795.J

1729 Discourses of the Love of God and the Use and Abuse of the Pas- sions in Religion, with a Devout Meditation suited to each Dis- course. To which is Prefixed, A Plain and Particular Account of the Natural Passions, with Rules for the Government of them. [London 1760. New York 1832. London 1739. Fifth edition 1770. London 1799* London 1820.]

1730 To His Excellency, Jonathan Belcher, Esq.; in London, appointed by his Majesty King George II to the Government of New England, .

277

and now Returning Home. [This poem of forty-one lines was published in Boston, probably by Belcher. It does not appear in the collected works.]

1730 Catechisms; or. Instructions in the Principles of the Christian Religion, and the History of Scripture, composed for Children and Youth, according to their different Ages. To which is prefixed, a Discourse on the Way of Instruction by Catechisms, and the best Maimer of Composing them. [London 1734. Seventeenth edition Idinburgh 1779. Twenty-second edition London 1792. Cambridge l8ll. Glasgow 1856, 1859-3

1731 An Humble Attempt towards the Revival of Practical Religion fyymg Christians, and particularly the Protestant Dissenters, by a Serious Address to Ministers and People, in some occasional Discourses.

1731 The Strength and Weakness of Human Reason: or, the Important Question about the Sufficiency of Reason to Conduct Mankind to Religion and Future Happiness, argued between an Inquiring Deist and a Christian Divine: and the Debate Compromised and Determined to the Satisfaction of both, by an impartial 1-iioderator

1732 The Watchful Christian Prepared for Early Death. A Sermon on occasion of the Decease of Mrs. Sarah Abney, . . . Preached . . . April 2, 1732. [Second edition London 1737-1

1732 A Short View of the Whole Scripture History, with a Continuation of the Jewish Affairs, from the Old Testament, till the Time of Christ; and an Account of the Chief Prophecies that relate to him: represented in a way of Question and Answer. Illustrated with vari ous Remarks on the History and the Religion of the Patriarchs, Jews and Christians; and on the Laws, Government, Sects, Customs, and Writings of the Jews; and adorned with Figures relating to their Camp, Tabernacle, and Worship. [London 1797- London 1816. Second edition London 1736. Fourth edition 1751- Sixth edition 1761. Eighth edition 1767. Fourteenth edition 1787. Sixteenth edition London 1792, 1795, 1798- Twenty-first edition 1814. Twenty-fifth edition 1818, 1825, 1328. Oxford 1829- London 1846, 1850, 1862, 1866 .]

1732 An Essay toward the Proof of a Separate State of Souls between Death and the Resurrection, and the Commencement of the Rewards of Virtue and Vice immediately after Death.

1732 An Essay on the Freedom of Will in God and in Creatures, and on Various Subjects connected therewith: viz. the Ideas of Liberty and necessity; the Causes of the Determination of the Will; the Use of the Understanding to direct, not to determine it; the Liberty of God as a Creator, a Governor, and a Benefactor; the ]

278

Doctrine of Fatality; the Spring of Moral Good and Evil; the Difference between Moral and Positive Lews; the Sin and Fall of Man, and the Free Grace of God; the Rewardableness of Faith in the Gospel, and the criminal nature of Infidelity.

1733 Fnilosoph.lcal Essays on Various Subjects, viz. Space, Substance, Body, Spirit, the Operations of the Soul in Union with the Body, Innate Ideas, Perpetual Consciousness, Place and Motions of Spirits, the Departing Soul, the Resurrection of the Body, the Production and Operation of Plants and Animals, with same Remarks on Mr. Locke's Essay on the Human Understanding. To which is subjoined a Brief Scheme of Ontology, or the Science of Being in

General, with its Affections. [London 17^2. Edinburgh lo23 .

1734 Reliquiae Juveniles: Miscellaneous Thoughts in Prose and Verse on Natural, Moral, and Divine Subjects; written chiefly in Younger Years. [London 173^ Boston 1796. London 1737# 17^2. Fifth edition 1766. Leeves 1822, 1823.]

1735 Faith and Practice Represented in fifty-four Sermons on the Prin- cipal Heads of tne Christian Religion; Preached at Berry Street, 1733. By I. Watts, D* D., D. Heal, M.A., J. Guyse, D. D., S. Price, D. Jennings, J. Hubbard. Published for the use of Families, especially on the Lord's Day Evenings. [The work appeared in two volumes; Watts wrote Sermons i, xi, xiii, xix, and xxv in Vol. I and xxxi, xxxvii, xlii, and xlix in Vol. II.]

1736 The Redeemer and the Sanctifier: or, the Sacrifice of Christ and the Operations of the Spirit Vindicated: with a free Debate about the Importance of these Doctrines, represented in a friendly Con- versation between Persons of different Sentiments.

1737 Humility Represented in the Character of St. Paul, the chief Springs of it Opened, and its various Advantages Displayed; together with some occasional Views of the contrary Vice.

1738 The Holiness of Times, Places, and People under the Jewish and Christian Dispensations considered and compared, in several Dis- courses, viz. I. On the Perpetuity of a Sabbath, and the Obser- vation of the Lord's Day. II. The Administration of the Lord's Supper, at noon or Evening. III. The Holiness and Consecration of places of Worship, considered in a sermon at the opening of a new meeting place. Forms of Worship, and Holy Things more exactly prescribed in the Old Testament than in the New. V. The difference between the Visible and the Invisible Church, the Jewish and the Christian; and the Holiness of each of them. ] ]

279

1739 The World to Come: or. Discourses on the Joys or Sorrows of Departed Souls at Death, and the Glory or Terror of the Resur- rection. Whereto is prefixed. An Essay towards the Proof of a Separate State of Souls after Death. [London 171*8, 17**8, 1813. Haverhill I8l6.

1739 A New Essay on Civil Power in Things Sacred; or, an Inquiry after an Established Religion, consistent with the just Liber- ties of Mankind, and practicable under every form of Civil Government.

1739 Self-Love and Virtue Reconciled only by Religion; or, an Essay to prove that the only Effectual Obligation of Mankind to practice Virtue depends on the Existence and Will of God; together with an occasional Proof of the Necessity of Revelation.

17l*G The Ruin and Recovery of Mankind: or, an attempt to Vindicate the Scriptural Account of these great Events upon the plain Principles of Reason. With an answer to various Difficulties relating to Original Sin, the Universal Depravation of Nature, and the over-spreading Curse of Death; general offers of Grace to all Men, and the certain Salvation of sock:; the Case of the HeathenNations, and the State of the Dying Infants. Whereto are subjoined three short Essays, viz. The Proof of Man's Fall by his Misery; The Imputation of Sin and Righteousness; and. The Guilt and Defilement of Sin.

171*0 Questions Proper for Students in Divinity, Candidates of the Ministry, and Young Christians.

171*1 The Improvement of the Mind: or, a Supplement to the Art of Logic: containing a Variety of Remarks and Rules for the At- tainment and Communication of useful Knowledge in Religion, in the Sciences, and in Common Life. [London 1761. Boston 1793* Edinburgh 1801. London l8o4. Boston 1812. Washington 1813. Edinburgh l8ll*. Derby 1818. New York 1819. Boston 1821. Boston 1822, 1826, 1832. Baltimore 1833. Boston 1833, 1833* New York 181*9. New York 1885. Second edition-London 17^*3, 1782 1809, 1817, 1825. Boston 1826. Edinburgh 1856, 1868. Cal- cutta i860.

17l*2 The Harmony of all the Religions which God ever Prescribed: containing a brief Survey of the several public Dispensations of God towards Man, or his appointment of different Forms of Religion in successive Ages. Humbly proposed as an easy Clew to lead us through many difficulties of the Old Testament, and the New; and particularly to Explain and Reconcile the several Parts of St. Paul* s Epistles on these Subjects to every Capacity. ] ]

280

1745

The World to Come. (Vol. II. ) [Second edition London 1745. Boston 1748. Leeds l800. Portsea l809« Bungay 1813. Lon- 1745 don 1815. Ramsey 1816. ]

Orthodoxy and Charity United: in several Reconciling Essays on the Lav and Gospel, Faith and Works; viz. Essay I. The Substance or matter of the Gospel. II. The Form of the Gospel. III. The use of the Lav under the Gospel. IV. Mistaken ways of coming to God -without Christ. V. A Plain and Easy Account of Saving Faith, or coming to God by Jesus Christ. VI. A reconciling Thought on various controversies about Faith and Salvation. VII. Against uncharitableness. VIII. The Dif- ficulties in Scripture, and the various opinions of Christians. IX. An Apology for Christians of Different Sentiments. [Bos-

ton 1749. ]

1745 A Faithful Enquiry after the Ancient and Original Doctrine of

the Trinity Taught by Christ and his Apostles. [London 1816. ]

1746 Useful and Important Questions concerning Jesus the Son of God freely proposed: vith a humble attempt to Answer them according to Scripture ... To which is added, a Charitable Essay on the True Importance of any Human Schemes to explain the Sacred Doctrine of the Trinity. [Boston 1842. London 1746.]

1746 The Glory of Christ as God-Man Displayed, in Three Discourses Viz. Disc. I. A Survey of the Visible Appearances of Christ, as God before his Incarnation, with seme Observations on the texts of the Old Testament applied to Christ. Disc. II. An Inquiry into the Extensive Powers of the Human Mature of Christ 1747 in its present Glorified State, with several Testimonies annexed. Disc. III. An Argument tracing out the early Existence of the Human Soul of Christ, even before the Creation of the world. With an Appendix containing an Abridgment of Doctor Thomas Good- win’s Discourse of the "Glories and Royalties of Christ," in his Works in folio, Vol. II. Book 3. [Boston 1795*

1747 Evangelical Discourses on several Subjects. To which is added, an Essay on the Powers and Contents of Flesh and Spirit.

Evangelical Discourses on several Subjects. To which is added, an Essay on the Powers and Contests of Flesh and Spirit.

1747 The Rational Foundation of a Christian Church, and the Terms of Christian Communion. To which are added three Discourses, viz. Discourse I. A Pattern for a Dissenting Preacher. Dis- course II. The Office of Deacons. Discourse III. Invita- tions to Church-Fellowship. [Boston 1811. 3 ]

28i

Posthumous Publications

Part. [Published in 1751 •The Improvement of the Mind. The Second executors 1751 by D. Jennings and P. Doddridge, the literary of Watts's estate.

Isaac Watts, D.D. 1753 The Works of the late Reverend and learned Publish^ by himself, and now Collected into Six Volumes. In which are also inserted the Second Bart of The Improvement of the Mind, An Essay on Education, And some Additions to his Miscellaneous Thoughts in Prose and Verse. How first published Revised from his Manuscripts, and, by the Direction of his Will, Doddridge, and Corrected by D. Jennings, D. D. and the late P. D.D.

Learned and Reverend Isaac 1779 The Posthumous Works of the late in Posses- Watts, D. D. In Two Volumes. Compiled from Papers a sion of his immediate Successors: Adjusted and Published by Gentleman of the University of Cambridge.

la'be Isaac 1812 Nine Sermons Preached in the years 17l8-19> by Family of Watts, D. D. Now first Published from MSS. in the a Contemporary Friend. Oxford, 1812, John Itye Smith (od. ). [New York 1813. BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH

The writer was bora in Glasgow, Kentucky, October 6, 1906.

After completing grammer school and one year of high school, the family moved to Portland, Oregon. He was graduated from Washington High

School in 192h. In June 1928 he received the A. B. degree from Wil-

lamette University. His theological studies were completed by work

at the following seminaries: Kimball, Princeton, Garrette, Asbury,

and Burton. He received the B.D. degree from Asbury Theological

Seminary. The work on the doctorate at the University of Florida was begun in September 1954 and was completed in June 1959*

On December 24, 1942 he married Katherine H. Hoover.

For the past sixteen years he has been the pastor of the Central

Baptist Church of Jacksonville, Florida.

281 This dissertation vas prepared under the direction of the candidate's supervisory committee and has been submitted to the Dean of the College of Arts and Sciences and to the Graduate Council, and was approved as partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy.

June 8, 1959

Dean, Graduate School

SUPERVISORY- COMMITTEE

O* [gl ^l\si*Asis irman /