Römisch-Germanisches Zentralmuseum Leibniz-Forschungsinstitut für Archäologie
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RGZM – TAGUNGEN Band 30
Alexandra Hilgner · Susanne Greiff · Dieter Quast (eds)
GEMSTONES IN THE FIRST MILLENNIUM AD
MINES, TRADE, WORKSHOPS AND SYMBOLISM
International Conference, October 20th - 22nd, 2015 Römisch-Germanisches Zentralmuseum, Mainz
Verlag des Römisch-Germanischen Zentralmuseums Mainz 2017 Das Vorhaben »Weltweites Zellwerk – Umbrüche in der kultu- rellen Bedeutung frühmittelalterlichen Edelsteinschmucks vor dem Hintergrund von Wirtschaftsgeschichte sowie Ideen- und Technologietransfer« (FKZ: 01UO1313A) wird im Rahmen des Programms »Die Sprache der Objekte – Materielle Kultur im Kontext gesellschaftlicher Entwicklungen« vom Bundesminis- terium für Bildung und Forschung gefördert.
Redaktion: Alexandra Hilgner, Claudia Nickel (RGZM); © 2017 Verlag des Römisch-Germanischen Zentralmuseums Carola Murray-Seegert, Won Andres Satz: Dieter Imhäuser, Hofheim a. T. Das Werk ist urheberrechtlich geschützt. Die dadurch begründe- Umschlag: Claudia Nickel (RGZM); detail from the Catalan Atlas ten Rechte, insbesondere die der Übersetzung, des Nachdrucks, (AD 1375) showing Marco Polo’s family travelling by camel cara- der Entnahme von Abbildungen, der Funk- und Fernsehsendung, van (image: public domain via Wikimedia Commons). der Wiedergabe auf fotomechanischem (Fotokopie, Microkopie) oder ähnlichem Wege und der Speicherung in Datenverarbei- tungsanlagen, Ton- und Bildträgern bleiben, auch bei nur aus- Bibliografische Information zugsweiser Verwertung, vorbehalten. Die Vergütungsansprüche der Deutschen Nationalbibliothek des §54, Abs.2, UrhG. werden durch die Verwertungsgesellschaft Wort wahrgenommen. Die Deutsche Nationalbibliothek verzeichnet diese Publikation in der Deutschen Nationalbibliografe: Detaillierte bibliografsche Druck: Beltz Bad Langensalza GmbH Daten sind im Internet über http://dnb.d-nb.de abrufbar. Printed in Germany.
ISBN 978-3-88467-271-6 ISSN 1862-4812 CONTENTS
Preface ...... VII
Mines and Trade
Dieter Quast · Alexandra Hilgner · Susanne Greiff Introduction: Mines and Trade ...... 3
Borayin Larios Elusive Gemstone Mines: the Red Garnet Industry in Contemporary Rajasthan ...... 7
Brigitte Borell Gemstones in Southeast Asia and Beyond: Trade along the Maritime Networks ...... 21
Eivind Heldaas Seland Gemstones and Mineral Products in the Red Sea / Indian Ocean Trade of the First Millennium ...... 45
Dieter Quast Amber and Beaver Furs: Trade with Raw Material for the Production of Luxury Goods ...... 59
Helena Hamerow The Circulation of Garnets in the North Sea Zone, ca. 400-700 ...... 71
Gemstone Working
Judith Jordan · Elke Nieveler · Michael Schmauder Introduction to Gemstone Working ...... 87
John Ljungkvist · Jonna Sarén Lundahl · Per Frölund Two Workshops with Garnet Crafts in Gamla Uppsala ...... 91
Mark Horton · Nicole Boivin · Alison Crowther · Ben Gaskell · Chantal Radimilahy · Henry Wright East Africa as a Source for Fatimid Rock Crystal. Workshops from Kenya to Madagascar ...... 103
Elise Morero · Jeremy Johns · Hara Procopiou · Roberto Vargiolu Hassan Zahouani The Manufacturing Techniques of Fatimid Rock Crystal Ewers ...... 119
Manfred Burianek · Thomas Höltken A Rock Crystal Workshop from Cologne ...... 137
V The Value and the Symbolic Meaning(s) of Gemstones
Kerstin Sobkowiak An Introduction to the Value and the Symbolic Meaning(s) of Gemstones ...... 151
Lisbet Thoresen Archaeogemmology and Ancient Literary Sources on Gems and their Origins ...... 155
James McHugh The Symbolism of Gemstones in Indian Religions ...... 219
Michelle Beghelli From the Bible to the Liber Pontifcalis. Gems and Precious Stones in the Early Medieval Churches: Combinations, Colours and Contexts ...... 233
Nils C. Ritter Gemstones in Pre-Islamic Persia: Social and Symbolic Meanings of Sasanian Seals ...... 277
Antje Bosselmann-Ruickbie The Symbolism of Byzantine Gemstones: Written Sources, Objects and Sympathetic Magic in Byzantium ...... 293
Poster Session
Kerstin Sobkowiak · Dieter Quast · Stefan Albrecht · Jörg Drauschke Gemstones as Insignia ...... 308
Jörg Drauschke · Annette Frey · Antonio Juárez Villena · Dieter Quast Between Fashion and Meaning – Red Garnet and Style Changes from the 5th to the 7th Century . . . . . 310
Stefan Albrecht · Jörg Drauschke · Michael Franz · Dieter Quast · Jörg Gengnagel · Kerstin Sobko- wiak · Borayin Larios · Judith Jordan · Elke Nieveler · Michael Schmauder · Eszter Horváth · Zsófa Rácz · Sonngard Hartmann · Michael Rychlicki · Susanne Greiff Garnet: Crisis along Trade Routes in the 7th Century? ...... 312
Charlotte Hedenstierna-Jonson · Alexandra Hilgner · Antonio Juárez Villena Garnet on the Peripheries of the Centres of Fashion ...... 314
Stefan Albrecht · Julia Bolotina · Kerstin Sobkowiak Gemstones in Heaven and Earth: Rivers of Opulence in Historical Sources ...... 316
Elke Nieveler · Judith Jordan · Jutta Geisweid · Christiane Stempel · Eszter Horváth Quality by its Defnition ...... 318
List of Contributors ...... 320
VI PREFACE
The conference »Gemstones in the First Millennium AD« was organised in October 2015 in Mainz, Ger- many, within the scope of the project »International Framework – Weltweites Zellwerk – Changes in the cultural signifcance of early medieval gemstone jewellery considered against the background of economic history and the transfer of ideas and technologies«. The project, the conference and this volume are gener- ously sponsored by the German Federal Ministry of Education and Research (BMBF). The project focuses on garnet jewellery, a European phenomenon of the early Middle Ages. On the one hand, the social and sym- bolic character of this jewellery style is scrutinised, while another part of the project focuses on eco-historical questions. While the project’s results will be published in a separate volume, the present proceedings are a collection of essays, mostly by external authors. Researchers from different countries, such as Germany, England, the United States, Sweden, Norway and Italy and from various felds, such as archaeology, history, philology as well as the natural sciences, contribute to this volume: they present their results on worldwide gemstone research – including, but not focusing on garnet. These speakers, now authors, were selected to help the project members widen their views and »think out of the box« for their own research as well as to integrate their individual research results within a wider context. Trade fows and production methods, but also utilisation and perception were discussed in a cross-cultural and diachronic approach, using gemstones as an example. The conference aimed at three main questions that formed the sessions: »Mines and Trade«, »Gemstone Working« as well as »The Value and the Symbolic Meaning(s) of Gemstones«. The structure of this volume follows the structure of the conference. The chairs of the sessions and the editors of this volume present each of these three chapters with an introduction to the topic. The chairs were chosen as representatives of the three project’s joint-partners: The Römisch-Germanisches Zentralmuseum (RGZM) in Mainz, The LVR-LandesMuseum in Bonn and the South Asia Institute of Heidelberg University (SAI). The RGZM has a strong background in provenancing garnets and thus presents the chapter »Mines and Trade«. The LVR-LandesMuseum is focusing on technological questions within the project and therefore describes »Gemstone Working«. The partners from the SAI are philologists and hence qualifed to discuss »The Value and the Symbolic Meaning(s) of Gemstones«. Starting with the idea of bringing together experts from different felds and continents as well as positioning ourselves within the scientifc community, we received more than we had dared to wish for: with top-rank- ing researchers from the wider feld of gemstone studies, this conference included interesting presentations in felds that, in the past, were often characterised by isolated research carried out by only few experts. The stimulating discussions during the sessions created new networks and led to the exchange of thoughts across the disciplines. This conference was organised by colleagues from the RGZM, but our project partners from the SAI and the LVR-LandesMuseum in Bonn played an important role in searching for and selecting the speakers. We are very thankful for their support. We would also like to thank our student assistants Anna-Maria Bojzak, Michael Franz and Andrea Bersch, for helping to organise the conference days. Thanks are also due to Carola Murray-Seegert for proofreading, Dieter Imhäuser for designing the layout, Won Andres for help- ing with copy-editing, and to the publishing house of the RGZM. Of course, our special thanks go to the speakers and authors whose essays created this volume. We are now fortunate to be able to present these contributions to a wider public. The Editors Alexandra Hilgner, Susanne Greiff & Dieter Quast
VII MARK HORTON · NICOLE BOIVIN · ALISON CROWTHER · BEN GASKELL CHANTAL RADIMILAHY · HENRY WRIGHT
EAST AFRICA AS A SOURCE FOR FATIMID ROCK CRYSTAL. WORKSHOPS FROM KENYA TO MADAGASCAR
Among the greatest treasures of the medieval Islamic world are the extraordinary rock crystal vessels that were crafted in Fatimid Cairo between the 10th-11th centuries 1. While debate has focussed on the techno- logical aspects of the production of these great works of art, less attention has been given to explaining the source of the crystal from which they have been made. In this paper we want to set out the evidence that it may have come from northeastern Madagascar, via long distance maritime trade routes that integrated the Swahili coast of East Africa with the Gulf, the Red Sea and Nile Valley. Crystal quartz is one of the world’s most common minerals, made from silicon dioxide. In its pure form it is known as clear quartz, hyaline quartz or rock crystal 2. Other crystalline types can include rose quartz, milky quartz, amethyst and citrine, coloured through the inclusion of impurities. It can be found in a variety of geological conditions, and major modern sources of crystal have been the Minas Gerais state in Brazil and the Alpine regions of Europe. Late medieval and early modern sources included the Tirolean Alps, Black For- est and Saarland 3 but in the ancient and early medieval worlds, most crystal quartz was probably obtained from much further afeld entral Asia, Sri anka and southern India, and Africa. Two particular features of atimid crystal objects are noteworthy and generally rare. The frst is the extreme clarity of the crystal, which frequently contains few visible inclusions or internal fractures. Most rock crystal is cloudy, coloured or fractured, whereas the Fatimid crystal is predominantly clear, a feature noted by the Persian mineralogist and polymath al-Biruni 4. Secondly, Fatimid crystal objects can be very large in size and have to been carved from a single block. One of the most famous, the al-Aziz piece in the Treasury of San Marco, is 230 mm × 125 mm while the largest in the St. Denis piece in the Louvre is 240 mm high 5. This would have required a single crystal at least twice this dimension. Material of this size and quality is rare and diffcult to obtain. There has long been a suspicion that these large crystals derived from Africa not least because the main authority on early Islamic gems and minerals, al-Biruni, said so in the 11th century 6. In a paper published in »Scientifc American« in , it was suggested that the port-cities of East Africa had an important role in the trade of crystal quartz into the Islamic world . At that stage, a few waste fragments had been excavated from the th-14th-century port site of Shanga on the Kenya coast, and we thought that the crystal might have come from the East African interior, possibly the Rift Valley, where small deposits of crystal are found . eanwhile, further research in East Africa since has shown that this was unlikely, with sporadic evidence of early coastal contact found so far inland. Further excavations on island sites on an ibar, emba and the omoros have reported more fnds of crystal beads and waste materials, with increasing concentrations moving southwards. The key Madagascar port-city of Mahilaka, occupied from the 11th-14th century, has so far produced the largest concentration of waste crystal, strongly suggesting a Madagascar source . adagascan crystal is noteworthy for its high purity and translucency deriving from single crystals that can weigh about 300 kg, and up to one metre. These very large lumps can be largely free of imperfections and are therefore ideal for carving the size of pieces found in the Islamic world. To transport large rocks to Cairo
Gemstones in the First Millennium AD 103 would have involved considerable effort and organisation, and while the Fatimid ewers are the most famous pieces, there were several workshops producing many thousands of pieces on a less spectacular scale, de- manding a sustainable source of high-quality crystal. Rock crystal may also have been used as a source of silica in glass production where clear glass of exceptional quality was required; quartz pebbles were used in the production of the later Venetian cristallo 10.
DOCUMENTARY SOURCES
As with many exotic and luxury commodities, the documentary sources are generally silent as to their ori- gin. This is partly because they may have come from remote places, for which geographical knowledge was fragmented, but also because secrecy and rarity added to their value. The East African coast is itself poorly documented, even though it was largely Muslim and therefore literate from the 10th century 11. Between then and the 14th century there are only two eyewitness accounts al- as udi in 12, and Ibn Battuta in 1332 13, neither of whom mention crystal specifcally. ther geographical descriptions are second-hand and fragmentary, and do not mention crystal as a signifcant export concentrating instead on the better-known gold and ivory, both obtained from southern Africa in a region known as Sufala 14. The frst suggestion that East Africa, or the land of the anj as it was known, was a supplier of crystal comes from the encyclopaedist al- iruni. is » ost omprehensive nowledge of recious Stones« was written ca - , but was probably based on observations made around years earlier, in the area of modern Iran and Afghanistan. He was, however, well informed on African trade and has also left a reasonably accurate description of the conduct of the gold trade in southern Africa 15. Referring to rock crystal: »[…] it is brought from the islands of Zanj and other islands ( az ʾir al-Zanj wa-l-Dibajat) to Basra, where vessels are made. Large and small pieces are collected at one place. Instructions are tagged upon pieces that are to be cut and shaped and the types of vessels that are to be made from them. They are then handed over to the artisans who follow the instructions and collect high wages. These wages are far higher than those of the persons who measure the pieces and put down the instructions. There is considerable difference between knowledge and the practice of that knowledge. This crystal possesses the tenuity of the air and the trans- parency of water. If a hole, knot, or cloudiness falls upon its transparency, it is masked by some etched design or inscription, requiring considerable expertise. Should this defect engulf the whole piece and remove its transparency, it is denoted as rim billur the dross of the crystal « 16.
Noteworthy is that, at this date, the trade seems to have been between Basra, at the northern end of the Persian Gulf, and the islands of the Zanj with the rather obscure az ʾir al-Zanj wa-l-Dibajat, which could be translated as »islands of the anj by the Dibajat aldives «. According to the geographical knowledge of the time, this might mean the Comoros or other East African islands. Basra was a major urban centre and port during the early Abbasid period and the residence of Kharijite merchants, who were involved in the Zanj slave trade and thus already had extensive knowledge of East Africa . Al-Biruni continued with a further observation on the exceptional quality of the African crystal: »[Crystal] is brought from Kashmir also. Some sections are uncut and some are used in the making of vessels and utensils, goblets and cups, chess pieces and counters, and pieces as large as a soap-nut. But this variety does not approach the Zanji kind nor is the quality of the work- manship of these people of ashmir as fnished as that of the asrans. Its sections are found in mountains as well. It is found in plenty in Wakhan and adakhshan but is not exported« .
104 M. Horton et al. · East Africa as a Source for Fatimid Rock Crystal. Workshops from Kenya to Madagascar Two encyclopaedists follow al-Biruni listing sources for rock crystal, although it is unclear how reliable these are. Al-Akfani ca provides a list that includes anj, along with ashmir, adakhshan, itilis, Armenia, Sri Lanka, Morocco and the land of the Franks . A Spanish source, »The apidary of Alfonso V« records that it is found in many parts, »but the best of all is found in the land of Ethiopia« 20. The other major historical source is Nasir-i Khusraw, a Persian who left an important narrative of his travels through the iddle East between - . In about , while visiting ld airo, he observed that: »on the north side of the mosque (al-Hakim) is a market called the Lamp Market and no one ever saw such a market anywhere else. Every kind of rare good from all over the world can be had there. I saw tortoise-shell implements such as small boxes, combs, knife handles and so on. I also saw extremely fne crystal, which the master craftsmen etch most beautifully. This crystal had been imported from the Maghreb although they say that near the Red Sea (Bahr al-Qul- zum crystal even fner and more translucent than the ahghrebi variety had been found« 21.
He also adds that in the market there were also extremely large elephant tusks from Zanzibar (200 maunds, at least lbs kg the largest recorded in modern times from East Africa, the famous ilimanjaro tusks, were only and kg 22), a leopard skin and type of peacock from Ethiopia. It does seem curious that his informants made clear where the ivory came from but were more vague as to the source of the crys- tal. No other account gives the Red Sea as a source and there are no known deposits of rock crystal here. As we shall see, this was most likely the transhipment point for Madagascar crystal via southern Arabian ports. The Cairo Geniza documents, written to and from the Jewish communities in Aden during the 11th and 12th centuries, are conspicuous in their lack of reference to East Africa or indeed any trade in crystal. The published sections of the »India ook« contain a single reference to a crystal container used for kohl, as a private possession of a Jewish merchant 23.
ABBASID AND FATIMID TRADE WITH EAST AFRICA (fg. 1)
Quart crystal is a consistent but generally rare fnd on the ports of the East African coast. These sites have been quite widely excavated since the pioneering work of ames irkman at Gedi in the s hittick s work at ilwa and anda in the s was followed by orton s work at Shanga, and on an ibar, Tum- batu and Pemba as well as the work of many others. Pierre Vérin, Claude Allibert and Henry Wright docu- mented related sites on the Comoros and Madagascar 24. More recently European Research Council-funded Sealinks roject has revisited several of these sites on an ibar, emba, afa, the omoros and adagas- car 25. These sites span the early th century through to the 16th century. They are major indigenous trade communities that developed stone architecture and many urban features. Study of the ceramics and glass provide an indication of main fows of trade, although imports rarely exceed of the total assemblages of ceramic sherds 26. As participants in the Indian Ocean monsoon-based networks, it is unsurprising that the majority of evidence for contact lies with the Gulf, and to a lesser extent with western India and southern Arabia particularly in the th and 14th centuries . Considerable quantities of Tang and Song Chinese ceramics were also found, although these are most likely arriving via the Indian and Gulf ports. The ports of East Africa participated in the maritime trade of the Western Indian Ocean from at least the late th century if not before . Key radiocarbon dated sequences from Unguja Ukuu and Fukuchani on an ibar have identifed a wide range of imports from the Gulf from ca onwards, with hinese stone- wares arriving by at least . Connections with South Asia are evident from the glass beads 30. Other East African trade sites securely dated to the th century include Shanga and Manda in the Lamu archipelago and
Gemstones in the First Millennium AD 105 Tumbe on Pemba island 31. Several early sites such as Dembeni and Old Sima are known from the Co- moros, but probably date from around 32. While the imports cover the same range as those found on the coast, the local pottery on the Comoros has dis- tinctive features as well as some common features 33, suggesting that the Comoros communities were dis- tinct from mainland Africa and may have included an Austronesian component. The settlement of Madagascar and its connection with the Indian Ocean world remains unresolved 34. Both genetic and linguistic evidence indicates that the island was settled from Indonesia or elsewhere in the Austronesian-speaking world. The archaeo- logical evidence, however, remains ambiguous. The earliest known coastal sites, including Ampasima- havelona, near to Vohémar, and Nosy Mangabe, near Maroantsetra, have radiocarbon dates from the th century 35. Ampasimahavelona does not have imports in the earliest levels, only coarse oxidised ceramics that are among the earliest recognisable ceramics in Madagascar and have no readily iden- tifable cultural association. The oldest major urban site is that of Mahilaka on the northwestern coast, established by the 11th century and continuing until the 14th century. The local Mahilaka ceramics have some similarities with contemporary material in the th th Fig. 1 Principal 10 -11 century port sites in East Africa, where 36 rock crystal has been excavated, with possible trade routes to Cairo Comoros . and Basra. Critical to the argument that Madagascar was the main source of the Fatimid crystal is evidence for Fa- timid or Red Sea trade with East Africa in the 10th and 11th centuries. In many ways, this is problematic, as the many excavated sites contain very limited material from the Red Sea or Egypt during this period. In contrast to the many thousands of sherds from the Persian Gulf that have been found on the East African sites, not a single sherd of Fatimid or related ceramic has been excavated (except one possible one from Ma- hilaka which has similarities to some early Islamic Egyptian wares) and only a few pieces of possible painted glass . This is in contrast to evidence from the mid-13th to mid-14th century, when East African trade with Aden is represented by signifcant quantities of yellow-gla ed mustard wares, from kilns near Aden . Trade between East Africa and the Red Sea and Egypt was not as simple as the monsoon-directed bilateral trade with the Gulf, in which ships could undertake the voyage directly. It is diffcult to sail from the ed Sea to East Africa in a single season, and this can be shown on the monsoon dates, recorded by the 15th and 16th century navigators according to Ibn ajid, ships left the ed Sea ports between August and September 11 with a wind that carried them all the way to India. However, when reaching the southern Arabian ports they would be confronted by the contrary southwest monsoon for the African voyage and would have to await the change in monsoon in November the optimal dates for sailing from alindi to Madagascar are January 25-February 15, possibly reaching Madagascar by April. The return journey
106 M. Horton et al. · East Africa as a Source for Fatimid Rock Crystal. Workshops from Kenya to Madagascar would begin in September, reaching the coasts of southern Arabia by November, and the Red Sea ports in December or anuary a voyage of up of months duration. It is hardly surprising that the ports of the southern Arabian coast, from Dhofar to Aden, acted as an entrepôt, where East African goods could be stored and transferred 40. Ibn al-Mujawir describes the voyage to Aden from Madagascar, stating that normally it takes three monsoons to reach Madagascar, »but some people would turn the three mon- soons into one: in AD a ship sailed from adagascar making for ilwa but dropping anchor in Aden« 41. The ships they sailed in are described as having paddles (ajnihah), possibly outrigger boats of Austronesian design. The survivors of this voyage were living in reed huts in a wadi near to Aden. He also describes a community of East Africans living in Aden, who subsequently forced these sailors from Madagascar out of town to live in this wadi. After they died out, the settlement was later taken over by people emigrating from Siraf 42. These ports of the southern Arabian and Dhofar coast may have acted as entrepôts for East African com- modities feeding into the Indian Ocean trading networks. One such entrepôt has been suggested at Sharma, on the Arabian coast, dating from ca - 43. The excavators describe the site as a transit entrepôt, founded by emigrant refugees from Siraf who moved there in the late 10th century, after the collapse of Siraf as the main centre for international trade 44. owever there was also a signifcant East African community resident at Sharma, as is evident from the large quantity of African ceramics found there between and of the total ungla ed assemblage, peaking at around 45. The ceramics are a very close match to those from the Pemba site of Mtambwe Mkuu, indeed so close as to suggest that this is the origin of East African community at Sharma 46. Other commodities are also found at Sharma including gum copal, chemically linked to two sources: Madagascar and continental East Africa . Similar copal has been found associated with an incense burner from the th- th century Zanzibar port of Unguja Ukuu . The range of Islamic glazed ceramics from the Gulf, unglazed Indian pottery and Chinese wares is notably similar to that found in contemporaneous East African ports, and very few ceramics from Sharma can be attributed to an Egyptian or Red Sea origin . The carbonised food remains included both sorghum (Sorghum bicolor) and Asian rice (Oryza sativa L.) (though only a few grains), which may have been imported from the East African ports 50. While no rock crystal has been reported from Sharma, Madagascan chlorite-schist is present 51. The ceramic connection between Sharma and tambwe kuu is particularly signifcant, as from this site on Pemba a hoard of over 2000 locally produced silver coins and at least 13 gold dinars were found 52. Eight of the latter were from atimid mints, the latest of which was dated AD . rom the hoard, eight coins were from atimid mints, but three were »imitation« atimid coins that could have been locally minted in East Africa or on the Arabian coast; these bore nonsensical Arabic inscriptions, in a bulls-eye design found on the coins of al- ustansir - . These »imitation« atimid coins have been found farther south one from isimani afa on afa island, and two hoards of probable identical coins from »Diego Suare « 53 and Mananara in northern Madagascar 54. This distribution pattern of Fatimid-style coins is remarkable and provides a trail from Egypt to the northern coast of Madagascar in the 11th century. Fatimid knowledge of East Africa has recently been highlighted by the acquisition by the Bodleian Library of »The ook of uriosities«, a compilation of world geographical knowledge dating to the s and prob- ably assembled in Cairo 55. In one section it provides a list of places down the East African coast, described as the lands of anj, recording ikhanah twapa unjuawah Unguja Ukuu anfya afa ilwalah (Kilwa), an island; ... Island of ... d-l-h; Q-d-x-h, a Bay; Khawr al-Amir (Bay of the Amir); K-l-n-k-w, a strong- hold and Susmar, an island » rocodile island« . Susmar might refer to one of the omoro Islands which once had an indigenous crocodile population and signifcant occupation during this period 56. While it is not possible to identify places beyond Kilwa, this list indicates that there was some Fatimid knowledge of the coast and islands far to the south.
Gemstones in the First Millennium AD Site Waste fakes Waste beads Complete beads Artefacts / blocks Date Range Shanga 46 3 , - Mtambwe Mkuu 1 2 2 - Ras Mkumbuu 1 3 - Tumbatu 4 4 1 1000-1300 Mkokotoni 24 2 1200 Unguja Ukuu 1 3 Kilwa 25 1 ? 1300 Dembeni 1 - Old Sima 1 - Vohemar ?? 1000-1500 Nosy Mangabe 1 - Mahilaka 2 10 1 1000-1300
Tab. 1 ock crystal fnds from East African sites.
ARCHAEOLOGICAL EVIDENCE (tab. 1)
The majority of fnds of crystal on archaeological sites in East Africa comes from waste fakes and cores, discarded waster beads, complete beads, and occasional artefacts. The fakes and cores provide the most convincing evidence for trade in the bulk raw material, suggesting that some crystal was being actively worked. Complete crystal beads could have been made and traded from elsewhere, but discarded waster beads suggest local manufacture, likely using a Madagascan source. This is a list of currently known or published crystal.
Shanga
46 crystal beads were excavated from Shanga; most were spheroid, and some were faceted. Eight were discarded wasters , suggesting that there was a local bead making industry . There were also small quantities of pure crystal waste seven discarded cores fg. 2). Other evidence for working crystal was a half-worked cone, a cube and button that had been discarded half fnished. A single piece of this crystal was found in the site hase , around , but the majority of both beads and waste occurred between sites hases and mid- th to mid-13th century).
Zanzibar and Pemba Islands
During the s, a number of sites were excavated on an ibar and emba islands . The earliest site to contain crystal was Unguja Ukuu, which new Sealinks research securely dates from the late th century to the 11th century. A single piece of waste crystal was found deeply stratifed in a probable th century level. Waste crystal was also found at Tumbatu, a later site spanning the 11th to 14th century, as well as a crystal cube. The nearby site of Mkokotoni produced 24 pieces of waste crystal in a single cache, probably in a 13th century context. Two other pieces of waste were found at Mtambwe Mkuu and Ras Mkumbuu. In addition, eight spheroid beads found at Unguja Ukuu, Mkokotoni, Tumbatu and Mtambwe Mkuu were unpolished and mis-drilled, suggesting local manufacturing, and were similar to carnelian beads found at Tumbatu.