Eunapius and Zosimus on the Decline of Rome Eunapius and the Idea of the Decline of the Roman Empire in Zosimus
Total Page:16
File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb
Load more
Recommended publications
-
The Politics of Roman Memory in the Age of Justinian DISSERTATION Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the D
The Politics of Roman Memory in the Age of Justinian DISSERTATION Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of The Ohio State University By Marion Woodrow Kruse, III Graduate Program in Greek and Latin The Ohio State University 2015 Dissertation Committee: Anthony Kaldellis, Advisor; Benjamin Acosta-Hughes; Nathan Rosenstein Copyright by Marion Woodrow Kruse, III 2015 ABSTRACT This dissertation explores the use of Roman historical memory from the late fifth century through the middle of the sixth century AD. The collapse of Roman government in the western Roman empire in the late fifth century inspired a crisis of identity and political messaging in the eastern Roman empire of the same period. I argue that the Romans of the eastern empire, in particular those who lived in Constantinople and worked in or around the imperial administration, responded to the challenge posed by the loss of Rome by rewriting the history of the Roman empire. The new historical narratives that arose during this period were initially concerned with Roman identity and fixated on urban space (in particular the cities of Rome and Constantinople) and Roman mythistory. By the sixth century, however, the debate over Roman history had begun to infuse all levels of Roman political discourse and became a major component of the emperor Justinian’s imperial messaging and propaganda, especially in his Novels. The imperial history proposed by the Novels was aggressivley challenged by other writers of the period, creating a clear historical and political conflict over the role and import of Roman history as a model or justification for Roman politics in the sixth century. -
Theodora, Aetius of Amida, and Procopius: Some Possible Connections John Scarborough
Theodora, Aetius of Amida, and Procopius: Some Possible Connections John Scarborough HEN ANCIENT AND MEDIEVAL SOURCES speak of prostitutes’ expertise, they frequently address the Wquestion of how they managed to keep free from pregnancies. Anyone unschooled in botanicals that were con- traceptives or abortifacients might pose a question similar to that of an anonymous writer in twelfth-century Salerno who asks medical students: “As prostitutes have very frequent intercourse, why do they conceive only rarely?”1 Procopius’ infamous invective, describing the young Theodora’s skills in prostitution, contains a similar phrase: she “became pregnant in numerous instances, but almost always could expel instantly the results of her coupling.”2 Neither text specifies the manner of abortion or contraception, probably similar to those re- corded in the second century by Soranus of Ephesus (see be- low). Procopius’ deliciously scandalous narrative is questionable 1 Brian Lawn, The Prose Salernitan Questions (London 1970) B 10 (p.6): Que- ritur cum prostitute meretrices frequentissime coeant, unde accidat quod raro concipiant? 2 Procop. Anec. 9.19 (ed. Haury): καὶ συχνὰ µὲν ἐκύει, πάντα δὲ σχεδὸν τεχνάζουσα ἐξαµβλίσκειν εὐθὺς ἴσχυε, which can also be translated “She conceived frequently, but since she used quickly all known drugs, a mis- carriage was effected”; if τεχνάζουσα is the ‘application of a specialized skill’, the implication becomes she employed drugs that were abortifacients. Other passages suggestive of Procopius’ interests in medicine and surgery include Wars 2.22–23 (the plague, adapted from Thucydides’ description of the plague at Athens, with the added ‘buboes’ of Bubonic Plague, and an account of autopsies performed by physicians on plague victims), 6.2.14–18 (military medicine and surgery), and 1.16.7 (the infamous description of how the Persians blinded malefactors, reported matter-of-factly). -
Philological and Historical Commentary on Ammianus Marcellinus XXVI
Philological and Historical Commentary on Ammianus Marcellinus XXVI Philological and Historical Commentary on Ammianus Marcellinus XXVI By J. den Boeft, J.W. Drijvers, D. den Hengst and H.C. Teitler LEIDEN • BOSTON 2008 This book is printed on acid-free paper. A Cataloging-in-Publication record for this book is available from the Library of Congress. ISBN: 978 90 04 16212 9 Copyright 2008 by Koninklijke Brill NV, Leiden, The Netherlands. Koninklijke Brill NV incorporates the imprints Brill, Hotei Publishing, IDC Publishers, Martinus Nijhoff Publishers and VSP. All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, translated, stored in aretrievalsystem,ortransmittedinanyformorbyanymeans,electronic,mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without prior written permission from the publisher. Authorization to photocopy items for internal or personal use is granted by Koninklijke Brill NV provided that the appropriate fees are paid directly to The Copyright Clearance Center, 222 Rosewood Drive, Suite 910, Danvers, MA 01923, USA. Fees are subject to change. printed in the netherlands CONTENTS Preface ................................. vii Introduction ........................... ix A noteonchronology ................. xv Legenda ................................ xxvii Commentary on Chapter 1 ........... 1 Commentary on Chapter 2 ........... 37 Commentary on Chapter 3 ........... 59 Commentary on Chapter 4 ........... 75 Commentary on Chapter 5 ........... 93 Commentary on Chapter 6 ........... 125 Commentary on Chapter 7 -
Roman-Barbarian Marriages in the Late Empire R.C
ROMAN-BARBARIAN MARRIAGES IN THE LATE EMPIRE R.C. Blockley In 1964 Rosario Soraci published a study of conubia between Romans and Germans from the fourth to the sixth century A.D.1 Although the title of the work might suggest that its concern was to be with such marriages through- out the period, in fact its aim was much more restricted. Beginning with a law issued by Valentinian I in 370 or 373 to the magister equitum Theodosius (C.Th. 3.14.1), which banned on pain of death all marriages between Roman pro- vincials and barbarae or gentiles, Soraci, after assessing the context and intent of the law, proceeded to discuss its influence upon the practices of the Germanic kingdoms which succeeded the Roman Empire in the West. The text of the law reads: Nulli provineialium, cuiuscumque ordinis aut loci fuerit, cum bar- bara sit uxore coniugium, nec ulli gentilium provinciales femina copuletur. Quod si quae inter provinciales atque gentiles adfinitates ex huiusmodi nuptiis extiterit, quod in his suspectum vel noxium detegitur, capitaliter expietur. This was regarded by Soraci not as a general banning law but rather as a lim- ited attempt, in the context of current hostilities with the Alamanni, to keep those barbarians serving the Empire (gentiles)isolated from the general Roman 2 populace. The German lawmakers, however, exemplified by Alaric in his 63 64 interpretatio,3 took it as a general banning law and applied it in this spir- it, so that it became the basis for the prohibition under the Germanic king- doms of intermarriage between Romans and Germans. -
Introduction
Cambridge University Press 978-0-521-86543-2 - Economy and Society in the Age of Justinian Peter Sarris Excerpt More information Introduction In the year 565, in the imperial capital of Constantinople, the Emperor Justinian died, bringing to a close a reign that had lasted some forty-eight years. In death, as in life, Justinian left a deep impression on those around him. The Latin court poet Corippus declared that ‘the awesome death of the man showed by clear signs that he had conquered the world. He alone, amidst universal lamentations, seemed to rejoice in his pious coun- tenance.’1 The memory of Justinian was to loom large in the minds of subsequent generations of emperors, just as the physical monuments built in Constantinople during his reign were long to dominate the medieval city.2 The emperor had reformed the civil law of the empire, overhauled its administrative structures, and restored imperial rule to Africa, Italy, and part of Spain; he had engaged in long drawn-out warfare with the prestige enemy of Sasanian Persia and attempted to restore peace to the increasingly fissile imperial Church. In short, through his military exertions, Justinian had done much to restore the Roman Empire to a position of military and ideological dominance in the lands bordering the central and western Mediterranean, whilst at home he had sought to bolster the legal, admin- istrative, and religious authority of the imperial office.3 This attempted restoration of imperial fortunes had been accompanied by a concerted effort to propagandise on behalf of the emperor and his policies. -
Byzantine Missionaries, Foreign Rulers, and Christian Narratives (Ca
Conversion and Empire: Byzantine Missionaries, Foreign Rulers, and Christian Narratives (ca. 300-900) by Alexander Borislavov Angelov A dissertation submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy (History) in The University of Michigan 2011 Doctoral Committee: Professor John V.A. Fine, Jr., Chair Professor Emeritus H. Don Cameron Professor Paul Christopher Johnson Professor Raymond H. Van Dam Associate Professor Diane Owen Hughes © Alexander Borislavov Angelov 2011 To my mother Irina with all my love and gratitude ii Acknowledgements To put in words deepest feelings of gratitude to so many people and for so many things is to reflect on various encounters and influences. In a sense, it is to sketch out a singular narrative but of many personal “conversions.” So now, being here, I am looking back, and it all seems so clear and obvious. But, it is the historian in me that realizes best the numerous situations, emotions, and dilemmas that brought me where I am. I feel so profoundly thankful for a journey that even I, obsessed with planning, could not have fully anticipated. In a final analysis, as my dissertation grew so did I, but neither could have become better without the presence of the people or the institutions that I feel so fortunate to be able to acknowledge here. At the University of Michigan, I first thank my mentor John Fine for his tremendous academic support over the years, for his friendship always present when most needed, and for best illustrating to me how true knowledge does in fact produce better humanity. -
Emperors and Generals in the Fourth Century Doug Lee Roman
Emperors and Generals in the Fourth Century Doug Lee Roman emperors had always been conscious of the political power of the military establishment. In his well-known assessment of the secrets of Augustus’ success, Tacitus observed that he had “won over the soldiers with gifts”,1 while Septimius Severus is famously reported to have advised his sons to “be harmonious, enrich the soldiers, and despise the rest”.2 Since both men had gained power after fiercely contested periods of civil war, it is hardly surprising that they were mindful of the importance of conciliating this particular constituency. Emperors’ awareness of this can only have been intensified by the prolonged and repeated incidence of civil war during the mid third century, as well as by emperors themselves increasingly coming from military backgrounds during this period. At the same time, the sheer frequency with which armies were able to make and unmake emperors in the mid third century must have served to reinforce soldiers’ sense of their potential to influence the empire’s affairs and extract concessions from emperors. The stage was thus set for a fourth century in which the stakes were high in relations between emperors and the military, with a distinct risk that, if those relations were not handled judiciously, the empire might fragment, as it almost did in the 260s and 270s. 1 Tac. Ann. 1.2. 2 Cass. Dio 76.15.2. Just as emperors of earlier centuries had taken care to conciliate the rank and file by various means,3 so too fourth-century emperors deployed a range of measures designed to win and retain the loyalties of the soldiery. -
Ancient Greek Physicians
Ancient Greek physicians Abascantus Acesias Acron Acumenus Adamantius Aegimus Aelianus Meccius Aelius Promotus Aeschines (physician) Aeschrion of Pergamon Agapetus (physician) Agathinus Agnodice Alcmaeon of Croton Alexander of Tralles Alexander Philalethes Epipodius and Alexander Alexias Alexion Alexippus Amentes Ammonius Lithotomos Anaxilaus Andreas (physician) Androcydes (physician) Andromachus Andromachus (physician) Andron (physician) Andronicus (physician) Anicia Anonymus Londinensis Antaeus (physician) Antigenes Antigonus (physician) Antiochis Antiochus (physician) Antiochus Philometor Antipater (1st-century BC physician) Antipater (2nd-century physician) Antiphanes of Delos Antonius (herbalist) Antyllus Apollodorus (physician) Apollonides (physician) Apollonides of Cos Apollonios of Kition Apollonius (physician) Archigenes Aretaeus of Cappadocia Aristogenes (physician) Aristoxenus (physician) Asclepiades of Bithynia Asclepiades Pharmacion Aspasia the Physician Athenaeus of Attalia Athryilatus B Bacchius of Tanagra Bolus of Mendes C Calliphon of Croton Chrysippus of Cnidos Claudius Agathemerus Criton of Heraclea Ctesias D Damocrates Democedes Demosthenes Philalethes Dexippus of Cos Dieuches Diocles of Carystus Pedanius Dioscorides Diphilus (physician) Draco (physician) E Epicles Erasistratus Eudemus (physician) Eudoxus of Cnidus Euphorbus (physician) Euryphon Evenor G Galen Glaucias (physician, 3rd century BC) Glaucias (physician, 4th century BC) -
Gerhard Müller. Die Römische Kurie Und Die Reformation 1523–1534
Modern Europe AVERIL CAMERON. Agathias. New York: Oxford MODERN EUROPE University Press. 1970. Pp. ix, 168. $5.50. GERHARD MULLER. Die romische Kurie und die Agathias, a poet, anthologist, and practicing Reformation I523-I534: Kirche und Politik lawyer, wrote a continuation of Procopius, wiihrend des Pontifikates Clemens' VII. (Quel len und Forschungen zur Reformationsge relating the wars of Justinian from 552 to schichte, Number 38.) [Gutersloh:] Gutersloher 559. He is one of the few secular historians Verlagshaus Gerd Mohn. 1969. Pp. 307. DM 45. of the early Byzantine period whose work survives in full; and although we might well In attempting to comprehend the actions of prefer the accidents of preservation to have Downloaded from https://academic.oup.com/ahr/article/76/3/767/94214 by guest on 30 September 2021 Pope Clement VII, even Charles v's memoirs spared Eunapius, Priscus, or Menander in express the exasperation: "God knows why stead, Agathias is of uncontestable value not the Pope acted thus." Divine understanding only as a source of data but also as a repre aside, Gerhard Muller's historical under sentative of the literary tradition in which he standing of Clement's politics does omit very wrote. revealing evidence as to the pope's rationale. It is particularly from the latter standpoint Contarini, "the Venetian More," put an ar that Mrs. Cameron has studied him, for, as gument before Clement as regards the latter's she insists, Agathias prized the literary qual choice of seeking the particular good of the ity of his work at least as highly as its veracity. -
Chapter 1 Barbarian Agency and Imperial Withdrawal: the Causes And
Chapter 1 Barbarian agency and imperial withdrawal: the causes and consequences of political change in fourth- and fifth-century Trier and Cologne Introduction Snapshots from the years 310, 410, and 510 reveal that the political landscape of the Rhineland changed almost beyond recognition over the course of three centuries. In 310 AD, Trier was one of the foremost cities of the Roman Empire, acting as a main residence of the Emperor Constantine and the seat of the Gallic praetorian prefecture. In Cologne, meanwhile, the completion of the fortress of Divitia just across the Rhine reinforced the city’s significance in the context of imperial defensive strategy. By 410 AD, however, both the imperial residence and the praetorian prefecture had been removed from Trier, and many frontier troops who had been stationed near Cologne were gone. The Rhineland had suffered an apparently devastating barbarian invasion, that of the Vandals, Alans, and Sueves in 406, and was to face many more attacks in the coming half-century. After the invasion, the legitimate emperors were never to re- establish their firm control in the region, and the reign of the usurper Constantine III (407 - 411) marked the last period of effective imperial rule. Around 510 AD, the last vestiges of imperial political power had vanished, and both Trier and Cologne were part of the Frankish kingdom of Clovis. The speed and extent of this change must have dramatically affected many aspects of life within the cities, and, as such, it is crucial that we seek to understand what brought it about. In so doing, we must consider the fundamental question of whether responsibility for the collapse of imperial power in the Rhineland ultimately lies with the imperial authorities themselves, who withdrew from the region, or with the 11 various barbarian groups, who launched attacks on the frontier provinces and undermined the Empire’s control. -
Basil the Great: Faith, Mission and Diplomacy in the Shaping of Christian Doctrine
Basil the Great: Faith, Mission and Diplomacy in the Shaping of Christian Doctrine Regarded as one of the three hierarchs or pillars of orthodoxy along with Gregory of Nazianzus and John Chrysostom, Basil is a key figure in the formative process of Christianity in the fourth century. While his role in establishing Trinitarian termi- nology, as well as his function in shaping monasticism, his social thought and even his contribution to the evolution of liturgical forms have been the focus of research for many years, there are few studies which centre on his political thought. Basil played a major role in the political and religious life between Cappadocia and Armenia and was a key figure in the tumultuous relationship between Church and State in Late Antiquity. He was a great religious leader and a gifted diplomat, and developed a ‘special relationship’ with Emperor Valens and other high imperial officials. Nicu Dumitraşcu is currently professor of Patristics, Mission and Ecumenism at the Faculty of Orthodox Theology ‘Episcop Dr. Vasile Coman’, University of Oradea, Romania. He is widely published in several journals worldwide. His most recent books include Christian Family and Contemporary Society (2014), and The Ecumenical Legacy of the Cappadocians (Collected Essays) (2015). Basil the Great: Faith, Mission and Diplomacy in the Shaping of Christian Doctrine Nicu Dumitrașcu First published 2018 by Routledge 2 Park Square, Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon OX14 4RN and by Routledge 711 Third Avenue, New York, NY 10017 Routledge is an imprint of the Taylor & Francis Group, an informa business © 2018 Nicu Dumitrașcu The right of Nicu Dumitrașcu to be identified as author of this work has been asserted by him in accordance with sections 77 and 78 of the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988. -
The Crossing of the Danube and the Gothic Conversion , Greek, Roman and Byzantine Studies, 27:3 (1986:Autumn) P.289
HEATHER, PETER, The Crossing of the Danube and the Gothic Conversion , Greek, Roman and Byzantine Studies, 27:3 (1986:Autumn) p.289 The Crossing of the Danube and the Gothic Conversion Peter Heather MMIANUS MARCELLINUS provides a detailed account of the re A lations between the Emperor Valens and the Goths during the period 367-378. But essentially because Ammianus does not mention it, there has been much controversy over the date of a Gothic conversion to Christianity ascribed in other sources to the reign of Valens. Equally, because the historians Socrates and So zomen link a civil war among the Goths to the conversion, it has also been unclear when this split might have taken place. It will be argued here that the primary accounts found in Socrates, Sozomen, and Eunapius can be reconciled with the secondary ones of Jordanes, Theodoret, and Orosius to suggest a Gothic conversion in 376. Fur ther, combined with Ammianus, they strongly indicate that Christian ity initially affected only elements of one Gothic group, the Tervingi, and was part of the agreement by which Valens allowed them to cross the Danube and enter the Empire in 376. It also becomes clear that the split too affected only the Tervingi, and occurred immediately before the crossing and conversion. This reconstruction in turn highlights the Huns' role in overturning the established order in Gothic society: their attacks first divided the Tervingi, who were unable to agree on an appropriate response, and prompted the larger group to seek asylum in the Empire and accept conversion to Christianity.